This article aims to conduct a critical analysis of the concept of the cordial man by Sérgio Buarque de

Holanda, as presented in his work Raízes do Brasil. Initially, the text explores the concept of a cordial man,

which refers to the figure of a Brazilian characterized by cordiality in social relations, but who, at the same

time, carries a trait of submission, resulting from Portuguese cultural heritage. This concept, according to the

author, would be at the root of corrupt practices in Brazilian politics, where voters and politicians share mutual

responsibility for corruption. By associating corruption with the poorest population, predominantly made up of

black and mixed-race people, the concept of the cordial man obscures the broader dimensions of racism in

Brazil, making invisible the role of elites and businesspeople in maintaining structures of power and

enabling a grounded and contextualized reflection on the issues raised.

Brazil, with its strong slave-owning past, it still bears the legacy of a system that perpetuated the exploitation

and dehumanization of millions of black people. This legacy is not limited to the historical field, but continues

to shape the social, political, and cultural dynamics of the country, perpetuating racist practices that often

manifest themselves in veiled and subtle ways. The relevance of this article lies precisely in investigating how

racism, deeply rooted in Brazilian society, adapts and presents itself in the most subtle and disguised forms,

making it difficult to recognize and confront. In this context, a critical analysis of the concept of the cordial

man, as proposed by Sérgio Buarque de Holanda, becomes an important tool for deepening the discussion on

phenomenon of multidimensional racism, exemplified in the figure of the cordial man. In the first section, we

will explore the concept developed by Sérgio Buarque de Holanda, who describes the cordial man as a central

figure in Brazilian social formation. The author attributes a dual character to cordialism: on the one hand, it

reflects a relationship of human warmth, but, on the other, it manifests a predisposition to clientelism and

favoritism, which become structuring elements of Brazilian society.

In the second section, the text addresses some forms of racism in contemporary society, highlighting the subtle

and camouflaged forms that make it difficult to identify and confront. The text explores how structural racism,

rooted in the historical legacy of slavery, continues to perpetuate itself invisibly in institutions and social

relations, impacting the self- esteem and recognition of oppressed individuals, while new, more sophisticated

forms of discrimination, such as multidimensional racism, emerge and consolidate.

dissipating, has migrated to a more insidious configuration, in which prejudice and racial inequalities are

disguised under the cloak of neutral discourse and seemingly impersonal practices.

If we ask Brazilians what they consider to be one of the biggest problems in domestic politics, one of the most

common answers will certainly be patrimonialism. This concept, which is present in discussions about the

structural flaws in the country's political system, refers to a practice that has been ingrained since colonial

times, which confuses public interests with private interests, creating a dynamic in which the state is treated as

an extension of the personal assets of those in power. In other words, patrimonialism describes the close

relationship between public and private power, where many politicians and public managers use the state as a

tool to promote their own interests and those of the rentier elite.

kinship or patronage relationships.

Holanda (1995) goes on to emphasize that when the laws that regulate social coexistence and the functioning

of the state are subordinated to private interests—whether family, corporate, or specific groups—equity and

social justice are compromised. The consequence of this, according to Holanda, is that society is condemned to

face constant crises, which can be more or less serious and prolonged, since social relations become

unstructured and unequal.

According to Holanda's interpretation, the confusion between public and private property can be attributed to

the evolution of the family and social institutions themselves. For the author, public institutions are descended

from a continuity of family organization, and the State, as a public entity, only emerged from the transgression

of this domestic order. The formation of the State, therefore, was not an abrupt rupture, but a consequence of

institutional interests.

The social distancing introduced by new forms of work relations in the commercial environment, marked by

the division of labor necessary for the professionalization and efficiency of economic relations, does not seem

to have effectively reached the public sphere, which, according to Holanda (1995), continues to be permeated

by the logic of private relations, individual interests, and emotional ties:

In Brazil, where the primitive patriarchal family structure has prevailed since ancient times, the development

The personal characteristic mentioned above, strongly influenced by family ties and cronyism, contributed to

the formation of an administrative system where interests are often rooted in this type of relationship. This

dynamic tends to favor personality, which, in turn, can hinder the implementation of an impersonal

administrative order based on objective criteria.

In this context, Holanda (1995) emphasizes that Brazil's contribution to the relationship between public and

private, although not exclusive to us and subject to critical analysis later on, is strongly rooted in cordiality.

This cultural characteristic gave rise to the concept of the cordial man, which does not necessarily refer to

kindness or friendliness, but to the way in which interpersonal relationships influence public spaces, blurring

the boundaries between the personal and the institutional:

The friendliness, hospitality, and generosity so praised by foreigners who visit us represent, in effect, a

defining trait of the Brazilian character, at least to the extent that the ancestral influence of patterns of human

to assume that these virtues can be equated with "good manners" or civility. They are, above all, legitimate

expressions of an extremely rich and overflowing emotional background (Holanda, 1995).

Such practices, like those mentioned above, would contribute to the distancing of formal behaviors typical of

formal and impersonal relationships. This phenomenon reflects a cultural trait deeply rooted in Brazil,

according to Holanda (1995), where the boundaries between public and private, sacred and everyday tend to

blur. It symbolizes a tendency toward social interaction that favors emotionality and personal ties over rigid

formalities.

Holanda (1995) attributes several harmful effects to the habits of the cordial man, highlighting their impact on

the political, social, and commercial relations of the Brazilian people.

In religious social life, the author points to the demonstration of little respect in situations traditionally marked

by solemnity, such as receiving communion from the bishop's hands, a gesture that should symbolize

reverence and devotion, but which, from the perspective of the cordial man, takes on an informal and

over impersonal and pragmatic rules, hindering the development of commercial relationships based on

contracts and objective commitments.

traits deeply linked to Brazilian identity.

In Holanda's analysis (1995), a notable exclusion of the bourgeois class from the criticism directed at the vices

attributed to the figure of the cordial man stands out. The author restricts the defects resulting from this cultural

trait to the general population and, correlatively, to the politicians who emerge from it. Thus, a logical

Political decisions, in this context, would be marked by an absence of impersonal rationality and by the

predominance of emotions and favoritism, the result of the cordiality described by Holanda. This characteristic

is not limited to isolated individuals, but reflects a collective pattern, where personal passions and particular

interests override universal values and institutional norms.

Thus, both the general population and the political class—guided by a universe ruled by the "profane world,"

where emotions and disorderly instincts prevail disorderly emotions and instincts prevail – become central

figures in this critique. They lack the formality and impersonality that characterize more balanced and fair

political and social practices. Curiously, the bourgeoisie is left out of this critical analysis, being, in a way,

spared by Holanda. This omission suggests that the evils associated with the cordial man are seen as an

expression of the people, except for the groups that hold economic power, which raises questions about the

limits of this approach.

and exclusive trait of Brazilian culture.

racism, highlighting how the hidden face of this "cordiality" contributes to the maintenance of these dynamics.

The central question about racism in our society is no longer whether it exists, but rather how it manifests

itself. Nowadays, racism reveals itself in disguised forms, taking on subtle characteristics that make it difficult

to identify and confront. This disguise hides it in social structures, interpersonal relationships, and even

cultural narratives, often making it invisible to both the oppressor and the oppressed. This section seeks to

reposition these hidden layers, demonstrating how racism has not disappeared, but has transformed, adapting

to the contemporary context and perpetuating itself in ways that challenge critical perception and collective

action.

In a country like Brazil, where slavery was practiced for centuries—first on indigenous peoples and then on

Black people trafficked from Africa—structural racism remains deeply rooted in our society. This historical

windshields at a traffic light in exchange for a few coins, and said mockingly, "Those boys are also

Upon hearing this account, I remained silent, pondering. That day, I slept tormented. Even after a history class

on the subject of slavery, the boy said it was shameful to be a descendant of enslaved Africans. Even after

hearing about the violence and incessant abuse suffered by Black people, seeing pictures of slave ships

crammed with human beings in brutal conditions, their bodies branded with iron, reading that the work they did

when they arrived in Brazil was forced labor, the white boy said that being Black was a reason to be ashamed

windshield.

However, Jessé Souza (2021) alerts us to the various ways in which racism manifests itself, a phenomenon he

calls "multidimensional racism." Souza (2021) establishes a connection between racism and social recognition,

Racism destroys the moral core of the individual, that historical and contingent creation of the West, and their

ability to obtain social recognition, the most basic need of every human being. It achieves this by preventing

the development of the minimum forms of existential security that provide self- esteem, self-confidence, and

self-respect—which are prerequisites for any healthy social interaction, whether in the private and intimate

sphere or in the public life of politics and productive activity in all its dimensions (Souza, 2021).

The author not only establishes a connection between racism and the search for social recognition, but also

deepens his analysis by examining the impacts of racism on oppressed individuals. He goes beyond merely

acknowledging the existence of racism, emphasizing the importance of understanding how this unequal

dynamic erodes the subjectivity of the oppressed, compromising their self-esteem, self-confidence, and ability

to establish healthy social relationships.

perception of the less attentive.

In this sense, Bento (2022) draws our attention to the concept of "Institutional Racism," one of the

many ways of concealing racial prejudice that is deeply ingrained in social relations:

In the actions of institutions, the worldview, concepts, work methodologies, and interests of the segment that

occupies positions of decision-making and power are manifested in the structures.

Rules, processes, norms, and tools used in the workplace silently favor and strengthen those they consider