In Zimbabwe's escalating drug abuse crisis, the Johane Masowe Chishanu Church (JMCC) has emerged as a

significant interventionist force. While existing scholarship predominantly focuses on mainline churches,

JMCC's distinct practices remain understudied. This study examines the spiritual methods JMCC employs to

combat drug abuse and their perceived effectiveness. Findings from 12 months of ethnographic fieldwork,

including unstructured interviews and observation, revealed that JMCC provides both prevention and treatment

for drug-related problems. Its spiritual warfare approach, which emphasizes prayer, intercession, prophecy, and

Keywords: Drug Abuse; Decolonial Theory; Johane Masowe Chishanu Church; Panopticism; Spiritual Warfare

Drug abuse has escalated into a national crisis in Zimbabwe, with youth (ages 15–35) disproportionately

affected. Recent studies confirm an alarming prevalence: 57% of youth engage in substance use [21, 48], driven

by structural vulnerabilities including high youth unemployment, familial fragmentation, and post-COVID-19

mental health stressors [5, 45]. The narcotics landscape is now dominated by mutoriro (crystal

methamphetamine), cannabis (mbanje), and diverted pharmaceuticals [37], with intensified availability due to

syndicated trafficking networks and porous borders [37]. Biomedical interventions remain critically under

resourced, with only three public rehabilitation centres serving a population of 16 million [28]. This limited state

capacity has created a treatment gap in which faith-based initiatives have become critical actors. However,

infrastructures. This gap in the literature has had the effect of privileging biomedical and Eurocentric Christian

models, while marginalizing indigenous spiritual ontologies that address etiological dimensions such as ancestral

discord or spiritual attacks that are often absent from dominant diagnostic models [6].

This study addresses this gap by investigating JMCC's spiritual practices through a theoretical triangulation of

Foucault, Mbembe, and Mignolo. It poses the following research questions: How does JMCC's approach to

spiritual discipline structure its prevention and rehabilitation practices? What implications does this hold for

developing context-specific public health strategies? How might JMCC's spiritual warfare model be translated

into public health policy without diluting its theological core? By examining the church's beliefs and practices,

this study seeks to contribute to a deeper understanding of the role of spirituality in addressing drug abuse and

to broader debates on decoloniality in medical anthropology and the sociology of religion. This paper begins

demographic plagued by socio-economic vulnerabilities including unemployment rates exceeding 90%, familial

fragmentation, and post-COVID-19 mental health stressors [30, 5]. The narcotics landscape is now dominated

by mutoriro (crystal methamphetamine), cannabis (mbanje), and diverted pharmaceuticals, with emerging trends

pointing to even more dangerous practices such as the abuse of prescription drugs and homemade intoxicating

substances [30]. The syndication of drug trafficking networks operating through porous borders has significantly

intensified drug availability, compounding the public health challenge [31].

The state's response has been critically insufficient, characterized by a necropolitical governance failure. A

necropolitical governance failure, is where the state abandons populations to preventable harm as evidenced by

failure to take meaningful interventions to deal with drug abuse. The public healthcare system, already struggling

with infectious diseases, has no financial capacity for drug therapy, and the country has only about 17 registered

In the void created by this state abandonment, faith-based organizations have emerged as critical interventionist

forces. Conventional public health interventions show limited efficacy, particularly for marginalized youth [45].

Recent scholarship acknowledges the necessity of culturally congruent models, with faith-based organizations

(FBOs) offering vital psychosocial support [23, 35]. Extant literature on faith-based responses to drug abuse

overwhelmingly prioritizes mainline denominations for example, Roman Catholic [23, 35], neglecting African

Initiated Churches (AICs) like the Johane Masowe Chishanu Church (JMCC). This neglect of JMCC is due to

its insularity and doctrinal distinctiveness [7, 18]. This oversight obscures potential culturally syncretic solutions,

as JMCC's spiritual warfare approach, conceptualizing addiction as spiritual bondage, addresses etiological

dimensions often marginalized in biomedical models [6]. This religious dimension is increasingly recognized in

global literature as pivotal to recovery [15, 9, 38] but marginalized in Zimbabwe's secular public health strategy.

Initially, many churches responded with a punitive posture. As Pastor Benny Guyo of the United Baptist Church

of Zimbabwe recalls, "At first, ten years ago, we would suspend church youths... intimidating them with Bible

verses" [30]. However, the scale of the crisis has forced a paradigm shift. Churches are now making a "U-turn,"

erecting anti-drug billboards, repurposing youth meetings into counselling workshops, and reintegrating

members battling addiction [30]. It shows a pragmatic evolution in ecclesiastical responses from moral

punishment to pastoral care.

Scholarly and practical focus has predominantly been on mainline churches and interfaith initiatives. For

instance, the Africa University Clinical Research Centre, in partnership with the United Methodist Church Youth

Pastors, established peer-support groups for young people recovering from DSA [30]. Interfaith initiatives like

neglecting the unique approaches of African Initiated Churches (AICs) like the Johane Masowe Chishanu

Church [7, 18]. This neglect obscures potential culturally syncretic solutions, as the spiritual dimensions of

recovery, increasingly recognized as pivotal globally [15, 9, 38], are often marginalized in Zimbabwe's secular

public health strategy.

models. It frames drug abuse not as a biochemical dependency, but as spiritual bondage inflicted by malevolent

forces (evil spirits), requiring divine intervention through prophecy, confession, and communal discipline [6].

This etiological understanding aligns with indigenous worldviews and represents a re-existence strategy. The

church's therapeutic approach, employing communal surveillance and public confession, functions as a form of

Foucauldian spiritual panopticism for behavioral regulation, creating an immersive community structure distinct

from more individualistic approaches in Catholic or Pentecostal contexts [6]. Public confession, functions as a

form of Foucauldian spiritual panopticism, where the ever-present gaze of the community and the divine induces

self-discipline.

This decolonial stance is a reaction against Western epistemologies and a reflection of the historical context in

the therapeutic efficacy of Johane Masowe Chishanu Church's spiritual warfare approach, with a pronounced

lack of empirical studies comparing its outcomes to biomedical or other faith-based models [6, 7]. Furthermore,

the literature fails to adequately investigate the conceptual tensions and potential complementarities between the

unexplored the broader applicability of JMCC's decolonial approach and the question of how its methods could

be legibly translated into anti-colonial public health strategies.

This study employs a triangulated theoretical framework drawing on the complementary insights of Michel

Foucault [8], Achille Mbembe [24], and Walter Mignolo [27]. This approach moves beyond applying three

separate theories and instead uses their combined analytical power to examine different dimensions of the Johane

Masowe Chishanu Church's intervention. The triangulation allows us to understand how JMCC's practices

function as a system of discipline, why they emerge as a critical response to state failure, and how they represent

a distinct form of African knowledge production and resistance. This integrated framework elevates the analysis

beyond simply measuring therapeutic effectiveness to interrogating the fundamental nature of power, survival,

and knowledge being reconfigured through JMCC's spiritual warfare against drug abuse.

Foucault's [8] concept of panopticism provides a crucial lens for understanding the mechanisms of social control

and behavior modification within the JMCC community. His analysis of how modern institutions exercise power

communities abandoned by the state and why JMCC's intervention carries such profound existential significance.

This integrated approach allows the study to analyse JMCC's spiritual warfare as simultaneously a sophisticated

system of discipline, a desperate act of communal survival, and a powerful statement of intellectual sovereignty.

decolonial approach might inform public health policy without being co-opted.

Church (JMCC) addresses drug abuse in Zimbabwe. The methodology was structured to provide systematic data

collection through immersive participant observation and structured interviews, with careful attention to

researcher positionality and ethical considerations.

reflexivity in a research journal, where the researcher documented and critically examined potential biases,

assumptions, and emotional responses throughout the research process. Ethical approval was obtained from

congregational leaders prior to data collection. Informed consent was obtained from all participants, with written

emphasized voluntary participation and the right to withdraw at any time without penalty. All identifiers were

removed and pseudonyms assigned to protect participant confidentiality.

disobedience, reclaiming African epistemologies to resist Western hedonism [27]. This aligns with findings on

JMCC's taboos [18, 6] and broader evidence linking religiosity to reduced substance abuse [36, 38].

confess publicly for three consecutive weeks, surrendering their church garments and undergoing re-initiation.

Madzibaba Mozy (Elder, 48) emphasized the deterrent effect:

In JMCC, if ever one goes against church laws, for example, by taking drugs or committing adultery, he or she

is supposed to publicly confess for three consecutive weeks, during which elders will take their church garment

from them. A member will be admitted into the church like a new member; this is so embarrassing since it is

public.

Data shows that those who abuse drugs in JMCC risk being publicly embarrassed by prophets who expose their

shenanigans during church services or will be forced to stand up and publicly confess their behaviour. Fear of

embarrassment act as deterrent to those members who would be drug abusers. Foucault's internalized gaze aligns

with the self-regulation induced by this prospect. [1] frames confession as a ritual producing penitent subjects

Madzibaba Tino (Prophet, 33) explained:

Unlike in mainline churches where there are no prophets, prophets in JMCC can publicly foretell temptations

which may befall believers to fall into drug abuse or unearth those people who take drugs but fail to make

confessions it is the role of prophets in JMCC to keep an eye on all congregants guarding against aspects which

can disturb their believers.

The above sentiments show that the role of prophets in controlling drug abuse is twofold, unearthing those taking

drugs nicodemously and informing and helping a believer against the impending evil force predisposing him or

her into sin. In concurrence with the findings,[6] opines that the degree of popular credibility, trust, and moral

authority vested in religious leaders enables them to direct events on the ground. [27] interprets this as decolonial

resistance, utilizing African spiritual knowledge (miteuro, prophecy) as an alternative to Western surveillance

support. Elders (vadare/vasadare) provide counselling, socialize members and act as role models, strengthening

social bonds that deter transgression. Madzibaba Joe (Survivor, 29) credited elders:

I had been helped immensely by our church elders in this congregation they taught me until I decide to abstain

from drugs, they always told me how these drugs harbour evil spirits in our lives and most of the time they

accompanied me during free time discouraging me from visiting beer halls until it made sense in me and I am

now a devout member and my health is even better than before

The above excerpt reveals that, using their pastoral power religious leaders provide guidance and counselling to

members to make positive lifestyle choices including avoiding drug abuse. Sometimes counselling is prescribed

by the prophet if he or she is told by the spirit of the need for counselling on the believer. [1] highlights how

such pastoral care ritually forms ethical subjects. Prophetic authority may also identify vulnerabilities, enabling

community surveillance conducted by church leaders, most youths in Johane Masowe Chishanu church do not

want to look bad in front of their peers, church elders, and parents for taking drugs. The role of Vadare and

Vasadare as advisers and in resolving conflict in JMCC is acknowledged by [33].

Data from JMCC shows that prophets employ prayers (minamato yechikomborero) to facilitate self-employment

(e.g., basket-weaving), countering idleness, a recognized risk factor for drug abuse [19, 29]. [24] frames this as

decolonial praxis, rejecting colonial labor systems (kuenda kwaKesari). The above observations align with [4],

who argued that Johane discouraged members from seeking employment (kuenda kwaKesari) from the whites

economic agency to believers.

In JMCC, prayer is central to liberating individuals from perceived demonic influences causing addiction.

Madzimai Joy (Prophetess, 40) described an intervention;

My husband, who used to be a chain smoker, was told by our prophets to bring his cigarettes, which the prophets

prayed with and offered back to him to smoke. After this, my husband did not want to smoke or touch a cigarette.

Madzibaba Sam (Key Informant, 65) corroborated:

Most male members of this congregation were taking alcohol and tobacco, but when they joined the

summarised by the African proverb, "Once beaten twice shy", for those delivered from the addiction quagmire

will see God and repent.

The results show that, JMCC provides cost-free treatment for drug-related ailments using locally sourced herbs

and rituals (miteuro). Madzibaba Max (Musondosi, 25) stated:

If you may ask most members how they joined JMC, you will find out they joined after being successfully treated

for their various ailments at no financial cost.

In JMC, locally available resources like lemons, honey, tree leaves, water, and stones are used to make

concoctions that help those suffering from drug-related problems at no cost.[24] positions this spiritual warfare

(kudzinga mweya yakaipa, kuporeswa) as a biopolitical and necropolitical struggle against death-dealing forces,

with the Holy Spirit as the ultimate sovereign. This starkly contrasts [44] critique of commodified, exploitative

typically eschew fees, accepting only voluntary appreciation).

Data from JMCC shows that intensive interventions in JMCC target the perceived spiritual roots of addiction.

Prophets cast out demons, and severe cases may involve isolation in sacred shelters (tsaka) under elder

supervision for prayer and herbal detoxification. Madzibaba Tino (Mudare, 57) explained:

made for him to withdraw from drug abuse.

abuse thereby helping the addict to recover from drug related ailments. Drug abuse is viewed as a sign of spiritual

bondage, which is dealt with using spiritual means. This spiritual healing reclaims life from necropolitical forces;

demons or /drugs [24]. [27] views the tsaka as a decolonial space where indigenous knowledge (herbs, communal

care) counters biomedical individualism, aligning with AIC trauma-healing traditions [6, 11]. The findings are

consistent with [6], who noted that shelters at JMCC prophets' residences and Johane Masowe shrines like

Micho's Chiweshe shrine, Wimbo's Goora shrine, Nzira's Seke shrine, Lawrence's Marondera shrine, and Tenzi's

Mbare shrine, amongst others, are used to offer rehabilitation to sick members of the church.

A core strength of JMCC healing lies in rejecting profit-driven healthcare. Healing, utilizing local resources

and health. [27] frames it as decolonial efficiency, challenging expensive capitalist health models. The findings

are in tandem with [11] who found out that in Kenya faith based volunteer Substance Use Disorder support

groups contribute up to $316.6 billion in savings to the US economy every year at no costs to taxpayers. This

offers significant economic advantages, echoing findings on FBO cost-effectiveness. In support of this, [31]

avers that drugs have serious economic implications like the need for highly costly rehabilitation services. In

this sense the use of healing techniques in JMCC to fight the drug scourge will help to reduce financial losses to

the country. To this end [17] posits that healing practices in the Johane Masowe Chishanu Church involve stones,

leaves of the hissing tree, burying the problem, singing, and pointing to the east, with potential for Afrocentric

social work in African initiated church communities.