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This paper examines power dynamics and class struggle in the academic system through the lens of Conflict

Theory. Grounded in the works of Karl Marx, Ralf Dahrendorf, and Randall Collins, it explores how educational

institutions both reproduce inequality and serve as spaces for transformation. Drawing from recent Philippine

Keywords: Conflict theory, social inequality, power relations, authority, education system, class struggle, social

change, domination, resistance

This article is anchored on Conflict Theory, a sociological framework that examines how social order arises not

from harmony but from tension and struggle between groups competing for power, resources, and control.

Rooted in the classical works of Karl Marx, and later expanded by Ralf Dahrendorf and Randall Collins, the

theory asserts that inequality and conflict are natural and inevitable features of society and that meaningful social

change emerges from these conflicts.

Karl Marx viewed society as divided into two major classes: the bourgeoisie, those who control the means of

production and the proletariat, the working class. This division creates a continuous class struggle because the

In the academic system, this perspective manifests through the unequal access to quality education, hierarchical

relations between administrators, teachers, and students, and the reproduction of privilege among the elite.

Schools, according to Marxist thought, function as mechanisms that legitimize inequality by rewarding

compliance, competition, and performance metrics that favor those already advantaged by social class. Thus,

education becomes a reflection of the larger capitalist system that perpetuates stratification.

Ralf Dahrendorf expanded Marx’s ideas by focusing not only on economic class but on authority as the source

of social conflict. He reiterates that every organization including schools is composed of dominant and

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RESEARCH AND INNOVATION IN SOCIAL SCIENCE (IJRISS)

ISSN No. 2454-6186 | DOI: 10.47772/IJRISS | Volume IX Issue X October 2025

Page 3251

www.rsisinternational.org

subordinate positions, where authority is unequally distributed. Those in authority (administrators,

policymakers) set the rules, while subordinates (teachers, students) are expected to comply. Brooks and Brooks

(2018) examined ethno-religious power relations among school leaders in Mindanao and found that leadership

manifest when subordinate groups challenge existing structures. For example, student protests, teacher unions,

or academic freedom movements are expressions of conflict that emerge when authority is perceived as

oppressive or unjust. Dahrendorf believed that this conflict is not necessarily negative rather, it is a driving force

for institutional reform and social progress.

Ralf Dahrendorf’s conflict theory has profoundly shaped the modern understanding of authority, class, and social

change. Dahrendorf argued that unlike Marx, who centered class conflict on economic ownership, real social

divisions in industrial and post-industrial societies stem from authority relations within organizations and

institutions. In his major work, “class and class conflict in industrial society”, Dahrendorf emphasized that most

modern conflicts arise not from property ownership but from who controls decision-making and exercises

authority, such as managers versus workers or administrators versus teachers, making his theory directly relevant

2025; Dahrendorf, 1959). This insight explains why conflicts emerge within schools and universities, not merely

from overt economic exploitation but also from struggles over legitimacy, participation, and decision-making

power.

Dahrendorf also advanced the understanding of how class and authority dynamics drive social change and

institutional reform. He argued that conflict is not only inevitable but also beneficial, serving as the engine of

progress by challenging the status quo and making systems more adaptive (Tittenbrun, 2016; Dahrendorf, 1958).

In the context of education, this can be seen when teachers’ unions, student groups, or administrative reforms

act upon latent conflicts, translating authority tensions into negotiated changes to policy and practice.

Dahrendorf’s idea that class lines are now organized around authority rather than simply property allows scholars

to analyze schools as sites where both resistance and adaptation regularly occur.

status group dynamics. He posited that schools are not just transmitters of neutral knowledge or skills but are

shaped by dominant status groups to propagate their values and maintain their advantages (Collins, 1971;

Malešević, 2019). This perspective underscores how educational requirements often serve as cultural selection

devices: those who best internalize dominant cultural norms and forms of conduct rather than simply acquiring

specific skills that are more likely to access higher-status positions. This theory extends to all forms of social

stratification, framing micro-level educational interactions as arenas for ongoing negotiation and contestation

over cultural and symbolic capital, reproducing broader social hierarchies across generations.

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RESEARCH AND INNOVATION IN SOCIAL SCIENCE (IJRISS)

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At the micro level, Marcaida (2020) analyzed student activism and found that Filipino students engage in both

digital and face-to-face resistance against institutional injustices. This aligns with Collins’ interactional

approach, showing that everyday resistance and symbolic struggle such as online mobilization, student

education. Further, Mabunga (2019) and Evangelista (2021) studied conflict management among administrators

in State Universities and Colleges (SUCs), revealing that administrative power often suppresses dissent rather

than fostering participatory governance. These findings underscore Dahrendorf’s claim that authority

as grading standards, academic discourse, and definitions of “success.” These symbolic forms of power maintain

inequality and limit opportunities for others. However, everyday resistance such as student advocacy,

collaborative learning, or critical pedagogy challenges these hierarchies and fosters social transformation from

below. While existing studies affirm that power and inequality persist in educational institutions, three major

gaps remain.

First, few studies have examined how authority structures such as policy control, faculty governance, and grading

systems directly contribute to class-based educational inequality. Most Philippine research focuses on descriptive

accounts of leadership and activism rather than integrating class and authority as measurable predictors. Second,

there is a limited research on how micro-level resistance (e.g., student activism, unionization, critical pedagogy)

leads to macro-level reforms in academic institutions. This leaves open the question of whether resistance

change.

Conflict Theory reminds us that meaningful social change often grows out of tension rather than agreement.

Within the academic system, persistent issues such as inequality, competition, and authority struggles should not

be dismissed as flaws but rather understood as signs of a system that is constantly evolving and redefining itself.

Drawing from the ideas of Karl Marx, Ralf Dahrendorf, and Randall Collins, this study seeks to illuminate how

education functions in two opposing yet interrelated ways: as a mechanism that reinforces oppression and

domination, and as a transformative space where individuals can question authority, challenge inequality, and

exercise resistance toward empowerment.

The distribution of authority within schools between administrators, teachers, and students reveals how academic

systems mirror the class struggles found in broader society. Those in positions of authority often define what

Contemporary sociological extensions of conflict theory incorporate intersectionality, emphasizing how class,

gender, and identity intersect to shape educational power relations. Feminist conflict theory critiques how

educational institutions reproduce patriarchal hierarchies that restrict women’s leadership and agency. While

women make up over 70% of teachers in Philippine basic education, they remain underrepresented in senior

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academic leadership positions, holding only 35% of deanships and 28% of top administrative posts (UNESCO,

2022; PCW, 2022). Scholars such as Hega et al. (2019), and Cerenado (2022) argue that these disparities reflect

gendered divisions of labor embedded in educational organizations.

Feminist pedagogy, as implemented in Philippine classrooms, aims to counter these inequities by promoting

inclusive dialogue, shared authority, and transformative learning. Cerenado (2022) found that feminist teaching

strategies enhance classroom participation and critical thinking among marginalized learners. Similarly, the

Philippine Commission on Women (2022) reported that gender-sensitive pedagogical practices foster safer and

more collaborative learning environments, particularly in STEM fields where women are underrepresented.

In parallel, Paulo Freire’s critical pedagogy reframes education as a process of conscientization developing

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RESEARCH AND INNOVATION IN SOCIAL SCIENCE (IJRISS)

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9. Hega, M. T., Dela Cruz, M. G., & Razon, R. E. (2019). Women in leadership: Intersectionality in

Philippine higher education institutions. Philippine Journal of Public Administration, 63(1), 1–24.

10. Khoo, S. M. (2019). Reflections on Randall Collins’s sociology of credentialism. Journal of Sociology,

11. Mabunga, R. A. S. (2019). Conflict management among selected officials of State Universities and

Colleges (SUCs) in the Philippines. International Journal of Management and Education, 13(1), 15–29.

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