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The Influence of Social Relationships and Community Dynamics on
Crop Insurance Adoption in Magu District, Mwanza, Tanzania
Nicholaus Kemba Francis, Patrick Masanja, Francis F Lyimo
Department of Sociology St. Augustine University of Tanzania
DOI: https://dx.doi.org/10.47772/IJRISS.2025.910000446
Received: 20 October 2025; Accepted: 28 October 2025; Published: 14 November 2025
ABSTRACT
Despite the recognized importance of crop insurance as a strategy for managing agricultural risks, its adoption
among smallholder farmers in Tanzania remains remarkably low. In Magu District, for instance, only about
7.8% of farmers participate in crop insurance programs despite facing recurrent threats such as droughts,
floods, and pest infestations. This study explored the influence of social relationships and community
dynamics on crop insurance adoption among smallholder farmers in Magu District, Mwanza, Tanzania.
Employing a qualitative research approach, the study focuses on the lived experiences of twelve farmers
selected through purposive sampling. Data were gathered through in-depth interviews, analyzed thematically
to understand socio-cultural barriers influencing crop insurance uptake. The findings reveal that farming
decisions are heavily influenced by consultation networks, where farmers seek advice from peers and
community leaders. Despite the reliance on these social structures, skepticism towards crop insurance prevails,
largely due to inconsistent messaging from community leaders and the perpetuation of negative narratives
within social circles. Notably, social pressures, particularly from women and older generations, discourage
individuals from exploring insurance options, framing it as unnecessary or exploitative. The study underscores
that the credibility of community intermediaries and the cultural context significantly shape farmers'
perceptions and acceptance of crop insurance. Recommendations emphasize enhancing community
engagement through consistent communication, education initiatives, and leveraging peer testimonials to foster
trust and mitigate skepticism. Overall, the study highlights the complexity of social dynamics in agricultural
decision-making, suggesting that effective strategies for promoting crop insurance must address these
collective influences to improve adoption rates among smallholder farmers.
Background Of The Study
Globally, crop insurance has been recognized as a vital mechanism for mitigating agricultural risks caused by
climate change, pests, and market fluctuations. In countries such as India, China, and the United States,
governments and private sectors have made significant strides in promoting agricultural insurance as a
safeguard for farmers’ livelihoods. For instance, India’s Pradhan Mantri Fasal Bima Yojana (PMFBY)
program has expanded insurance coverage to millions of smallholder farmers by integrating it with local
institutions and digital platforms (Government of India, 2022). Similarly, in China, the government heavily
subsidizes crop insurance to enhance agricultural productivity and resilience. In contrast, despite awareness
campaigns and financial incentives, many developing countries continue to experience low insurance uptake
due to socio-cultural beliefs, mistrust, and inadequate understanding of insurance principles (Li & Zhang,
2021).
Across Africa, the adoption of crop insurance remains limited despite increasing exposure to climate-related
shocks. Countries such as Kenya, Nigeria, and Ghana have piloted various weather-index and micro-insurance
programs, yet uptake levels are still below 10% among smallholder farmers (FAO, 2023). The barriers often
stem from deep-rooted cultural beliefs, gender inequalities, and a general mistrust in financial institutions. For
instance, in northern Ghana, some farmers believe that insuring crops is a sign of mistrust in divine protection,
while in Kenya, women farmers are often excluded from decision-making processes that affect financial
investments. These socio-cultural dynamics suggest that insurance interventions must go beyond financial
incentives to address the social realities and value systems of rural communities (Ndiritu, 2022).
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In East Africa, crop insurance is increasingly being promoted as part of regional climate resilience strategies,
yet its success varies greatly. Uganda, Rwanda, and Kenya have introduced public-private partnerships to
expand insurance access, but participation rates remain low due to low literacy levels, misconceptions, and
weak community trust. Studies reveal that many farmers view insurance as a foreign or elitist concept,
disconnected from their traditional ways of managing risk such as communal support, savings groups, and
divine interventions. Moreover,
limited inclusion of local leaders and women’s groups in program implementation has reduced credibility and
acceptance at the grassroots level (Mutabazi & Chambo, 2023).
In Tanzania, the government has introduced agricultural insurance schemes through the Tanzania Agricultural
Development Bank (TADB) and other partners to safeguard farmers from unpredictable weather patterns.
However, participation remains marginal, particularly among smallholder farmers who form the majority of
the agricultural sector (URT, 2023). The low uptake has been attributed to socio-cultural and economic
barriers, including lack of trust in insurers, limited awareness, and traditional beliefs that crop losses are acts of
God rather than insurable risks. In addition, gender disparities and limited access to financial literacy programs
have further marginalized women and older farmers from engaging in crop insurance initiatives (Msuya &
Mbise, 2022).
Specifically, in Magu District of Mwanza Region, only about 7.8% of smallholder farmers have adopted crop
insurance despite recurrent crop losses caused by droughts, floods, and pests. The district’s agricultural
economy is dominated by subsistence farmers who rely heavily on traditional coping strategies and
community-based mutual support systems. Many farmers express skepticism toward insurance providers,
citing past experiences of delayed or denied payouts and inadequate communication. Additionally, cultural
beliefs framing crop failure as divine punishment or destiny further discourage insurance participation.
Therefore, understanding these sociocultural barriers rooted in social relationships, trust networks, and
community dynamics is crucial for developing culturally sensitive strategies that can foster positive attitudes,
strengthen collective trust, and ultimately enhance crop insurance adoption among smallholder farmers in
Magu District, Mwanza, Tanzania.
METHODOLOGY
This study employed a qualitative research approach, which was appropriate for exploring and understanding
the meanings individuals attach to social and cultural phenomena. The qualitative approach allowed the
researcher to investigate the socio-cultural barriers influencing crop insurance uptake among smallholder
farmers in Magu District by focusing on their lived experiences and personal interpretations. This approach
was chosen because it provided depth, flexibility, and context, enabling the researcher to capture rich
descriptions of farmers’ beliefs, attitudes, and behaviors related to crop insurance. A phenomenological
research design was adopted to guide the study, as it seeks to understand individuals experiences and
perceptions of particular social realities. This design was suitable because it focused on farmers real-life
experiences and the meanings, they attached to crop insurance, uncovering the underlying cultural and social
norms that shape decision-making processes and providing insights into how socio-cultural factors hinder
insurance adoption.
The target population for this study consisted of smallholder farmers residing in Magu District, Mwanza
Region, who depend on crop production for their livelihoods. Twelve smallholder farmers from Kahangara
Village were purposively selected based on their level of experience in farming, awareness of crop insurance
programs, and willingness to participate. Both male and female farmers were included to ensure gender
representation and capture diverse socio-cultural perspectives. Data were collected through in-depth
interviews, which enabled the researcher to explore participants’ personal experiences, beliefs, and attitudes
toward crop insurance in a flexible manner. Semi-structured interview guides with open-ended questions
facilitated detailed discussions. Each interview was conducted face-to-face in Swahili, recorded with
participants’ consent, and later transcribed and translated into English for analysis. The data were analyzed
using thematic analysis, following Braun and Clarke's six-step framework, where transcribed interviews were
read, coded, and categorized into key themes reflecting socio-cultural beliefs and barriers. Findings were
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presented narratively, supported by direct quotations from participants to illustrate their experiences, ensuring
authenticity and allowing the farmers’ voices to shape the interpretation of results.
Findings
Farming decisions in rural communities are often made collectively, with strong reliance on social networks,
community leaders, and peer influence. Yet, despite this support system, crop insurance uptake remains low, as
these same networks often reinforce doubt and skepticism. This study explored how social relationships and
community dynamics influence farmers’ decisions regarding crop insurance through three themes
Consultation Networks in Farming Decisions
Consultation networks play an influential role in farmers decision-making processes regarding agricultural
risks and opportunities. In communities where collective wisdom is valued, farmers often turn to neighbors,
peers, and village leaders before making critical choices. During the in-depth interview in Kahangara village,
this study revealed that a big number of participants (9 out of 12) (75%) often relied on their community and
local leaders for guidance when making decisions about farming risks, including crop insurance. The responses
indicate a strong tendency to consult peers and village leaders, highlighting the importance of local social
networks. As one participant 40 -year-old stated,
I often talk to community members and village leaders about their views on insurance decisions. In life, it's
essential to involve people before making decisions; otherwise, you might end up facing negative
consequences.
Another participant a 28- year- old noted,
Here, I usually communicate with fellow community members, we interact as neighbors and discuss matters
related to insurance. Additionally, a participant reflected, “I communicate with my close community members
and neighbors “Emphasizing that interpersonal relationships are key in navigating agricultural challenges.
This reflects a communal approach in which decisions are not made in isolation but through discussions within
trusted circles, highlighting the significance of relationships grounded in proximity and shared experiences in
shaping decision-making processes. The findings emphasize that the social fabric of the community plays a
critical role in influencing the understanding and acceptance of crop insurance, thereby demonstrating that
collective wisdom is often valued above external advice.
Influence of Community Leaders and Farmer Groups
Community leaders and farmer groups are important actors in influencing the uptake of agricultural
innovations, including crop insurance. However, their role is often inconsistent, leading to mixed perceptions
among farmers. During indepth interview in Kahangara village 7 participants (58 %) out of 12 believed
community leaders and farmer groups have a negative role in shaping opinions about crop insurance; however,
their influence appears limited and irregular. As one participant, a 30-year-old female lamented,
They rarely come to raise awareness, to the extent that I sometimes wonder whether there are no real
benefits in insurance or if it is just political matters, and it feels as though they are not serious at all.
This suggests that while there is an effort to promote crop insurance, it lacks consistency and depth,
which could lead to a lack of trust in the messages conveyed.
During conversation with agricultural officer, he said,“I have never seen this system of leaders working
effectively, especially among the insurance leaders since I was assigned here.”This sentiment highlights a
disconnect between the intentions of community leaders and the realities faced by farmers.
Furthermore, one participant a 66-year-old shared, They have come by, but I can't even remember when,
because its not common to talk about insurance.This highlights that discussions about crop insurance are not
integrated into regular community dialogues, reinforcing the perception that it is an unfamiliar concept.
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Social Pressure Regarding Crop Insurance
Social pressure within farming communities significantly influences how crop insurance is perceived and acted
upon. Collective skepticism, reinforced by peers, women’s groups, and older generations, often discourages
individuals from exploring insurance options. Through in-depth interview which conducted in Kahangara
village, the findings of this study revealed that 8 participants (75%) out of 12 experienced negative pressure to
reject insurance, as one participant a 35 year old noted,
I have received encouragement from many community members who believe it is a scam, and what is said by
many people is not to be taken lightly. This reflects a pervasive belief that insurance is not only unnecessary
but also exploitative.
The influence of women in the community is particularly notable. One female participant a 38-year-old stated.
“I have received pressure from my fellow women that insurance is of no help. This illustrates how gender
dynamics influence the shaping of perceptions of crop insurance, with women actively participating in
reinforcing skepticism.
Elderly community members also contribute to this negative perception. A participant 76-year-old mentioned,
“My stance on insurance is that I see it as costly and it won’t help me because for many years, we have been
told many things about being assisted in farming, but afterward, we don't see any results, and sometimes we
even spend money.
This viewpoint, prevalent among older generations, further entrenches the belief that crop insurance primarily
benefits government officials, as indicated by the statement from one participant a 66-year-old, Insurance is
only for the benefit of government officials These social pressures create an environment where farmers may
feel isolated in their desire to explore crop insurance, compounding their reluctance to engage with insurance
products and deepening the divide between traditional practices and modern solutions
DISCUSSION
This section examines how social relationships and community dynamics influence smallholder farmers
perceptions and decisions regarding crop insurance in Magu District. The central argument is that farmers
social environment including peer networks, local leaders, and community norms plays a critical role in
shaping both acceptance and rejection of insurance services. While economic and institutional factors remain
relevant, the findings suggest that social influence often determines whether farmers consider crop insurance
trustworthy, necessary, or compatible with their livelihoods. Data were collected through in-depth interviews.
Thematic analysis identified three key themes, consultation networks in farming decisions, the influence of
community leaders and farmer groups, and social pressure regarding crop insurance.
Consultation Networks in Farming Decisions
The findings reveal that the tendency of farmers in Magu to consult peers, neighbors, and village leaders
highlights the communal nature of agricultural decision-making. As participants reported, discussions with
trusted community members often precede major decisions, including those about crop insurance.
Farmers in Magu often consult peers, neighbors, and village leaders before making decisions about crop
insurance. This behavior can be understood through Vygotsky’s Sociocultural Theory, which posits that
knowledge is socially constructed through interactions within a cultural context.
These consultation networks serve as vital social mechanisms where beliefs about risk management are
reinforced or challenged. When farmers seek advice from respected community members, they engage in
collaborative learning, demonstrating that decision-making is co-constructed within their social environment.
Knowledge about crop insurance is thus shaped by the community’s experiences, opinions, and cultural values.
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Furthermore, these practices highlight how socio-cultural barriers influence the adoption of innovations. If
leaders are skeptical about insurance, it can deter uptake; conversely, if they endorse it, they can encourage
adoption by modeling positive behavior.
This underscores that communal consultation in Magu is not just a social preference but a crucial factor in how
farmers assess and decide on risk-management tools like crop insurance.
The findings of this study align with prior research emphasizing the role of social networks and peer influence
in agricultural decision-making. Kuruchimila (2019) found that strong social ties, including friendships and
group affiliations, significantly shape the adoption of adaptation strategies. Similarly, Hussein and Venance
(2023) reported that farmerswillingness to adopt index-based crop insurance is strongly influenced by the
experiences of their peers, where observing positive outcomes encourages uptake and negative experiences
generate skepticism. In Magu District, the present study confirms these patterns, showing that farmers often
consult neighbors, peers, and village leaders before deciding on insurance, highlighting the communal nature
of decision-making.
This study offers unique insights into the Magu District, emphasizing how communal norms, cultural
practices, and peer observations influence farmers' adoption of crop insurance. Unlike previous research that
views peer influence as a general factor, this study reveals that decisions are deeply rooted in local social
structures where trust and credibility within community networks play critical roles.
Farmers are influenced not just by what they see but also by collective experiences and shared norms. This
social-structural and cultural perspective provides a richer understanding of why crop insurance uptake
remains limited, even with awareness.
To enhance adoption, insurance providers and policymakers should leverage community networks and peer
influence. Engaging local leaders and sharing tangible success stories can build trust. Additionally, ensuring
transparent communication and timely payouts is vital to prevent negative experiences from spreading within
social networks.
Influence of Community Leaders and Farmer Groups
The findings revealed that the mixed perception about effectiveness of community leaders and farmers groups
highlight a disconnect between institutional outreach efforts and farmers’ everyday realities. While leaders are
recognized as important intermediaries, their engagement on insurance issues appears irregular, shallow, and
sometimes perceived as politically motivated.
The influence of community leaders and farmer groups on crop insurance decisions can be viewed through
Vygotsky’s Sociocultural Theory, which emphasizes that knowledge and behavior are shaped through social
interactions. In this context, leaders and farmer groups act as key intermediaries, transmitting cultural values
and knowledge about innovations like crop insurance.
However, the inconsistent and sometimes politically motivated engagement of leaders can hinder adoption.
When leaders appear self-serving, farmers may view insurance as less relevant or trustworthy, reinforcing
socio-cultural resistance. Similarly, if farmer groups are skeptical or disengaged, they can perpetuate doubts
about insurance, illustrating Vygotsky’s point that knowledge is socially constructed.
This mixed perception shows that adopting crop insurance is not just an individual choice but is deeply
embedded in social networks, influenced by the credibility of community intermediaries. In Magu District, the
effectiveness of outreach and innovation adoption hinges on the social credibility of leaders and peer groups,
highlighting the importance of Vygotsky’s theory in understanding crop insurance uptake.
These findings concur with Van Dijk (2022), who noted that in Mwanza, local leaders were sometimes
involved in mobilizing farmers for insurance-related programs but often lacked consistency and technical
knowledge, which reduced their credibility. Farmer groups, when actively engaged, have shown to be effective
channels for building awareness and collective bargaining power for insurance.
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This study highlights a mixed perception among farmers: while leaders are acknowledged as key
intermediaries, their engagement is sometimes shallow or politically driven, creating a disconnect between
institutional efforts and farmers lived realities. Additionally, the effectiveness of farmer groups is shown to
depend not just on formal structures but on the quality of participation, mutual trust, and prior success in
communal initiatives, providing a more granular understanding of social dynamics influencing insurance
uptake.
It emphasizes that institutional presence alone is insufficient; the social legitimacy of leaders and functional
cohesion of groups are critical factors. By documenting these context-specific dynamics, the study enriches the
understanding of how community structures can facilitate or hinder the adoption of crop insurance. Efforts to
enhance crop insurance uptake should focus on strengthening the capacity, credibility, and consistency of
community leaders, while also supporting farmer groups as effective, trusted channels for awareness and
collective action.
Social Pressure Regarding Crop Insurance
The findings revealed that widespread community beliefs labeling insurance as a scam” or “for government
officials” exert strong influence, discouraging even those who might be curious. Social conformity pressure,
often rooted in prior disappointments with agricultural support programs, deepen distrust and cultural
environment resistant to insurance.
Farmers in Magu District often perceive insurance as a scam” or “for government officials, a belief
explained by Vygotsky’s Sociocultural Theory. This theory posits that cognition and behavior are shaped
through social interactions within cultural contexts. In Magu, social pressure reinforces negative views about
insurance, compelling farmers to conform to prevailing community norms.
Even those who see the potential benefits of insurance may feel pressured to align with the majority. Historical
disappointments with agricultural support programs further entrench skepticism, making the community
resistant to formal interventions. This resistance reflects socially constructed knowledge and shared cultural
experiences.
Thus, social pressure acts as both a barrier and a reinforcement mechanism, shaping farmers' perceptions of
risk management tools like crop insurance. The findings underscore that adoption decisions are influenced by
the broader cultural and social environment, highlighting the relevance of Sociocultural Theory in
understanding the challenges of crop insurance uptake in Magu District.
These results align with Yarumba et al. (2024) who emphasized mistrust toward insurance providers as a major
social barrier. They found poor past experiences and inadequate service delivery reduced community trust in
insurance products.The gendered nature of this pressure is particularly notable. Women in Magu were
identified as key voices shaping perceptions, often reinforcing skepticism by sharing cautionary experiences.
This resonates with studies by Njuki & Sanginga (2020) who highlighted how women’s networks are central to
shaping household-level decisions on agricultural innovation, particularly where men migrate or share
decision-making responsibilities
Taken together, these findings illustrate that adoption of crop insurance in Magu is not simply a matter of
individual cost-benefit calculation, but is mediated by collective dynamics of trust, reputation, and conformity.
consultation networks provide the channels through which information circulates, leaders and groups can
legitimize or delegitimize external products, and social pressures enforce community consensus. The result is a
strong social feedback loop (negative narratives dominate, preventing insurance from gaining a foothold
despite its potential value.
This study shows that women are pivotal actors in reinforcing skepticism toward crop insurance, often through
sharing cautionary experiences. This highlights a nuanced mechanism of social pressure where gendered
communication within households and communities directly affects adoption decisions, adding depth to
existing literature.
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It highlights the interplay of historical disappointments, social conformity, and gendered communication in
shaping perceptions. By identifying women as influential actors in maintaining or altering community
attitudes. Awareness campaigns should actively engage women’s networks, incorporate trusted community
voices, and counter misconceptions with transparent information.
CONCLUSSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
This study concluded that adoption of crop insurance in Magu is not simply a matter of individual cost-benefit
calculation, but is mediated by collective dynamics of trust, reputation, and conformity. Consultation networks
provide the channels through which information circulates, leaders and groups can legitimize or delegitimize
external products, and social pressures enforce community consensus. The result is a strong social feedback
loop (negative narratives dominate, preventing insurance from gaining a foothold despite its potential value.
The study recommends that in order to enhance crop insurance uptake among smallholder farmers in Magu
District, it is crucial to strengthen community engagement and education initiatives that address the concerns
and misconceptions surrounding insurance. This can be achieved by fostering consistent communication
through community leaders and farmer groups, who should be trained to deliver accurate information and
promote the benefits of crop insurance. Additionally, creating platforms for open dialogue where farmers can
share their experiences and seek clarification can help mitigate social pressure and skepticism. Incorporating
testimonials from peers who have benefited from crop insurance may also encourage acceptance, while
targeted outreach programs specifically addressing gender dynamics and the concerns of older community
members can further facilitate a more informed and positive perception of crop insurance.
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