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Climate - Induced Displacement and its Implications on Human
Security: A Case Study of Ghana
Daniel Ofori Frimpong, Clement Adjei Arhin
*
University of Ghana
*Corresponding Author
DOI: https://dx.doi.org/10.51584/IJRIAS.2025.101100011
Received: 13 November 2025; Accepted: 22 November 2025; Published: 03 December 2025
ABSTRACT
This paper investigates the socio-economic as well as environmental implications of climate-induced
displacement in Ghana, stressing the increasing vulnerabilities of communities hit by floods, droughts, and
irregular rainfall. Employing the Human Security and Sustainable Livelihoods Frameworks as its theoretical
pillars, this study examines the extent to which environmental stress acting in tandem with social systems
undermines both livelihoods and human wellbeing. The study employed a mixed method approach thus:
quantitative data were collected from institutional reports and surveys, whereas qualitative information came
from interviews and document analysis. The framework of this integrated approach allowed for a holistic view
on displacement trends, adaptation, and policy responses in Ghana. Findings largely show that with such climate
variability, livelihood insecurity has been intensified, agricultural productivity disturbed, and population
movements induced toward urban centers. Poor institutional coordination, lack of early warning systems, and
insufficient resource allocation were pinpointed as key issues limiting response efficiency. There is, however, a
couple of pieces of evidence of resilience, with a simulation of adaptation in communities and social networks
to lessen the depletion along displacements. In essence, the resolution of climate-induced displacement in Ghana
calls for coordinated governance structures, impartial monitoring and evaluation frameworks, and the coupling
of scientific evidence with participative local planning. Improving adaptive capacity both nationally and at
community level is crucial to ensuring sustainable livelihood and long-term resilience against climate shocks.
INTRODUCTION
Climate change, due to human activities, is now considered one of the grave global problems of the 21st century
(Kabir et al., 2023: Trenberth, 2018). Its evolution over the years has been largely attributed to the waves of the
age of industrial evolution in Europe, America and Asia (Zhang et al., 2011: Albritton Jonsson, 2012) which
more or less started a new epoch in the anthropogenic era (Hangsen & Stone 2016: Anderson et al., 2012). Even
though there are natural factors like volcanic eruption as Latif (2013) argues that Volcanic eruptions sometimes
cause climatic fluctuations, the dawn of the new anthropogenic era according to him triggered an “anthropogenic
influence on the climate” (p3). Other Scholars like Pei et al., (2015) whiles employing wavelet analysis argues
that the nexus between climate change and “large scale social crises” even date beyond the industrial evolution
to the “Pre- Industrial Europe” (p1).
The increasing frequency and intensity of extreme weather events-floods, droughts, storms-as well as slow
processes such as sea-level rise and temperature increase, are inducing profound changes in the global
environment (Zhang et al., 2021; IPCC, 2022). In the wake of these changes, Owley (2020) argues that one of
the most significant and tangible ramifications is climate-induced displacement, wherein people and
communities are forced to relocate due to unfavorable climatic conditions.
Multitudes of people are expelled forcibly from their dwellings in consequence of sudden or slow alterations of
their surrounding environment due to climate change, from typhoons to rising sea levels (IDMC, 2021; Warner
et al., 2019). In the literature of Arcaya (2020, he argues that his set of phenomena causes significant concerns
to displaced populations and other core groups within a community by breaking up social networks, economic
activities, or access to services essential to human security which is also cited in the 2022 human development
report (UNDP, 2022)
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Climate-induced displacements have been recognized across the globe as enormous humanitarian and
developmental crises. According to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), an annual
average of 21.5 million people have been displaced annually by weather-related events since 2008 (UNHCR,
2020). South Asia, the Pacific Islands, and Central America are particularly vulnerable due to their respective
geographies and socio-economic contexts (McLeman & Smit, 2016). Consequently, displacement tends to
engender a series of crises within these regions, including but not restricted to loss of earnings, poverty
intensification, and far-reaching health hazards. The social milieu of communities is oftentimes irreparably
wasted as the displaced population strives to find some form of social and economic accommodation in a new
setting. Therefore, this situation calls for an immediate policy intervention at both international and domestic
levels for addressing issues related to displacement, their root causes, and adaptation (Warner et al., 2019).
In the context of changing climates and varying socio-economic conditions, Africa is arguably the most
vulnerable continent to climate change (Bedeke, 2023: Arhin & Amoateng 2025). Some of the problems that
confront climate variability and change in Africa include desertification, deforestation, and rainfall variability
(Niang et al., 2014). For instance, the Sahel region experiences recurrent drought spells that severely lower crop
production, leading to food insecurity and largescale displacements (Tschakert et al., 2019). Kenya and Somalia
in East Africa battle droughts as well as floods that trigger thousands of displacements while increasing stress
on an already stressed environment (Opiyo et al., 2021). Ghana too has not been spared in this pan-continental
damaging scenario.
To the west, Ghana is bordered by the Gulf of Guinea, making it much of a climatic zone-carrier, with coastal
savannah, forest, and northern savannah regions (Owusu & Waylen, 2019). Each of these zones is presented with
its own peculiar climate-related challenges. Those in coastal areas arise from the risk of sea-level rise and coastal
erosion from marine processes; these processes give threats to settlements, agricultural lands, and vital
infrastructure (Boateng et al, 2020; Addo et al., 2021). The northern parts, however, are subject to erratic rainfall
patterns and long drought spells that further water scarcity and food insecurity due to the threats posed by climate
(Yaro et al., 2020; Teye et al., 2021). The greatest climatic pressure has been the foundation for birth in all these
attritional environmental realities.
Therefore, climate-induced displacements have emerged as an enormously important issue, with earth systems
speeding up migration processes (IDMC, 2021). Displacement disrupts social networks, economic activities, and
access to services and, thus, poses serious threats to human security (UNDP, 2022). According to the United
Nations Development Programme, "Human security means having economic security, food security, health
security, environmental security, personal security, community security, and political security" (UNDP, 2022).
In Ghana, climate-induced displacement affects several aspects that constitute human security-changing methods
of economic viability and social cohesion. In the study of Salifu (2021) on the “Climate-induced relocation and
social change in Keta” he argues that Coastal areas such as Keta and Ada have undergone home and arable land
losses with rising sea levels and also emphasized coastal erosion as a major issue, forcing the residents to move
away. These environmental pressures stand bizarrely apart from each other, inciting a wider list of consequences
from climate change, with floods and droughts gaining in frequency (Owusu & Waylen, 2019). In the northern
savannah regions, communities contend with prolonged droughts and erratic rainfall, which pressure crop
production and food insecurity equally (Yaro et al., 2020; Teye et al., 2021). Such disturbances go on to threaten
human security as displaced populations find it hard to forge stable livelihoods, obtain health care and education,
and get accepted as members of the new communities.
Due to being affected by climate change and the resultant migration, displacement constitutes a multidimensional
human security issue. Despite the available literature on climate change and migration, Black et al. (2022) as
cited in Borderon (2024) expressed the need for more nuanced knowledge about how displacement specifically
affects human security in the Ghanaian setting. The consequences of climate-induced displacement can be seen
in coastal areas such as Keta and Ada, where slow-pacing sea-level rise and erosion have destroyed homes and
farmlands (Addo et al., 2021; Boateng et al., 2020). Likewise, droughts and erratic rainfall in the northern
savannah zones have interrupted agriculture and food production systems and enhanced food insecurity (Teye et
al., 2021; Yaro et al., 2020). However, national responses to climate-induced displacement in Ghana have largely
been reactive and piecemeal (IDMC, 2021).
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One of the issues posed is that there is a lack of coordinated policy frameworks and comprehensive strategies to
tackle root causes of displacement and while assisting populations affected (UNHCR, 2022). This policy
emptiness and practicality urgently call for a holistic approach integrated with climate adaptation, disaster risk
altogether reduction, and sustainable development to enhance human security. Moreover, existing studies have
hardly investigated the interface among climate-induced displacement and other larger discourses of human
security in Ghana. Most tend to consider impact primarily from an environmental or migration perspective and
not from the perspective of how displacement influences economic security, social cohesion, and access to basic
services (Salifu, 2021; Ekoh et al., 2023).
Hence, the study aims to fill the gap by examining the effects of climate-induced displacement on human security
in Ghana. More specifically, it looks to identify the key causes of displacement, understand the socio-economic
impact on affected populations, and review existing policies and strategies. This intention is to help the study
contribute Towards effective and sustainable solutions to these complex issues arising from climate-induced
displacement and in protecting human security in Ghana.
Research Objectives
This study seeks to Assess the impacts of displacement on the economic, social, and physical security of affected
populations.
Analyze the patterns and drivers of climate-induced displacement in Ghana.
Evaluate the effectiveness of current policies and strategies in managing climate-induced displacement and
protecting human security
Provide recommendations for enhancing resilience and adaptive capacity among vulnerable communities.
Theoretical Background
The Integrated Vulnerability–Political Ecology Framework
Climate change, displacement, and human security perspective requires, besides environmental triggers for
migration, a social and political understanding of the structures that mediate how communities experience
change and respond to it. For this purpose, the present study considers an Integrated Vulnerability–Political
Ecology Framework from both the Vulnerability Approach and the Political Ecology Theory. Such an integrated
approach allows for a multidimensional perspective that interlinks environmental change with socio-political
inequality, institutional capacity, and adaptive resilience-all of which are necessary to explain climate-induced
displacement in Ghana.
The Vulnerability Perspective
According to the vulnerability approach, exposure to climate risks and the ability to adapt are, instead of
considerations of environmental stress, a function of a community’s social, economic, and institutional
conditions (Adger, 2015; IPCC, 2022). Vulnerabilities, then, are not states but rather forged through historical
and structural inequalities requiring access to resources, technology, and decision-making power. For Ghanaian
communities dependent on rain-fed agriculture or situated along low-lying coastal areas, displacement occurs
more often because their livelihoods and settlements have direct associations with fragile environmental systems.
The process is being enhanced by poverty, weak infrastructure, and few available adaptation mechanisms
(Appiah, 2025; Laube et al., 2022). A strong point of this framework, when viewed from the lens of vulnerability,
is that it concentrates on human agency and on differential risk; in other words, it acknowledges that not everyone
and every group suffers the effect of climate change equally. This is what makes it pertinent in the field of human
security, as it emphasizes the conditions that make people more susceptible to climatic shocks and displacement.
However, the main criticism against the vulnerability view is that it often treats vulnerability as a local or
technical problem, thus ignoring the larger political and structural forces that create and maintain these
vulnerabilities (Adger et al., 2015). Without addressing power relations, policy neglect, and global inequalities,
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the vulnerability framework might unjustly allow the affected communities to be viewed as passive pilgrims
rather than active actors embedded in a larger socio-political landscape (Brown et al., 2017).
The Political Ecology Perspective
Political ecology complements and furthers the vulnerability approach by emphasizing the political and
economic processes in environmental change (Robbins, 2019). It suggests that displacement caused by climate
changes cannot be completely grasped without understanding how governance, power distribution, and access
to resources determine both exposure to hazards and adaptation. According to this view, displacement is not
merely a natural consequence of environmental stress; rather, it is a social-political consequence that arises
through decisions regarding land use, development priorities, and institutional responsiveness (Benjaminsen et
al., 2012; Klein et al., 2014).
In the Ghanaian frame of reference, the theory of political ecology offers an approach to explore reasons behind
the persistence of vulnerability to displacement in certain areas such as Keta, Ada, and parts of northern Ghana
despite the presence of nationwide climatic measures. For example, shoddy governance and power relations
render unequal such avenues as coastal protection, agricultural subsidies, and disaster management resources in
the form of exposure and recovery (Sagoe-Addy & Appeaning Addo, 2013). This theory also brings out that
global climate politics and funding mechanisms usually end up further marginalizing developing nations, thereby
providing little or no support for community-based adaptation. Political ecology thus places local vulnerability
within a broader framework of inequitable policy and resource asymmetry.
The Intersection
This integration of vulnerability and political ecology engenders a more comprehensive analytical framework
able to explain both proximate and structural causes of climate-induced displacement. The vulnerability
approach gives us a micro-level understanding of how social and economic conditions affect adaptive capacity.
Political ecology, with its more macro emphasis, according to (Watts, 2017: Robbins 2019) can explain how
vulnerabilities remain due to systemic power inequities, inefficiencies of institutions, and neglect in policies.
Both approaches map the range between environmental exposure and socio-political processes, thus showing
that climate-induced displacement is not merely a reaction to physical hazards but is very much intricately
programmed through the diverse hues of human-environment interplay.
Also, this integrated framework versus directly underpins the concept of human security, which grounds this
study. Human security emphasizes the protection of people’s livelihoods, health, and dignity from environmental
and socio-political threats (Siloko, 2024: Berebon 2025). By linking the two theoretical perspectives, the
framework captures climate change as an undermining of human security through both material (economic, food,
health) and structural (governance, inequality, policy) processes. It further explains why responses to
displacement in Ghana have consisted largely of fragmented policy interventions that address immediate
environmental impacts but ignore political and institutional vulnerabilities that maintain insecurity.
Analytical search about climate displacements in Ghana shall find its conceptual base in the Integrated
Vulnerability–Political Ecology Framework. Therefore, this framework permits the assessment of not only the
causes of displacements by floods, droughts, and coastal erosion but also the predisposing conditions of human
insecurity such as poverty, policy fragmentation, and uneven access to adaptation resources. By giving equal
attention to environmental stress and socio-political structures, this ensures that the analysis strays from the
shackles of environmental determinism to apprehend the complexities of displacement in Ghana.
The framework articulates that climate displacement operates on both the environmental and governance level.
Thus, sound policy measures must respect the causes of vulnerability, including interdependently considered
adaptation, equitable resource allocation, and the semblance of institutional reforms to the strengthening of
resilience and human security.
Conceptual Framework
The conceptual framework for this study links climate change, displacement, and human security-gaining from
the vulnerability approach and political ecology theories-and as illustrated in Figure 1 below. The framework
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says that the climate change factors of drought, floods, and sea-level rise are main drivers of displacement. These
environmental changes directly impact livelihoods, especially agriculture and fisheries, leading some individuals
and communities toward migration. Vulnerability, thus, occupies the central position in determining population
response to climate change. Social, economic, and political factors such as poverty, access to resources, and
governance mediate the linkage between climate change and displacement. The populations with higher levels
of vulnerability are more likely to be displaced. The framework then examines the effects of displacement on
human security in its economic, food, health, and political aspects. In doing so, displacement undermines human
security by disrupting livelihoods, reducing access to resources, and exposing them to health risks.
Source: Author’s Construct (2025)
METHODS AND MATERIALS
This study examined the implications of climate-induced displacement and its effect on human security in Ghana
using a mixed method-based approach. The chapter, therefore, describes the research design, study areas,
sampling strategy, procedure for data collection, data analysis, and ethical safeguards.
A mixed-method research design was adopted (Kothari, 2004; Creswell, 2014), combining structured
quantitative surveys and semi-structured interview qualitative data. Such a design was employed because
climate-induced displacement is a multifaceted phenomenon, thus affecting the economic, food, health,
environmental, and social domains (Creswell & Plano Clark, 2011). On one hand, the survey generated
numerical data about the state, causes, and effects of displacement. On the other hand, the interviews helped
derive information on life experiences, policy response, and institutional impediments (Bryman, 2016).
The investigation was conducted in two situations in the climate-vulnerable areas of Ghana, namely, (1) the
Coastal Region, particularly Keta and Ada, where sea-level rise, floods, and coastal erosion have displaced entire
communities (Addo, 2013; Boateng, 2012); and (2) the Northern Savannah Region, where persistent droughts
and erratic rainfall have undermined agriculture and occasioned migration (Yaro et al., 2015; Teye et al., 2015).
These two contrasting areas were purposively selected so as to capture displacement patterns induced by water
and drought, respectively.
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Figure 1 Map showing the Ada East district and the Keta municipality
Data Collection Methods
The data collection method of the study employs surveys to reflect on the quantitative method whiles also
employing interviews to represent the qualitative approach. In context of the former, Structured questionnaires
were distributed to displaced households in the two regions. The questionnaire included five sections, (i) socio-
demographic characteristics of respondents; (ii) causes of displacement based on climate stresses (coastal erosion,
flooding, drought, sea-level rise); (iii) economic security (major income loss, changes in employment, access to
supports); (iv) food and health security (ability to meet food needs, access to healthcare facilities, issues affecting
physical or mental health); and (v) physical or environmental security (housing, water and sanitation, distance
to services), allowing the study to test displacement through all major dimensions of human security (King &
Murray, 2001).
Also, Semi-structured interviews were conducted with officials, community actors, NGOs, and a few displaced
people (Kvale & Brinkmann, 2009). These interviews investigated policy responses, institutional bottlenecks, as
well as these people's social and psychological conditions after being displaced. The flexible format allowed
probing into context or explaining survey findings.
Since the idea of the survey was to obtain information that could be generalized to the larger displaced population,
random sample was used in the selection of displaced households. For the qualitative component, purposive
sampling was used to identify key informants who had firsthand experience concerning, or responsibility for,
climate-induced displacement (Patton, 2015). Using Cochran's calculation, To determine the sample size for the
quantitative survey, the Cochran formula was used to calculate the required number of respondents. The formula
is given as:
n= Z2x p x (1-p) / e2
Where:
n₀ = the sample size
Z = the Z-value (the number of standard deviations from the mean corresponding to the desired confidence level,
e.g., 1.96 for 95% confidence)
p = the estimated proportion of the population that has the attribute of interest (often set to 0.5, which provides
the maximum variability)
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e = the margin of error (desired precision level, e.g., 0.05 for 5%) n= 1.96 2x 0.5 x (1-0.5) / 0.052
n= 3.8416 x 0.25 / 0.0025
n= 0.9604 / 0.0025
n= 384.16
Thus, the calculated sample size for this study was approximately 384 respondents, distributed between the 2
regions (192 respondents each).
For qualitative data collection involving external stakeholders, a smaller, purposive sample of 10 key informants
(5 from each region) was selected. These included government officials, representatives from private sector firms,
and international organizations involved in understanding the subject of climate-induced displacement and its
effects on human security.
Data Analysis
Quantitative data from the survey was entered using SPSS (version 27) and analyzed. Descriptive statistics
(frequencies, percentages, central tendency measures) summarized the characteristics of displaced households
and factors driving displacement. Inferential techniques such as chi-square and regression were applied to look
at the relationships between displacement and human security indicators- economics, food, or health security.
Qualitative interviews data were transcribed and thematically analyzed (Braun and Clarke, 2006). Coding
identified recurring themes such as livelihood disruption, access to service, institutional response, and coping
strategies. The qualitative results were used to interpret the deeper implication of the quantitative patterns.
In view of dealing with displaced and vulnerable people, proper moral safety measures were implemented. All
respondents gave informed consent; they were told about the purpose of the study and informed of their right to
withdraw from it. Lastly, their identities were concealed: all direct identifiers from data collection were removed,
and data were used for academic reporting only.
ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION
Response Rate and Demographic Profile
This very study underwent a 100% response rate and thus all selected people responded to the survey. This
helped remove non-response bias and made the findings dependable because the views captured by any means
were drawn from the full sample of displaced or climate-affected households that the study was targeting.
In terms of demographic statistics, the data also showed that climate-induced displacement is affecting a rather
young population: the largest age group is 18–29 years (42.2%), followed by 30–39 years (28.1%), with only a
small share aged 50 and above (9.1%). This implies that people in their productive and economically active years
are most exposed to climate-related shocks and movement therefrom.
The gender distribution was almost equal, 50.3% male and 49.7% female, indicating that in the selected
Ghanaian contexts, displacement is not gender skewed but affects men and women almost equally.
Educationally, most respondents had some schooling: 36.5% had reached secondary, 30.5% had primary, 21.1%
attended tertiary, and 11.9% had no formal education. The composition thus suggests that displaced populations
are not only illiterate rural poor; people are being displaced when climate acts on their settlements or means of
livelihood, affecting individuals with at least some level of education.
Slightly more respondents represented the Northern Belt (55.7%) as compared to the Southern/Coastal Belt
(44.3%), this again relating to the study's focus on drought displacements in the north, as well as coastal erosion
and flooding in the south. Employment was mixed: 27.6% casual labourers, 26.6% unemployed, 25% formally
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employed, and 20.8% self-employed. The pattern suggests that a good number of displaced people were already
in precarious or informal jobs, thus making them more prone to drastically lower earnings after displacement.
Table 1 Demographic Characteristics of respondents
Variable
Category
Frequency (n)
Percentage (%)
Age
18-29
162
42.2
30-39
108
28.1
40-49
79
20.6
50 and above
35
9.1
Gender
Male
193
50.3
Female
191
49.7
Education
Secondary
140
36.5
Primary
117
30.5
Tertiary
81
21.1
No formal education
46
11.9
Regional belt
Northern Belt
214
55.7
Southern Belt
170
44.3
Current Employment Status
Casual labour
106
27.6
Unemployed
102
26.6
Employed
96
25.0
Self-employed
80
20.8
Implications of Climate-Induced Displacement on Human Security
The findings indicated that climate-induced displacement in Ghana affects human security-wide issues such as
an economic one, food, health, psychological in nature, and environmental.
Concerning the economic factors, most respondents reported income decline after being displaced (59.6%), and
only a mere 21.6% witnessed some improvement. In most cases, displaced persons lost their traditional ways of
sustenance through farming and fishing and were compelled into unstable or informal employment. This gradual
erosion of income and stability had far-reaching effects on other aspects of well-being that fortified their
vulnerability to poverty.
Food security was negatively affected, too; about 50.8% indicated that their access to food had worsened, and
53.1% reported that they had started eating only two meals per day in contrast to before displacement. Limited
agricultural productivity in resettlement areas and reduced purchasing power further aggravated hunger and
undernutrition, especially in large households.
Regarding health, problems were widespread, with 69.8% experiencing health problems related to the process
of being displaced. The most common health problems were waterborne diseases (39.6%) and respiratory
infections (28.6%), associated primarily with poor sanitation, overcrowding, and exposure to contaminated water.
Some 62.5% complained about emotional stress or depression-another proof that displacement impacts on
mental well-being besides physical health.
Concerning physical and environmental security, nearly half of the respondents, i.e., 49%, reported that their
new abode was less safe than their original homes. Unless 62.2% enjoyed access to clean water and sanitation,
a staggering 37.8% still lacked these basic requirements. This clearly highlights the huge service delivery and
infrastructure gaps in resettlement areas.
The data show that climate-induced displacement undermines various dimensions of human security. It disrupts
livelihoods, weakens food and health systems, and increases emotional and environmental insecurity. These
challenges need integrated support programmes combining livelihood restoration, basic service provision, and
psychosocial support for displaced households.
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Table 2 Response on the implications of climate-induced displacement on human security
Category
Frequency (n)
Percentage (%)
Decreased
229
59.6
Increased
83
21.6
Remained the same
72
18.7
Worsened
195
50.8
Remained the same
126
32.8
Improved
63
16.4
Less than before displacement
68
17.7
1
81
21.1
2
204
53.1
3 or more
31
8.1
Yes
268
69.8
No
116
30.1
Waterborne diseases
152
39.6
Respiratory diseases
110
28.6
Malnutrition
79
20.8
Other
43
11.2
Yes
240
62.5
No
144
37.5
Less safe
188
49.0
About the same
101
26.3
Safer
95
24.7
Yes
239
62.2
No
145
37.8
Drivers and Patterns of Climate-Induced Displacement
The study shows that flooding (31.5%) and drought (29.4%) were the major climate-related displacement causes
in Ghana, followed by coastal erosion (20.6%) and sea level rise (10.9%). This output confirms holidays water-
related and drought-related hazards are in the process of causing population movement established under various
ecological planning concepts. Most of the displaced persons have been away from their original areas for a period
of one to three years (31.2%), showing major recent movements.
Displacement, on the other hand, was largely temporary (61.2%), with most households returning as conditions
improved. Still, an interesting number of victims (57.5%) express fear of being displaced again, indicating a
continuing vulnerability to recurring climate shocks. Repeated displacement is actually not very common;
however, that perception is still high among only 38.8% displacement victims who had been displaced more than
once.
Generally, the data show displacement following a cyclic pattern with communities uprooted during severe
climatic episodes on their back journeys to stability and rebuilding phase. This cyclic nature points to a strong
social and economic attachment of people to their lands and livelihoods but also indicates the fragility of local
adaptive capacity in the process. Therefore flood control systems must be strengthened, and arrangements must
be made for drought mitigation as well as coastal protection to break this recurring cycle.
Table 3 Response to the Drivers and Patterns of Climate-Induced Displacement
Variable
Category
Frequency (n)
Percentage (%)
Primary reason for displacement
Flooding
121
31.5
Drought
113
29.4
Coastal erosion
79
20.6
Sea-level rise
42
10.9
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Other
29
7.5
Length of years of displacement
1-3 years
120
31.2
Less than 1 year
109
28.4
4-6 years
82
21.3
More than 6 years
73
19.0
Nature of displacement
Temporary
235
61.2
Permanent
149
38.8
Frequency of displacement (more than once)
No
235
61.2
Yes
149
38.8
Risk of being displaced again
Yes
221
57.5
Uncertain
82
21.3
No
81
21.1
Policy and Support Mechanisms towards Climate-Induced Displacement
Awareness and support mechanisms play a crucial role in addressing the challenges of climate- induced
displacement. Findings indicated limited outreach, as 60.4% of respondents were unaware of any government
or NGO support programs. Just under half (48.7%) reported receiving some form of assistance, primarily in the
form of food supplies (35.4%) and housing (31.0%), while fewer received financial support (21.9%) or healthcare
services (5.7%). Perceptions of policy effectiveness were mixed: 48.2% rated policies as moderately effective,
33.6% viewed them as ineffective, and only 18.2% found them very effective (Table 4).
Table 4 Response to the policy awareness and support mechanisms towards climate- induced displacement
Variable
Category
Frequency (n)
Percentage (%)
Aware of any government or NGO
support programs
No
232
60.4
Yes
152
39.6
Received any assistance from
government or NGOs since displacement
No
197
51.3
Yes
187
48.7
Type of assistance received
Food supplies
136
35.4
Housing
119
31.0
Financial support
84
21.9
Other
23
6.0
Healthcare services
22
5.7
Effectiveness of current policies
Moderately effective
185
48.2
Not effective
129
33.6
Very effective
70
18.2
Recommendations for Future Interventions for Climate-Induced Displacement
Respondents recommended several key measures to enhance resilience to climate-induced displacement.
Infrastructure development was the top priority (41.4%), followed by climate- resilient agricultural practices
(29.7%) and early warning systems (20.0%). Suggested adaptation strategies included sustainable farming
practices (25%) and strengthening local infrastructure (20.8%). Additional recommendations involved
improving access to climate education (18.7%) and establishing early warning systems (10.4%). Smaller portions
of respondents advocated for government financial support (9.6%), water management strategies (7.8%),
partnerships with NGOs (4.4%), and community-led adaptation initiatives (3.1%)
Table 5 Suggested recommendations for future interventions for climate-induced displacement
Variable
Category
Frequency (n)
Percentage (%)
Infrastructure development
159
41.4
Priority to improve
community resilience
Climate-resilient agriculture practices
114
29.7
Early warning systems
77
20.0
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ISSN No. 2454-6194 | DOI: 10.51584/IJRIAS |Volume X Issue XI November 2025
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Access to financial and social support
programs
34
8.8
Implementation of sustainable farming
practices
96
25
Strengthening local infrastructure
80
20.8
Strategies to enhance community
adaptation to climate induced
displacement
Improved access to climate education
72
18.7
Establishment of early warning systems
40
10.4
Government financial support for climate
resilience
37
9.6
Water conservation and management practices
30
7.8
Partnerships with NGOs
17
4.4
Community-led climate adaptation initiatives
12
3.1
Qualitative Analysis
The interviews were analyzed using thematic coding, and several key themes emerged related to the socio-
economic impacts of displacement, the role of government and non-governmental organizations (NGOs), the
challenges in accessing basic services, and the ways communities have adapted to displacement. These themes
highlight the lived experiences of displaced individuals in Ghana, providing insight into their ongoing struggles
and their recommendations for improving their situation
Socio-Economic Impacts of Climate-Induced Displacement
Climate-induced displacement has come with its severe socio-economic consequences-especially on victims
whose livelihood rests on natural resources like land or the sea. Every interview talked about how droughts,
floods, and coastal erosion have become recurrent phenomena disrupting the income-generating activities.
Farmers and fishermen were cited as the most affected groups. Many farmers and fishermen lost productive
assets and tools or boats used for their livelihood and were forced to take unstable low-income jobs. Interviewee
1 an uprooted farmer testified, "Before the drought came, I used to farm and provide for my family... But now,
the land is dry, and I can't grow anything anymore. I've had to start looking for small jobs in town, but it's not
the same." Similarly, a fisherman said, "The sea was my life... but when the sea took our home, it also took my
boat. Now I don't have any equipment, and I'm just doing labour work to survive."
These narratives detail how displacement washes away traditional livelihoods and perpetrates poverty and
uncertainty against those affected. More often than not, the sudden loss of productive assets disrupts economic
independence and community identity, a theory consistent with that of Nawrotzki et al. (2020) and Ferris (2022),
who noted that displaced populations tend to lose their land and water-intensive cultivation or fishing income
and are thereby forced into insecure labor activities. This economic disruption increases vulnerability and lessens
the choices for adaptation.
Viewed through the Integrated Vulnerability-Political Ecology Framework, the findings show that environmental
hazards intersect with social inequalities to determine livelihood outcomes (Adger et al., 2013). Vulnerability
views are said to explain ways in which poverty, lack of access to adaptation resources, and poor infrastructure
magnify exposure to climatic stressors. Political ecology complements this by showing governance failure, bad
land-use management, and unequal resource distribution aggravating the displacement impacts (Benjaminsen et
al, 2012; Sagoe-Addy & Appeaning Addo, 2013). Hence, the two perspectives show that the socio-economic
effects of displacement in Ghana are not purely environmental but structural, requiring long-term livelihood
restoration and equitable resource allocation to break the cycle of vulnerability.
Challenges in Accessing Basic Services
Limited access to essential services, such as water, food, shelter, and healthcare, was found to be among the
foremost dimensions of vulnerability affecting displaced populations. The key informant interviews established
that displacement brings about an abrupt decline in the living standards of the affected communities. In one
respondent's words: "Before the flood, we had everything we needed. We could fetch water from the stream, and
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we had enough food from our crops. Now, we are in a new place, and we don’t have access to clean water. We
have to walk long distances just to find a little water, and it’s not even safe to drink." These experiences attest to
the fact that displacement means more than the physical uprooting of individuals: it also denies the displaced the
ability to fulfill their basic human needs.
Generally speaking, access to health was also very limited. Interviewees cited, for example, long distances to
medical facilities and that many could not afford treatment. explained: "When we were in our village, the health
clinic was just a short walk away. But now, where we've been moved to, the nearest hospital is far… We have
sick people here who can't get the help they need." Such accounts epitomize the overall collapse of human
security with the advent of climate-induced displacement as food and water security issues, and lack of adequate
medical care come atop social and physical insecurity.
A final point to consider is that, analytically, the findings reported by Campbell et al. (2021) have noted that
displaced communities are often confronted with greater public health risks because of limited access to clean
water, sanitation, and medical care; Nawrotzki et al. (2020) stress that displacement enhances food insecurity by
destroying local food systems and curtailing local agricultural productivity. The interplay of these shortages and
risks fortifies an interconnected, multi-dimensional framework of human insecurity, where economic, social, and
environmental risks are interwoven.
The Integrated Vulnerability–Political Ecology Framework presents these challenges stemming both from
environmental exposure and structural inequality. The vulnerability dimension speaks to the diminished ability
to adapt present in victimized populations that (lacking the assets and institutional support to) secure water,
health, and nutrition in their new environments (Adger et al., 2015). On the other hand, the political ecology side
highlights the systemic governance failures that compound the suffering and reinforce marginalization, such as
in the fragmented response to disasters, sub-optimal spatial planning, and inequitable allocation of public
services (Benjaminsen et al., 2012; Kelman et al., 2020).
In sum, it appears that climate-induced displacement in Ghana is a governance and equity issue rather than a
mere environmental crisis. Delivery of these services requires a comprehensive, multi-level approach to the
enhancement of local infrastructure, integration of displaced communities into the public service frameworks,
and design of national climate adaptation policy that explicitly considers access to water, health care, and shelter
as elemental facets of human security (Warner et al., 2019; Bettini & Nash, 2020).
Role of Government and NGOs in Addressing Climate-Induced Displacement
The study interestingly revealed that both governmental and other agencies play intervention roles but
unbalanced ones in addressing the challenges presented by climate-induced displacement in Ghana. Interviews
showed that while NGOs were fundamental in providing immediate relief mainly food, shelter, and temporary
assistance, their interventions tend to be short term in nature. In striking contrast, government efforts were
considered rather poor, as there exist almost no records of long-term planning or sustainable recovery programs
towards this challenge. Interviewee 6 lamented, "When we first got displaced, it was the NGOs who came to
help us. They gave us food and some supplies to get through the first few weeks. But after that we didn’t hear
from them anymore. The government didn’t do anything to help us rebuild our lives." A second respondent
shared the other side of the coin: "We were thankful when the NGOs brought us some food and tents to stay in.
But that was months ago, and since then, nothing has changed. The tents are falling apart, and we have no proper
homes. The government hasn’t stopped in to provide us with any long-term help. It feels like we’ve forgotten."
The matter shines a spotlight on how short-term humanitarian relief is disconnected from any viable recovery
framework. Similar conclusions have been found in other regions vulnerable to climate change, wherein
incoherent coordination between state and non-state actors has left displaced populations dependent on
inconsistent aid against recurring shocks toward their victims (Warner et al., 2019; Bettini & Nash, 2020). As
Kelman et al. (2020) affirm, this worldwide pattern of patchwork emergency measures without integration into
a coherent national policy engenders cycles of displacement and extended periods of instability. Ghanaian reality
comes into view, highlighting a desperate gap in governance and long-term adaptation planning.
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Governance challenges are structural determinants of vulnerability rather than mere administrative shortcomings
when viewed through the Integrated Vulnerability–Political Ecology Framework. The vulnerability perspective
reveals that displaced populations are constrained by their limited adaptive capacity, which is further exacerbated
by weak institutional safety nets and inadequate policy support (Adger et al., 2013). Meanwhile, the political
ecology viewpoint places displacement within power relationships and resource inequities wherein decision-
making structures often operate for the benefit of the elites in society and away from marginalized groups, while
disaster response remains reactive rather than proactive (Benjaminsen et al., 2012). Together, these perspectives
reveal that weak institutions and skewed political prioritization sustain vulnerabilities beyond the immediate
advent of disasters.
Climate-induced displacement management will require Ghana to strengthen inter-agency coordination among
governmental agencies, local governments, and civil society organizations. Development of a well-defined
national framework that spells out institutional roles distinctly, links short-term humanitarian relief with long-
term adaptation, assures continuity of funding, is paramount. Leaving the issue alone may undermine the local
community's resilience; hence, as Garschagen & Romero-Lankao (2021) state, it means "on one hand, structural
preparedness, and, on the other hand, governance returns." Therefore, a common approach that highlights
planning, protection of equity, and resource distribution to displaced people would substantially take them from
dependency status to sustainable recovery and human security.
SUMMARY OF FINDINGS, CONCLUSION, AND RECOMMENDATIONS
Introduction
The chapter gives an overview of the major findings of the study on climate-induced displacement in Ghana,
draws various conclusions based on the objectives, and makes some practical recommendations for policy and
community-level interventions. It looked at the key drivers of displacement, socio-economic implications,
coping mechanisms embraced by affected populations, and the effectiveness of the policy responses in the
Ghanaian context.
Conclusion and Summary of Findings
These were the four major objectives guiding the study.The findings show that the main drivers of climate-
induced displacement in Ghana are flooding, drought, and sea-level rise. These extreme events have disrupted
livelihoods, especially the farming and fishing communities, who have now had to relocate for survival. As
climate variability increases, these forms of displacement have become more frequent and severe opposed to
very threatening to the vulnerable population.
The second research found that displacement created an adverse impact on socio-economic development and
human security, including income loss, housing instability, limited access to healthcare, education, and sanitation
services, along with psychological trauma. Displaced persons have their social networks ruptured and livelihood
opportunities reduced, thus exposing them to further vulnerability and deepened poverty.
Again, the study observed how displaced communities mostly seek goodwill from informal coping mechanisms
like migration to urban settings, informal jobs, and the support of community and family groups. Such methods
provide couples with temporary relief, although still largely unsustainable at present; they thus place the
individuals at the risk of exposure to negative conditions and to possible social exploitation.
Due to these considerations, the study showed that policies and institutional responses remain fragmented and
reactive. Some government and NGO initiatives exist, but they mainly provide emergency relief with little
coordination, funding, or long-term strategy. · Because of this void, Ghana’s mechanism toward addressing
climate-induced displacement is crippled.
In essence, the study shall contribute to understanding displacement as a human security problem and not merely
as an environmental factor-affected by economic, social, and political factors. The mixed-methods approach
provides research in terms of quantitative evidence together with detailed qualitative insights into these displaced
people's lived experiences, thereby pointing out structural gaps within Ghana's adaptation and policy regimes.
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RECOMMENDATIONS
Based on approaches to tackling the complex problems of displacement due to climate and bolstering community
resilience, the following measures are proposed for consideration:
1. Th government should develop a comprehensive national policy framework on climate-induced
displacement that incorporates disaster management, climate adaptation, and human security. It should
provide a mechanism for inter-agency coordination, funding, and institutional mandates.
2. Revamp socio-economic support mechanisms through livelihood restoration programs, vocational
training, and better access to essential services such as healthcare, education, and housing to sustain long-
term recovery and integration for displaced communities.
3. Strengthen community adaptation and resilience. This involves establishing early warning systems,
providing local climate education, as well as supporting community initiatives that enable residents to
anticipate and prevent displacement risks.
4. Public awareness and education must be enhanced on climate risks by integrating climate change
adaptation into school curricula and national awareness campaigns to build preparedness and change
behaviors at the community level
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