facilities, and operate from makeshift houses or rented accommodations (Agi, 2013). The cost of such
accommodation hampers their ability to acquire purpose-built educational infrastructure, modern equipment,
qualified teachers, and other resources necessary to meet the operational standards set by the state (Odeleye &
Oyelamin, 2012).
Despite these challenges, some private schools that exercise a high degree of autonomy have emerged as high-
performing and attractive institutions. In Kenya, for example, studies have shown that poor parents often bypass
fee-free public primary schools and instead send their children to fee-paying, low-cost private schools,
perceiving them to offer better quality education (Oketch & Somerset, 2010). These parents, though
economically disadvantaged, often make deliberate efforts to create favorable home learning environments for
their children (Wamalwa & Burns, 2017). The perceived high quality of private schools—characterized by
effective teaching, better teacher attendance, strong school performance, smaller class sizes, and good
discipline—drives many parents' decisions to enroll their children in such schools (Oketch & Somerset, 2010).
In Tanzania, the rapid growth of private secondary schools over the past two to three decades offers important
lessons on the influence of government policies on private education (Kivenule, 2015; Lassibille et al., 1999).
The excess demand for education services since the 1980s has been a major driver of policy changes that have
encouraged investment in private schools. In response, the government has removed policy barriers to private
education investment. This has contributed to a significant increase in the gross enrolment ratio and a widening
of access to secondary education within a relatively short period (Kennedy, 2014; Kivenule, 2015).
However, several studies indicate that despite growing demand and opportunity, private schools face notable
challenges. For example, Godbless’ (2014) survey of 161 respondents in Arusha City Council found that high-
quality education in private schools is often attributed to the availability of teaching and learning resources, such
as textbooks, qualified teachers, classrooms, desks, and laboratories. A traditional strength of private school
management is their capacity to manage and sustainably utilize material and physical resources, which reflects
not only accountability but also the rationales of private ownership.
Nonetheless, some private secondary schools fail to deliver quality education, experiencing low enrolment ratios,
frequent teacher turnover, and poor achievement of institutional goals, leading in some cases to school closure.
These failures are attributed to insufficient funding, poor administration, weak human resource management,
unfavorable government policies, stiff competition from other private schools, and the employment of
unqualified teachers.
In response, many private schools attempt to overcome these issues by raising school fees. However, this
approach often results in the exclusion of academically gifted students from economically underprivileged
families, undermining equity and access in the education system.
On a related note, an analysis by Sabarwal et al. (2020) on the potential role of low-cost private secondary
schools in Tanzania reveals that the share of private school enrollment has been negatively correlated with the
availability of public schools. Following the introduction of the 2016 Fee-Free Basic Education financing
framework, the public secondary education system in Tanzania has faced significant demand pressures—
pressures that the government, with its limited resources, has struggled to manage.
Using micro-level data from the Morogoro region, the study finds that private schools possess excess capacity,
which could allow them to absorb additional students at relatively low cost through potential public-private
partnerships (PPPs). Importantly, the study reports no evidence that service delivery or student performance in
private schools is inferior to that of public schools. These findings offer empirical evidence supporting the
feasibility of PPPs as a strategy to expand access to secondary education across Tanzania.
Without such partnerships, Tanzania risks facing significant supply shortfalls in basic education provision.
Moreover, detailed micro-data reveal that private schools in the country have the capacity, quality of service
delivery, parental demand, and willingness to collaborate with the government in delivering basic education
services. This suggests several entry points for exploring welfare-enhancing public-private partnerships in
Tanzania’s secondary education sector.