Sex work remains one of the most contested forms of labor globally oscillating between criminalization,

victimization, and agency. In the Philippines, despite legal prohibitions, the sex trade persists under conditions

of poverty, gendered inequality, and social stigma. This qualitative criminological study examines how female

sex workers (FSWs) in Salug Valley, Zamboanga del Sur navigate vulnerability, social control, and deviance

survival mechanism and a locus of structural control where law, morality, and gendered power intersect. Despite

experiencing stigmatization and violence, participants exhibited agency and resilience, constructing moral

rationalities to reclaim dignity. This study contributes to criminological discourse by illuminating how deviance,

as socially defined, becomes intertwined with survival strategies in marginalized communities. It advocates for

harm-reduction and rights-based policies that treat sex workers as social agents rather than offenders,

emphasizing welfare, mental health, and safety within frameworks of social justice.

KeyWords: female sex workers, deviance, stigma, coping strategies, resilience

Sex work, historically labeled the “world’s oldest profession,” remains an enduring criminological concern

because of its intersection with law, morality, and gender-based inequality. Across societies, prostitution has been

From a criminological standpoint, sex work embodies a paradox of control and resistance. While formally

criminalized, it is informally tolerated in many localities, reflecting ambivalence in social control mechanisms

(Caba-ong, 2023). This duality positions sex workers simultaneously as offenders and victims—subjects of legal

repression and moral condemnation yet also target of exploitation and social neglect (Lake, 2013). Contemporary

criminology increasingly reframes sex workers not as deviant bodies but as social agents navigating systems of

inequality and control (Beattie et al., 2020). This study situates the experiences of Filipino female sex workers

within this paradigm, examining how they negotiate social stigma, institutional violence, and familial

estrangement while sustaining aspirations for stability and dignity.

The Philippines’ socio-legal framework criminalizes the sale and purchase of sexual services, but not the

underlying structural forces—poverty, patriarchy, and economic marginalization—that drive participation.

(Becker, 1963/2018). The stigmatization of sex workers represents a powerful form of symbolic violence,

enforcing moral boundaries through shame, exclusion, and institutional neglect. Yet, beneath this deviance

labeling lies a narrative of adaptation and survival. Understanding how sex workers construct meaning within

criminalized contexts offers critical insights into social control, resilience, and the boundaries of lawful behavior

in marginalized communities.

This study explores how female sex workers in Salug Valley, Zamboanga del Sur, experience and navigate the

intersection of vulnerability, deviance, and social control. Specifically, it sought to:

1. Identify the structural and interpersonal challenges faced by female sex workers;

2. Examine the coping strategies they employ to navigate stigma, violence, and legal marginalization; and

Folkman, 1984)—which collectively explain the criminogenic conditions shaping female sex workers’ lived

experiences.

Objectification theory posits that women are often treated as objects of male desire, valued primarily for their

physical and sexual attributes (Gattino et al., 2023). Within the sex trade, objectification is institutionalized—

women’s bodies become commodities for consumption, inspection, and control. From a criminological

perspective, objectification serves as a mechanism of social domination, reinforcing gender hierarchies and

legitimizing systemic exploitation. Self-objectification, in turn, induces psychological distress, shame, and

detachment from one’s bodily autonomy (Lloyd, 2022). For Filipino sex workers, this manifests as internalized

stigma—an internal struggle between economic necessity and perceived moral deviance.

Marxist feminism situates women’s oppression within capitalist relations of production. It interprets sex work

The Stress and Coping Theory provides a psychosocial lens for understanding how individuals adapt to adversity

(Miodrag et al., 2018). Female sex workers, facing chronic exposure to stigma, violence, and legal precarity,

employ coping strategies ranging from avoidance and denial to resilience and solidarity. Within criminology,

coping mechanisms reflect the ways individuals resist or internalize social control. For instance, secrecy and

selective disengagement can be viewed as both psychological defenses and forms of covert resistance against

societal condemnation. This theory helps explain how FSWs construct agency within oppressive structures—

balancing survival with self-preservation.

This study employed a qualitative transcendental phenomenological design, emphasizing participants’ lived

experiences as the foundation for understanding social phenomena (Creswell & Poth, 2018). Phenomenology

like Dumingag, Mahayag, Molave, Tambulig, Josefina, and Ramon Magsaysay, Zamboanga del Sur in

Mindanao, Philippines. The area consists of six (6) municipalities characterized by agricultural livelihoods,

limited formal employment, and high rates of poverty. Informal entertainment establishments—such as karaoke

bars and restobars—operate as hubs of sex trade, often tolerated by local authorities despite formal illegality.

This setting reflects a microcosm of the country’s broader contradictions: moral conservatism coexisting with

economic dependence on informal sexual economies (Legarde, 2023).

Six female sex workers of legal age participated in the study. Using non-probability snowball sampling, initial

contacts were referred to by community outreach workers. Inclusion criteria required participants to (a) be of

legal age (18+), (b) currently or recently engaged in sex work, and (c) voluntarily consent to participate.

were electronically recorded as consented by the participants and lasted for 45–90 minutes. The interview

followed an open-ended interview-guide questionnaire focusing on challenges, coping strategies, interactions

with clients and authorities, and aspirations. Participants were assured of confidentiality, and pseudonyms were

used in all documentation.

All interviews were transcribed verbatim in English and Cebuano, with translations verified for accuracy. Field

notes captured non-verbal cues and emotional tone.

Ethical approval was obtained from the Institutional Research Ethics Committee of the participating college.

Given the sensitive nature of the topic, trauma-informed interviewing techniques were employed to minimize

re-traumatization and ensure participant safety.

The data were analyzed using Moustakas’ phenomenological approach (1994), consisting of the following

synthesized into meaning structures.

5. Essence Synthesis – The overarching essence of female sex workers’ lived experience was articulated,

linking findings to criminological concepts of deviance, stigma, and control.

The study adhered to principles of confidentiality, voluntary participation, and informed consent. Given the

criminalized nature of sex work, protecting participants’ identities was paramount. Pseudonyms were used, and

identifiable details were removed. Participants could withdraw at any stage without consequence. The research

design aligned with ethical guidelines for qualitative criminology and research with vulnerable populations

(British Society of Criminology, 2022).

“When my father died, I used my earnings to pay for the burial. That’s when they softened toward me.” (P1)

“My sister doesn’t talk to me, but when she needs money, she messages me.” (P4)

This ambivalence mirrors Goffman’s theory of stigma—families serve as moral regulators reinforcing social

barriers to essential healthcare, turning structural stigma into physical vulnerability. Such findings echo global

criminological critiques of institutional neglect as a form of systemic violence against marginalized populations.

offer partial acceptance.

Theme 10: Children’s Bright Future

Maternal motivation was the most emotionally resonant theme. Nearly all participants linked their endurance to

it’s survival. “Such statements expose how structural strain (Merton, 1968/2019) transforms need into deviance,

illustrating that women’s “criminal” conduct often stems from systemic poverty rather than intrinsic delinquency.

Labeling theory (Becker, 2018) illuminates the power of community judgment in sustaining moral boundaries.

These strategies resonate with postmodern criminology’s emphasis on plural moralities: deviance becomes a

dialogue between dominant and subaltern meanings of virtue. The participants’ self-definition as “good mothers”

despite legal deviance reclaims agency through alternative morality, echoing Winter and Olivia (2024) who

found motherhood to be a primary identity repair mechanism among sex-working women.

Participants’ utterances vividly portray structural violence (Farmer, 2004)—the invisible harms inflicted by

poverty, stigma, and institutional exclusion. P5’s statement, “Some men don’t want to pay… I can’t report it

because I’m scared of the police,”-encapsulates the criminogenic paradox of control: legal systems designed to

maintain order instead amplify victimization.

Healthcare encounters likewise reveal institutionalized stigma. As P3 explained, “When I go for health checkups,

Perhaps the most powerful counter-narrative to deviance labeling emerged from motherhood. P2’s declaration,

“Everything I do is for my son to finish college,” and P6’s comment, “When I see my daughter studying, all the

pain is worth it,” transform condemned labor into moral sacrifice.

This aligns with Silva’s (2019) concept of the moral economy of survival, wherein individuals justify illicit acts

through culturally resonant virtues. In criminological terms, the mothers’ narratives enact moral reframing—a

discursive strategy that converts stigma into dignity.

This identity reconstruction allows moral continuity amid deviance and demonstrates that self-definition—not

The participants’ experiences expose how law and morality intertwine as gendered instruments of control.

Criminalization legitimizes policing of women’s bodies under the guise of protecting public morality. Yet, as P5

noted, “If the police catch us, they don’t help—they ask for money to let us go.”

Such accounts echo global findings that punitive laws foster corruption and exploitation (Platt et al., 2020). The

Engagement with healthcare and NGOs illustrates how participants negotiate partial inclusion within

exclusionary institutions. As P1 shared, “We have a card from the city health office; they give us free checkups

every month.” These instances reveal a pragmatic adaptation—what criminologists term compliance without

conformity.

Rather than outright rebellion, women engage tactically with structures that afford limited protection, while

rejecting those that impose humiliation. This balancing act reflects what Foucault (1977) described as micro-

politics of resistance—the everyday maneuvers through which marginalized subjects reclaim fragments of

autonomy.

The lived experiences of female sex workers in Southern Philippines reveal that deviance is socially

manufactured, not inherently criminal. Within an economy of scarcity and moral condemnation, women navigate

survival through endurance, secrecy, and moral reframing. Their utterances demonstrate that agency and

victimization coexist, challenging binary conceptions of crime and virtue.