women positioned at the symbolic centre of marriage rituals. Their increased public visibility as dress, ritual

practice, and performative acts is a necessary means of social recognition and identity validation. Men, by

contrast, adopt primarily a muted, matter-of-fact option, stipulating marriage in terms of economic duty and

stable long-term availability as opposed to symbolic exhibition. Findings account for how wedding festivals are

a powerful location for confirming classic gender roles: women's celebratory centrality simultaneously confirms

their social status and rehearses patriarchal obligation, while men's quiet presence announces persistent cultural

scripts of masculinity concerning provision and dominance. This research adds to more general arguments in the

academy around gender, identity, and cultural performance because it shows how celebration cultures are both

empowering and limiting spaces. The paper concludes by advocating for more inclusive marital practices that

balance symbolic visibility with shared responsibility and recommends further cross-cultural research to explore

and familial expectations. Historically and cross-culturally, it has been celebrated as a transformative rite of

passage into adulthood and the foundational act of family formation (Coontz, 2005; Cherlin, 2009). The

associated ceremonies and rituals are meticulously designed to communicate social status, cultural identity, and

community integration (Inglehart & Baker, 2000; Amato, 2012). However, the experience and perception of

these marital celebrations are far from uniform; they are deeply and systematically gendered. A consistent pattern

emerges across diverse societies where women frequently assume a central, highly visible role in the ritual and

symbolic performances of weddings, while men are often positioned in more peripheral, functional, or logistical

roles (Baxter, 2005; Boden, 2003).

This gender asymmetry is a representation of culturally inscribed scripts in which the woman occupies centre

stage at wedding ceremonies and embodies ideals of family honour, respectability, beauty, and purity (Ortner,

gender gap regarding how significant the ceremony itself of the wedding is, yet women are more concerned

about it as an indicator of social status (Boden, 2003).

This disparity suggests that women, more than men, align the visibility of their marital union with societal

expectations that frequently equate a woman's marital status with her personal respectability and social value.

Men structure marriage as a rite of passage role assignment of the novel full-time provider-of-a-home and not of

identity-revelatory public spectacle (Townsend, 2002; Eagly & Wood, 2012). While the rituals are symbolically

rich, despite this richness, such gendered differences in revelatory expression have been relatively intensively

investigated by few researchers. Most of the research that has centred on marriage has been interested in

structural aspects such as marital stability, divorce, and economic provisions (Amato, 2010; Cherlin, 2004), but

relatively little effort has been devoted to the phenomenological and performative nature of the wedding

The necessity for this study is further amplified by the rapidly shifting cultural and technological landscape in

which contemporary marriage celebrations occur. Globalisation and the pervasive influence of social media have

dramatically amplified the public visibility of weddings, transforming them into potent platforms for public

validation, identity curation, and even social competition (Illouz, 2007; Geller, 2001). Women, of all groups, are

seemingly the champions of this information age revolution. Empirical data suggest that most wedding-related

social media posts are constructed, edited, and published by women (Slaughter, 2019; McGuire, 2020). This is

not just evidence that women publicly praise marriage more but also evidence that women actively pursue

general societal approval of their marriages. While men are not as enthusiastic about these cyber practices, they

take on second-story roles in wedding story world construction on the internet. These new distinctions refer to

the pivotal need to examine how visions of gender, technology forces, and cultural practices intersect to shape

predominantly structural accounts. By placing terms like visibility, identity performance, and celebration at the

centre as key analytic concepts, this work will seek to make a significant contribution to the cross-cutting areas

of gender studies, cultural sociology, and family research. In addition, the results hold practical significance

towards examining how gender inequalities are reinforced and challenged through cultural norms and how

wedding rituals can be reinterpreted to foster more equitable and reciprocal relationships.

The Social Meaning of Marriage

Marriage has profound and multifaceted social significance in virtually all human cultures. It is not only a

contractual and emotional bond between two individuals but also a universal rite of passage, a marker of adult

status, and a method of forming and cementing community and kinship ties (Coontz, 2005; Cherlin, 2009).

Scholars from Durkheim (1893/1997) onwards have emphasised that marriage serves as a key institution for

In many non-Western societies, particularly across Africa and Asia, marriage is deeply intertwined with cultural

patriarchal societies, women's social identities are frequently legitimised and elevated through their marital

status, whereas men's identities are more often validated through occupational or economic achievements

(Oakley, 1972; Skeggs, 1997).

Even amidst processes of globalisation, modernisation, and the rise of individualised partnership models, the

symbolic power of marriage as a key identity marker remains remarkably resilient (Cherlin, 2004; Beck & Beck-

Gernsheim, 1995). However, its manifestation has evolved, often appearing through increasingly elaborate and

hybrid ceremonies that blend traditional symbols with contemporary consumerist and individualistic elements

(Illouz, 1997; Boden, 2003).

Gender, Culture, and Marital Rituals

The intersection of gender, culture, and ritual practice is particularly salient in the context of marital celebrations.

meanings related to beauty, purity, virtue, and social worth (Otnes & Pleck, 2003; Mead, 1949). Empirical studies

across diverse contexts consistently show that the vast majority of ritual activities, preparatory labour, and

financial expenditure are focused on the bride. For instance, research on African weddings notes that over 80%

of the ritual symbolism and preparatory focus is directed toward the bride, reinforcing her symbolic centrality,

while the groom's participation is often confined to specific functions like financial negotiations or formal

speeches (Obioma, 2018; Amadiume, 1997).

This gendered division of celebratory labour reflects deep-seated patriarchal cultural scripts that, paradoxically,

elevate women's visibility as cultural symbols while simultaneously reinforcing men's authority in the practical

domains of finance and decision-making (Connell, 1987; Bourdieu, 2001). This pattern is not confined to any

single region. Similar dynamics are observed in Western societies, where the "white wedding" complex heavily

strategic platform of public legitimation and identity formation, actively attempting to be recognised as

respectable members of society and for the respectability of their own kin (Skeggs, 1997; Jankowiak & Allen,

2017).

This desire for validation through wedded publicity is typically more pronounced in females than in males.

Survey studies across various cultures commonly identify a substantial gender difference in the importance of

the wedding itself as a public event. One of the leading contemporary arenas for identity performance, social

Male Perspectives on Marriage Celebrations

In stark contrast to women's experiences, male perspectives on marriage celebrations tend to be more restrained,

pragmatic, and framed around concepts of responsibility and status transition. Men often perceive marriage less

as a performative event for identity display and more as an assumption of new social and, particularly financial

obligations (Townsend, 2002; Kimmel, 1996).

Comparative research in various cultural contexts consistently shows that while men may associate marriage

analysing the gendered dynamics of marital celebrations: Social Identity Theory, Gender Role Theory, and

subjective, and socially constructed meanings that individuals attach to rituals and life events (Creswell & Poth,

2018). The comparative element expressly comparing and contrasting women's and men's accounts is required

Recruitment: The participants were recruited from a range of diverse sources to ensure diversity: religious

centres, social centres, online groups of newlyweds, and snowball sampling. Initial contacts were made with

community leaders and organisers of premarital courses to gain access to potential participants.

The final sample consisted of 30 interview participants and 28 FGD participants (with some overlap, leading to

a total unique N of 48). The sample was stratified to include roughly equal numbers of women and men from

each of the three geographical contexts. The demographic breakdown was diverse in terms of age (range 24-38),

occupation, and educational background, though all participants shared the common experience of having

Data Analysis

The data analysis followed a systematic process of thematic analysis, as outlined by Braun and Clarke (2006,

2019). This method is effective for identifying, analysing, and reporting patterns (themes) within qualitative

data. The process was iterative and involved the following phases:

The codes were collated into potential themes, which represented broader patterns of meaning. The analysis

specifically looked for patterns that differed between the transcripts of male and female participants.

Reviewing Themes

The potential themes were checked against the coded extracts and the entire dataset to ensure they formed a

coherent pattern and accurately reflected the meanings evident in the data. This phase involved refining the

themes.

Defining and Naming Themes

Each theme was clearly defined and given a concise name that captured its essence (e.g., The Wedding as a

Woman's Social Achievement, Male Restraint as Pragmatic Responsibility).

information sheet and gave written informed consent before participation. They were informed of their right to

withdraw at any time without penalty. To ensure confidentiality, all identifying information was removed from

the transcripts, and pseudonyms are used throughout this report. Given the personal nature of discussing marriage

and family, interviewers were trained to be sensitive to participants' emotions and to provide information for

counselling services if needed. The cultural significance of marital rituals was respected throughout the research

process.

Findings and Analysis

Women's Centrality in Marital Celebrations

The data consistently underscored the central and highly visible role women play in marital celebrations. This

centrality was expressed through an intense focus on their attire, their physical presence in rituals, and their

overall visibility as the spectacle of the event. Women participants frequently described their wedding day as a

This sentiment was echoed in focus group discussions, where women often framed a large, visible celebration

preference but a societal expectation that positions the wedding as a platform for a woman to accumulate

symbolic capital and achieve collective validation.

Women's Desire for Recognition

Closely linked to their centrality was a pronounced desire for social recognition. For the women in this study,

marriage was frequently framed as a key marker of identity, respectability, and social belonging an achievement

to be publicly announced and celebrated. Interview data revealed that many women interpreted marriage as a

social accomplishment as much as a personal one. For example, Fatima, a 32-year-old entrepreneur,

stated, "People started respecting me more after my wedding. It was as if, in the space of a single night, I wasn't

this girl who lived with her parents anymore but this woman who had done something. The wedding was the

proof."

collectively. Secondary sources, such as popular music performed at weddings, had a tendency to lyrically

In comparison to women, men consistently described a more restrained, pragmatic, and responsibility-based

approach to marriage celebrations. Yet, beneath this restraint lay nuanced emotions often overshadowed by

societal expectations. Some men expressed quiet pride in fulfilling the role of provider, viewing financial

contribution as their symbolic performance of love. For instance, Daniel (aged 33) noted, “Paying lobola and

financing the ceremony was my way of showing commitment; that’s how we express ourselves.” This suggests

that male restraint should not be read as emotional absence but as culturally encoded symbolism of care and

authority. Hence, male celebration takes a less visible, yet equally meaningful, form of ritual affirmation. David,

35, an engineer, shared the common perspective: "For me, being married was making sure that I would be able

to support my wife and future family. The wedding itself was important, of course, but it was a ceremony. The

real work started after. I didn't want to be the centre of attention; my job was to make sure the event took place

This pragmatic undercurrent emphasises men's subdued role in festivals, in sharp contrast with the hyperbolic

expressivity one finds in women.

Cultural and Societal Pressures

This pragmatic undercurrent emphasises men's subdued role in festivals, in sharp contrast with the hyperbolic

simply a personal trait of taste but are firmly rooted in social and cultural expectations. Female and male students

alike frankly testified to experiencing heavy social pressures to have a big party.

Maria, a nurse aged 26, explained, "If your wedding is not spectacular, people will say that your husband doesn't

respect you or that your family is not good. So, we want a wedding party that will close the gossips' mouths and

make everyone understand that we are respected." Another woman joined in, "It is the woman who gets blamed

if the marriage is not suitably celebrated. People will say things about her. 'Something was wrong? Was she not

worthy?' They barely fault the man in like fashion."

that is expected of us in silence." These narratives show how cultural scripts actively produce the gendered

asymmetry in celebratory practice, pushing women towards extravagant performance and men towards dignified

restraint.

Why Women Celebrate More Than Men

The findings reveal that symbolic visibility functions as a gendered form of power and constraint. Drawing on

Bourdieu’s (1986) notion of symbolic capital, women’s heightened visibility during marital celebrations grants

them temporary prestige within patriarchal frameworks but simultaneously reproduces gender hierarchies. The

bride’s spectacle becomes both a recognition of worth and a reaffirmation of subordination, where power

operates through visibility itself. This duality aligns with feminist critiques that symbolic recognition can mask

(2011) argues, wedding rituals are structured to disproportionately emphasise the bride, making her celebration

a necessary performance for both personal and communal affirmation.

Conversely, men's restrained approach is equally rooted in gendered social expectations. As predicted by Gender

Role Theory (Eagly & Wood, 2012), masculinity in most societies is measured less by ritual visibility and more

by demonstrated responsibility, financial provision, and authority (Kimmel, 1996; Townsend, 2002). The

wedding, for men, is often the gateway to these responsibilities rather than the performance of them. Therefore,

while both genders may view marriage as a transformative life event, the social function of the celebration itself

is skewed. It operates as a crucial stage for women to accrue what Bourdieu (1986) termed symbolic capital, a

form of prestige and recognition that is essential for their social standing. Men, whose capital is more often

derived from economic and professional domains, have less need to accumulate symbolic capital through the