The frustration – aggression and constructivism postulations were used as frameworks of analysis. However, the

constructivism postulation was adopted in the study. Methodologically however, descriptive research design was

used as a tool of analysis. Purposive sampling method was adopted in order to solicit necessary information from

respondents who are knowledgeable or familiar with the topical issue under discourse. However, findings reveal

dialogue and mutual understanding were the measures implemented to strengthen diplomatic ties between

Nigeria and South Africa in the face of xenophobic attacks. The study also discovered, high level diplomatic

engagements, citizen diplomacy, cultural exchange, economic cooperation and conflict resolution mechanisms

were employed in addressing xenophobic attacks and improve diplomatic relations between Nigeria and South

Africa during of xenophobic attacks. Lack of trust, inadequate communication and domestic politics were viewed

by the study as the challenges and limitations of the measures used to strengthen diplomatic relationship between

Nigeria and South Africa are two of the largest economies in Africa, with significant cultural, economic, and

historical ties (Ogunnubi and Aja (2022). Nigeria is considered the world's most populated Black Country. As of

March 3, 2025, Nigeria's population is estimated to be 235,900,469, according to Worldometer. This represents

2.89% of the world's population. As of July 2024, the population of South Africa is estimated to be 63 million

people. This is a 1.33% increase from July 2023. After enduring both internal political strife and global

assistance, South Africa has been widely recognised as the conscience of racial equity on the international scene.

Africa's western region is home to Nigeria, while the southern region is home to South Africa.

Nigeria and South Africa, have been involved in each other’s different spheres of life-social, political and

economic (Adebisi, 2017). However, their relations have been marked by several stages, including rivalry,

Ironically, a high unemployment rate, hardship, and poverty exist in South Africa, and the local indigenous

population blames the societal and economic problems on the immigrants, whom they refer to as

“Amakwerekwere” (a derogatory South African word for foreign visitors to a township (Wiktionary, 2019). The

locals also accuse the immigrants of being responsible for the country's rising crime rate, prostitution rate, high

rates of drug addiction and trafficking, and human trafficking rate (South Africa). Therefore, in May 2008, April

2015, March 2019, and to this day, covert xenophobic attacks have been commonplace for foreign nationals,

primarily African immigrants in South Africa. The republic of South Africa's diplomatic ties with its neighbours

and other African countries, including the Federal Republic of Nigeria, have suffered as a result of these attacks.

Nigeria for some years now, has received some of its nationals in body bags after they encountered their untimely

death at the hands of xenophobes in South Africa (Ogunnoiki and Adeyemi, 2019). The most recent instance of

towards migrants, South African immigration and police have killed immigrants extra judicially without regret

or concern of legal repercussions. It is of this view that the constant xenophobic attacks and violence in South

Africa has a political under tone and has affected the spirit of pan- Africanism (Olotuche and Okolie, 2021), it

renders curbing xenophobia extremely challenging.

The relationship turned edgy in 2008 with the xenophobic attack on Africans that raised questions on the historic

friendship between the countries, (Seteolu and Okuneye, 2017). . Xenophobic attacks have led to a significant

deterioration in diplomatic relations between Nigeria and South Africa affecting the bilateral relationship, with

Nigeria recalling its ambassador to South Africa in 2019. The relationship between South Africa and Nigeria

deteriorated significantly as a result of South Africa's xenophobic attacks on Nigerians. This also led to strict

visa regulations and policies, visa and travel restrictions for tourists, businesspeople, students, and those seeking

strengthening their diplomatic relationship, in the face of xenophobia.

In spite of this, the attacks against Nigerians have persisted, severely compromising the two countries' diplomatic

ties.

The recurrence of xenophobic attacks on Nigerians in South Africa has raised concerns about the effectiveness

of measures to strengthen diplomatic ties.

Despite the historical and strategic importance of Nigeria-South Africa relations, xenophobic attacks on

persisted, threatening to undermine diplomatic ties and regional stability. Despite efforts to strengthen diplomatic

ties, xenophobia remains a persistent challenge, necessitating a critical analysis of measures aimed at

strengthening Nigeria-South Africa diplomatic relations and mitigating the scourge of xenophobia

The primary objective of this study is to conduct a critical analysis of the measures implemented to strengthen

diplomatic ties between Nigeria and South Africa in the face of xenophobic attacks.

The specific objectives are under listed beneath;

iii. Lack of trust, inadequate communication and domestic politics are the challenges and limitations of the

measures used to strengthen diplomatic ties between Nigeria and South Africa in the face of xenophobic attacks

The study will be carrying out with the aim to critically analyze the measures implemented to strengthen

diplomatic ties between Nigeria and South Africa in the face of xenophobic attacks. The following are the

significance of the study.

The study will be an addition to the body of knowledge already in existence, which provides researchers in the

fields of international relations and diplomatic studies as well as students who are interested in conducting

The findings of the study will guide strategy and policy decisions for practical steps to strengthen diplomatic

ties. The study's recommendations will offer policymakers, diplomats, and other stakeholders’ valuable

guidance. The study seeks to propose strategies for enhancing diplomatic ties between Nigeria and South Africa.

It will additionally be helpful to heads of state, diplomats, and ambassadors in suggesting strategies for

establishing and fostering solid bilateral and diplomatic ties with other countries.

This study would be significant because the findings highlights the measures implemented to strengthen

diplomatic ties between Nigeria and South Africa in the face of xenophobic attacks, thereby will serve as a guide

to countries to avoid xenophobic attacks on foreigners. Additionally, the study’s findings on measures

intelligence and tact to the conduct of official relations between governments of independent states extending to

their business with vassal states. Satow (1979) continues to explain that diplomacy can also be seen as the tool

with which the foreign policy of a state is traded.

Central to the frustration – Aggression (F.A) theory is the tenet that there is a causal relationship between

frustration which occurs when a person’s goal attainment is hampered and aggression. This conviction of the

nexus between frustration and aggression was first held by a group of Yale University Psychologists – John

Dollard, Leonard W. Dobb, Neal E; Miller, Orval H. Mowrer and Robert R. Sears in their co-authored

monograph: Frustration and Aggression (1939) (Ogunnoiki and Adeyemi, 2019) Frustration – Aggression (F.A)

theory (1939) stated that “the occurrence of aggressive behavior always presupposes the existence of frustration

and, contrariwise, that the existence of frustration always leads to some form of aggression” what is especially

noteworthy in this assumption is that, unlike the use of the word in everyday language, frustration here is not

(Dollard et al, 1939).

is also implied in later modifications and reformulations of the frustration – aggression theory. Two year later,

the theory was revised by Neal E. Miller (1941) and Leonard Berowitz (1969), (Ogunnoiki and Adeyemi, 2019).

The re-formulated theory suggests that while frustration creates a need to respond, some form of aggression is

one possible outcome. Therefore, the re-formulated theory stated that while frustration prompts a behaviour that

may or may not be aggressive, any aggressive behavior is the result of frustration, making frustration not

sufficient, but a necessary condition for aggression (Dolf, 1979).

According to Dollard and colleagues, frustration is the “condition which exists when a goal – response suffers

interference”, while aggression is defined as ‘an act whose goal – response is injury to an organism (or an

organism surrogate)’. The theory says that frustration causes aggression, but when the source of the frustration

as to the cause of violence.

Crossman (2019) defines ‘scapegoating as a process by which a person or group is unfairly blamed for something

that they didn’t do and, as a result, the real source of the problem is either never seen or purposefully ignored’.

The frustration – aggression theory exerted a very strong influence on decades of research, nevertheless, the

hypothesis was severely criticized on the grounds of theoretical rigidity and over generalization, clearly, it was

necessary to limit the scope of the theory to establish its validity. For instance, the initial hypothesis failed to

distinguish hostile forms of aggression, in which the actor’s goal is to inflict harm, and instrumental forms of

aggression, in which aggression is simply a means to attain other goals (such a control or domination). This

criticism can be dealt with rather easily by confining the frustration – aggression theory of cases of hostile

interferences do not necessarily produce frustration, only forms of interference that seem illegitimate (or arbitrary

or otherwise unjustified), they argued, should lead to frustration. (Ogunnoiki and Adeyemi, 2019).

Pastore (1952) was among the first to suggest that only illegitimate frustrations produce aggressive reactions, in

his study the subjects were asked how they would respond to various hypothetical situations such as a city bus’s

failure to pick them up at a regular Research indicated that aggressive behavior is indeed a prevalent response to

what are viewed as deliberate and unfair efforts to interfere with an individual’s goal – attainment opportunities.

similar investigation in which university women were asked to indicate what would be the ideal reaction to

variety of incidents and also what would be the likely actual response. The subjects believed that people were

Nicholas G. Onuf introduced Constructivism in IR with his book: World of Our Making (1989), (Ogunnoiki, O

and Adeyemi, A (2019). However, it was after the dissolution of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republic (hereafter

USSR) in 1991, which marked the end of the ideological struggle and arms race between the capitalist Western

bloc led by the United States (hereafter US) and the communist Eastern bloc under the leadership of the USSR.

Alexander Wendt developed the theory in his article: Anarchy is what States make of it: The Social Construction

of Power and Politics (1992) and in his book: Social Theory of International Politics (1999), (Ogunnoiki, O and

Adeyemi, A (2019). Other notable scholars that contributed to the development of Constructivism are: Emanuel

Alder, Friedrich Kratochwil, John G. Ruggie and Peter Katzenstein, (Ogunnoiki, O and Adeyemi, A (2019).

As an IR theory, constructivism, also called social constructivism, adopted the sociological approach in

and Sikkink (2001).

The Constructivists strongly believe that the structure of international relations is a ‘social construction’ via an

inter-subjective process between States producing and reproducing structures of shared knowledge over time

(MacDonald, 2015 cited in Ogunnoiki, O and Adeyemi, A (2019). In other words, the structure of international

relations is a product of States social interaction. It is from the social relationship of States that they derive a

shared knowledge of each other, (Ogunnoiki, O and Adeyemi, A (2019).

Constructivism in International Relations introduces a valuable perspective by analyzing how social constructs

influence state interactions and global governance. It underscores the significance of normative power in shaping

international norms and behaviors, thereby facilitating a deeper understanding of global politics.

relations with South Africa have been greatly influenced by this shared knowledge.

Nigeria has recently taken diplomatic action to address the frequent xenophobic attacks without cutting off ties

with South Africa.

The governments of Nigeria and South Africa have also improved their diplomatic ties and settled the tense

dispute through dialogue, high-level diplomatic engagements, citizen diplomacy, economic cooperation, and

conflict resolution procedures in response to South Africans' xenophobic attacks on Nigerians.

Because of the aforementioned, the study will critically analyse measures for strengthening diplomatic ties

between the two state using constructivism theory in international relations.

Africa in the wake of xenophobic violence had been overlooked. Evidently, this became a thing of concern within

the academic genre which necessitated a critical analysis of measures aimed at strengthening Nigeria-South

Africa diplomatic relations and mitigating the scourge of xenophobia. In this view, the study seeks to fill that

gap in literature.

This study uses the descriptive research design, which is a scientific method that entails observing and

describeing a subject's behavior without influencing the outcome. Descriptive research aims to reveal the key

componen ts and features of any phenomenon. This study details the measures taken to improve diplomatic

relations betw een Nigeria and South Africa in the face of xenophobic violence.