Social media is embedded in the lives of adolescents and young adults globally, raising urgent questions about

its impact on mental health. Recent evidence indicates a complex relationship between digital engagement and

psychological outcomes, including depression, anxiety, and sleep quality. This study empirically examined these

associations. A cross-sectional survey was conducted with 400 adolescents and young adults (aged 13–24,

balanced by gender and socioeconomic status), measuring daily social media usage, depression (PHQ-9), anxiety

depression, anxiety, and disturbed sleep, even after controlling for other variables. The study concludes that

higher and problematic social media engagement is strongly associated with increased depression, anxiety, and

poor sleep quality among youth. Findings highlight the urgent need for evidence-based digital literacy,

psychosocial interventions, and platform-level policy reforms.

The use of social media has profoundly altered the socialisation, education, and psychological processes of

adolescents and young adults over the past decade. Apps like TikTok, Instagram, and Snapchat have achieved

nearly universal penetration among youth, contributing to a global success story. Recent surveys indicate that

more than 90% of teenagers in developed nations report daily social media use, with average engagement

Shannon et al., 2022). Sleep disturbances, in both quality and quantity, are recognised as both correlates and

predictors of poor mental well-being in this population (Yu et al., 2024; Han et al., 2024). Social media use

(SMU) interacts with these risks in complex ways, offering opportunities for connection alongside unique digital

stressors.

An increase in empirical studies demonstrates a multidimensional correlation between social media use and

mental health outcomes. Evidence consistently indicates that the risks are most severe for heavy users, those

who engage in problematic patterns such as nighttime consumption, and individuals with heightened sensitivity

to peer feedback and social comparison (Ahmed et al., 2024; Yu et al., 2024; Shannon et al., 2022). Beyond

traditional risks like screen time, mechanisms including cyberbullying, content exposure, and social comparison

are increasingly recognised as mediators linking SMU to psychological distress and sleep issues (Fassi et al.,

Callahan, 2025). As digital engagement among adolescents and young adults continues to rise, understanding

the mechanisms behind SMU's effects on depression, anxiety, and sleep, and quantifying these impacts, has

become an urgent public health priority (World Health Organisation, 2024).

Despite increasing evidence linking social media use to higher rates of depression, anxiety, and sleep issues

among adolescents and young adults, understanding and tackling this problem is complicated by significant

variability in usage patterns, individual vulnerability, and psychosocial factors (Shannon et al., 2022; Sala et al.,

2024). Heavy or problematic social media engagement is consistently associated with negative mental health

outcomes, especially for young people who passively scroll (i.e., without interaction), use platforms late at night,

or suffer from cyberbullying (Ahmed et al., 2024; Shannon et al., 2022). Sleep disturbances serve both as a

et al., 2024; Pew Research Centre, 2025). Adding to this complexity, some research indicates that intentional,

active use of social media for support or information can reduce risks, complicating the assessment of risks and

benefits (Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health, 2024). A detailed analysis of how different types,

durations, and contexts of SMU influence outcomes is necessary.

Most importantly, most research in the field remains cross-sectional, which limits the ability to infer causality

and develop effective interventions. Bidirectional links—where mental distress both triggers increased SMU and

is worsened by it—are particularly poorly understood (Nagata, et al., 2025; Fassi, et al., 2025). Clinicians lack

clear guidance on screening for risky digital behaviours, and schools, families, and platforms are left without

evidence-based tools for prevention and intervention (World Health Organisation, 2024).

Recent studies emphasise the widespread use of social media among teenagers and young adults. Data from the

Pew Research Centre (2025) indicate that 95% of U.S. teens use social media platforms, with 45% reporting that

they spend "too much time" online. Global trends mirror this pattern, with average usage increasing since the

COVID-19 pandemic due to heightened social isolation and online schooling (Agyapong-Opoku et al., 2025;

Fassi et al., 2025). The most popular platforms are TikTok, Instagram, and Snapchat. Engagement varies;

females, urban students, and individuals from lower socioeconomic backgrounds tend to spend more time online

Shannon et al., 2022).

A strong finding is the dose-response relationship: for every extra hour spent on social media, the risk of

depression increases by as much as 13% (Agyapong-Opoku et al., 2025). Extensive cohort studies have

demonstrated that above-average SMU during early adolescence predicts heightened depressive symptoms a

year later, even after accounting for prior mood (Nagata et al., 2025). Not only is the frequency of use significant,

but the nature and context—such as nighttime engagement, passive consumption, and exposure to harmful

content—are crucial risk factors for both depression and anxiety (Yang et al., 2025; Yu et al., 2024). Sleep is

integral to adolescent mental health, with poor sleep quality strongly associated with increased depression and

Cyberbullying is strongly linked to increased depression, anxiety, suicidal thoughts, and low self-esteem (Fassi,

et al., 2025; Muhammed and Samak, 2025). Victims often experience lasting psychological distress, and

perpetrators also show higher levels of anxiety and depression (Nagata, et al., 2025). During the COVID-19

pandemic, increased online activity was associated with a rise in cyberbullying and digital harassment. Social

comparison serves as a key mechanism: platforms encourage users to compare themselves to idealised images

and curated lifestyles, fostering feelings of inadequacy, envy, and poor self-worth (Yang et al., 2025; Fassi et

al., 2025; Sala et al., 2024). Approval anxiety and FoMO have been strongly linked as mediators between SMU

and psychological distress.

Importantly, not all social media use results in negative outcomes. Active, intentional engagement, such as

seeking support within marginalised communities or accessing mental health resources, can build resilience and

mental health issues are more at risk (Fassi et al., 2025). Sleep quality often mediates the relationship between

SMU and mental health outcomes (Yu et al., 2024; Han et al., 2024). The COVID-19 pandemic added

complexity, with social media serving both as a buffer against loneliness and a source of distress (World Health

Organisation, 2024). Most studies are cross-sectional, limiting causal understanding and temporal clarity (Nagata

et al., 2025; Yu et al., 2024). There is a growing call for longitudinal research, clinically relevant outcomes, and

increased sample diversity. Mechanistic studies should differentiate between active and passive engagement,

problematic behaviours, and individual resilience (Fassi et al., 2025; Sala et al., 2024).

This study applied Displacement Theory, which proposes that individuals spend time on social media instead of

engaging in activities that foster psychological well-being, such as face-to-face interaction, physical exercise,

and restful sleep. When considering this perspective among adolescents and young adults residing in Nigeria,

particularly in Port Harcourt, the study suggests that sleep and opportunities for offline connection with potential

partners are often replaced by excessive, especially nocturnal, social media use. This shift can lead to increased

rates of depression, anxiety, and poor sleep quality. Recent longitudinal studies in the area support this view:

recent publications show that screen time displaces several sleep routines, with this effect being especially

The target group included adolescents and young adults aged 13-24 years residing in the capital city and largest

metropolis in Rivers State (Nigeria), Port Harcourt. According to the latest projections, Port Harcourt's

population is approximately 3.48 million, with a significant proportion of young people and young adults (Port

Harcourt is the fifth most populous city in Nigeria, and Rivers State reports that over 50% of its residents are

In survey research, determining a proper and academically substantiated sample size is crucial for drawing

conclusive and generalisable results. According to Wimmer and Dominick (2011), sample sizes for survey

Heavy users (M=8.1, SD=3.2) vs. light users (M=5.6, SD=3.0); t(398)=8.01, p<0.001.

SMU hours vs. PSQI: r = 0.35, p < 0.001

Table 3: Pearson Correlations (N=400)

***p < .001

Table 4: Multivariable Regression Models

Indirect effect (depression): 0.78 (95% CI: 0.52–1.09), mediation = 23%

significantly associated with increased depressive symptoms, heightened anxiety, and poorer sleep quality.

Notably, nighttime activity and exposure to cyberbullying were the most influential factors linked to negative

mental health outcomes. Although the overall link between social media hours and mood issues was modest,