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Embodied Faith and Marginalized Motherhood: Decolonial Insights into

Iddah through Interpretative Phenomenology

Dr. Ambika T

, Mohamed Salihu M

and Dr. N R Suresh Babu

Assistant Professor, School of Law, Sathyabama Institute of Science and Technology, Chennai,

Tamilnadu, India-600 119,

Ph.D Scholar, Department of Sociology and Population Studies, Bharathiar University, Coimbatore,

Tamilnadu, India-641046,

Professor, Department of Sociology and Population Studies, Bharathiar University, Coimbatore,

Tamilnadu, India-641046

*Corresponding Author

DOI:

https://dx.doi.org/10.47772/IJRISS.2025.910000719

Received: 30 October 2025; Accepted: 04 November 2025; Published: 21 November 2025

ABSTRACT

This study examines the lived experiences of Muslim single mothers in Coimbatore who observe Iddah, the

mandatory waiting period prescribed in Islamic law after divorce or widowhood. While Iddah has been widely

discussed in theological and jurisprudential contexts, limited attention has been paid to how women

themselves negotiate this practice in everyday life, particularly when they are single mothers balancing faith,

livelihood, and motherhood. The research is grounded in Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) and

informed by a decolonial perspective, seeking to highlight women’s voices as authoritative sources of

knowledge rather than subjects of external interpretation. Fifteen Muslim single mothers, aged between 23 and

40 years, were selected for the study. The sample included both employed and unemployed women,

representing diverse socio-economic backgrounds. In-depth interviews were conducted, allowing participants

to reflect on the spiritual, social, and economic dimensions of Iddah. Thematic analysis revealed four major

themes: (i) faith as a source of strength and struggle, (ii) gendered expectations and community stigma, (iii)

economic survival during Iddah, and (iv) Decolonial reinterpretations of faith and agency. The findings

indicate that while Iddah imposes certain restrictions, participants also view it as a meaningful spiritual

practice that provides emotional healing and resilience. At the same time, community surveillance and

economic pressures exacerbate their marginalization as single mothers. By foregrounding women’s narratives,

this research challenges orientalist and patriarchal readings of Iddah, offering decolonial insights into how faith

is embodied, negotiated, and reinterpreted in the lives of marginalized Muslim mothers.

Keywords- Iddah, Muslim single mother, Interpretative Phenomenological Approach, Decolonial lens

INTRODUCTION

The practice of Iddah occupies a central place in Islamic family law, prescribing a waiting period for women

after divorce or widowhood. In the textual tradition, Iddah is framed as a religious safeguard for lineage,

modesty, and reflection. However, when this obligation is lived out in specific contexts, particularly by

Muslim single mothers, it carries meanings that extend beyond the letter of the law. The contrast between “law

in the book” and “law in action” becomes especially visible in the lives of women who must balance the

spiritual dimensions of Iddah with economic responsibilities, motherhood, and the pressures of social scrutiny.

Although there is growing interest in lived religion, the experiences of Muslim single mothers remain largely

absent from current scholarship. Most existing studies either examine Iddah through theological interpretations

or consider Muslim women through generalized discussions of patriarchy and tradition. Fletcher (2023)

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stresses that lived religious practices are always dynamic and resist being reduced to doctrinal formulas, while

Hjarvard (2020) emphasizes religion is continually reshaped through social and institutional mediation. Ives

and Kidwell (2019) point out that questions of gender and embodiment are essential for understanding

religious experience, and Jenkins et al. (2018) highlight how women’s religious lives are situated within both

devotion and structural limitations. In addition, Paul Victor and Treschuk (2020) note the importance of

resilience as a strategy among individuals facing vulnerability, a theme directly relevant to single mothers

negotiating Iddah.

By situating this research within these debates, the present study highlights an overlooked dimension of

Muslim women’s lives in South India. It examines how Iddah is interpreted and practiced by single mothers in

Coimbatore, exploring the tensions between religious obligation, gendered expectations, and socio-economic

survival. Drawing on Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis and informed by a decolonial perspective, the

study argues that women themselves must be recognized as authoritative interpreters of their faith. Their

voices not only complicate orientalist portrayals of Muslim women as passive subjects but also reveal Iddah as

a site of both constraint and agency.

Objectives of the Study

The first objective of this study is to explore how Islamic faith influences the experiences of Muslim single

mothers who observe Iddah. While the practice is often described in religious texts as a period of waiting and

reflection, its actual meaning for women depends on how they embody faith within their everyday lives. For

single mothers, Iddah is not only a matter of religious obligation but also a deeply personal experience that

intersects with their role as caregivers and their status within the community. This research therefore seeks to

understand the extent to which faith acts as a source of resilience, comfort, or restriction, and how women

themselves interpret its spiritual significance.

The second objective is to identify decolonial insights into the practice of Iddah through the lived experiences

of the participants. Much of the existing literature on Muslim women has been framed by either theological

debates or Western feminist critiques, which often overlook how women in specific cultural contexts define

their own religious practices. By adopting a decolonial lens, this study highlights the agency of Muslim single

mothers as interpreters of their own traditions. Their voices challenge orientalist portrayals of Muslim women

as passive subjects and instead reveal how Iddah can be reframed as a practice of dignity, continuity, and

cultural identity.

The third objective is to examine the socio-economic and emotional challenges faced by Muslim single

mothers during Iddah. Observing seclusion or reduced mobility may limit their ability to participate in paid

work, leading to financial strain. At the same time, these women may experience heightened social stigma, as

widows and divorcees are often marginalized within their own communities. Emotional struggles, including

loneliness and anxiety, are further compounded by the demands of child-rearing and the absence of spousal

support. This study aims to capture these layered challenges in order to better understand the lived realities of

single mothers who observe Iddah, and to provide insights that could inform more culturally sensitive support

systems.

Reviews

The sociology of religion has increasingly moved away from viewing religious practices as fixed obligations

and towards an emphasis on lived experiences. Scholars in this tradition argue that faith must be understood as

it is embodied and interpreted by practitioners in their everyday lives. Fletcher (2023) highlights that lived

religion resists essentialist understandings by focusing on individual meaning-making and the contextual

negotiation of belief. Similarly, Hjarvard (2020) notes that religious practices are shaped by social institutions,

media, and local communities, underscoring that the actual observance of rituals often differs from their

prescriptive forms. This broader perspective is crucial when examining practices such as Iddah, which are not

only prescribed in sacred texts but also mediated by cultural and socio-economic realities.

Research on gender and embodiment has also contributed to understanding how women interpret religious

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obligations. Ives and Kidwell (2019) stress that women’s religious practices cannot be reduced to compliance

or resistance, but must be seen as embodied negotiations of identity, spirituality, and social norms. Jenkins,

Meyer, and Thomas (2018) similarly argue that women’s religious lives often move between devotion and

structural constraint, showing how gendered expectations shape the performance of faith. These perspectives

are particularly relevant for Muslim single mothers, who not only engage in Iddah as a religious duty but also

experience it through the lens of stigma, community surveillance, and motherhood responsibilities.

A parallel strand of scholarship on resilience highlights how individuals in marginalized positions draw upon

cultural and religious resources to navigate adversity. Paul Victor and Treschuk (2020) demonstrate that

resilience in vulnerable populations is often sustained by spiritual practices and social support, suggesting that

rituals like Iddah may serve both as a source of struggle and as a coping mechanism. This resonates with

earlier insights by Mahmood (2011), who showed that Muslim women’s agency cannot always be understood

through secular feminist categories, but must instead be recognized within their own faith traditions.

At the same time, decolonial scholars have critiqued the dominance of Eurocentric interpretations in studies of

religion and gender. Mignolo (2018) argues that decolonial thought seeks to value knowledge systems that

emerge from the Global South, challenging orientalist portrayals of Muslim women as passive or oppressed.

Applying this perspective to Iddah allows researchers to shift from external judgments about the practice to the

voices of the women who live it. Such an approach aligns with Zurba and Papadopoulos (2023), who

emphasize that decolonial methods require centering marginalized voices as producers of knowledge.

Taken together, this literature suggests that the study of Iddah among Muslim single mothers offers a crucial

opportunity to bridge the gap between “law in the book” and “law in action.” While religious texts define

Iddah in prescriptive terms, the practice itself is negotiated within everyday struggles of survival, stigma, and

resilience. By situating this research within the frameworks of lived religion, gendered embodiment, resilience

studies, and decolonial thought, the present study contributes to a more holistic understanding of how

marginalized Muslim mothers interpret and live out their faith.

METHODOLOGY

This study adopts a qualitative research design, guided by the principles of Interpretative Phenomenological

Analysis (IPA). IPA is particularly suited for research that seeks to understand how individuals make sense of

their lived experiences, especially in contexts where personal faith and cultural practices intersect. Since Iddah

is a deeply embodied and spiritual practice, the method provides the opportunity to foreground participants’

subjective interpretations rather than imposing external theoretical categories upon their narratives.

Research Setting and Participants

The study was conducted in Coimbatore, a major urban center in Tamil Nadu that hosts a sizeable Muslim

population with diverse socio-economic backgrounds. Coimbatore was chosen for its cultural vibrancy and its

significance as a site where traditional religious practices coexist with urban transformations. A purposive

sampling strategy was used to identify Muslim single mothers who had personally observed Iddah. A total of

fifteen women between the ages of 23 and 40 were included. Both employed and unemployed participants

were represented, ensuring diversity in socio-economic conditions. Single mothers were identified through

local women’s networks, mosque committees, and community organizations that support widowed or divorced

women.

Data Collection

In-depth, semi-structured interviews were employed as the primary method of data collection. Interviews

allowed participants to describe their experiences of Iddah in their own words, with prompts guiding them to

reflect on emotional, spiritual, and socio-economic aspects of the practice. Each interview lasted between 60

and 90 minutes and was conducted in Tamil, the mother tongue of the participants, to ensure comfort and ease

of expression. Interviews were audio-recorded with informed consent and later transcribed verbatim. Field

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notes were also maintained to capture contextual details, body language, and non-verbal expressions that

contributed to meaning-making.

Analytical Strategy

The transcripts were analyzed thematically, following the step-by-step procedures recommended in IPA. First,

each interview was read and re-read to identify initial impressions. Emerging themes were coded manually,

allowing patterns to be drawn inductively from the data. Special attention was given to how participants

articulated the role of faith, the challenges of negotiating community expectations, and their strategies of

resilience. Thematic clustering was then employed to develop sub-themes that reflected commonalities across

different participants, while also preserving unique aspects of individual narratives. This process ensured both

idiographic depth and broader interpretive insight.

Ethical Considerations

Ethical sensitivity was maintained throughout the study. Participants were briefed about the objectives of the

research, and written informed consent was obtained prior to participation. Given the sensitivity of discussing

personal and religious matters, anonymity was guaranteed by assigning pseudonyms and removing identifiable

details from transcripts. Interviews were conducted in private settings to safeguard confidentiality and

emotional well-being. Care was also taken to avoid intrusive questioning, allowing participants to exercise

agency in how much they chose to disclose.

Rationale for Methodological Choice

The decision to employ IPA was influenced by the study’s central aim: to explore the embodied faith of

Muslim single mothers and to uncover decolonial insights into Iddah. Unlike positivist approaches that seek to

generalize findings, IPA focuses on depth, interpretation, and meaning-making. It acknowledges the

researcher’s interpretive role, while striving to represent participants’ voices faithfully. This method is

therefore appropriate for capturing the nuanced and layered experiences of women whose lives are shaped by

both religious devotion and structural marginalization.

The Researcher’s Positionality

The researcher’s position as a man belongs to Islam, studying the experiences of Muslim women placed in a

dual role. While the shared faith and familiarity with religious contexts like Iddah provided a crucial bridge of

understanding, the researcher’s gender marked as an 'outsider' to their specific lived experiences. The

investigator recognized that this gender dynamic, combined with the role as a researcher, created a complex

power imbalance. Therefore, building trust was an active, deliberate process. I approached the women not as

subjects, but as the sole authorities on their lives as knowledge-holders whose interpretations of faith and daily

life are valid and definitive. Throughout our interactions and the analysis, the researcher had to be doubly

reflexive. He continuously questioned not only his academic assumptions but also the potential for a gendered

lens to color my interpretations. His goal was to ensure that their voices and meanings guided the research,

consciously working to set aside his own preconceptions as both a man and a researcher. This reflexive stance

was essential to ethically prioritizing the agency and narratives of the women.

FINDINGS

The findings of this study are drawn from in-depth interviews with fifteen Muslim single mothers residing in

Coimbatore, Tamil Nadu, who were between the ages of twenty-three and forty. The participants represented a

range of socio-economic positions, with some engaged in informal labor such as sanitary work, domestic

assistance, tailoring, and petty trade, while others were unemployed and reliant on extended family members

or charitable networks for survival. Their educational backgrounds were varied, with a few having completed

higher secondary schooling, while others had dropped out at earlier stages due to marriage or financial

constraints. This diversity in life situations allowed the study to capture a complex picture of how Iddah is

lived and experienced in a contemporary urban Indian setting.

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Coimbatore as a study site provides an important backdrop. Known as a growing industrial city, it is also a

space where traditional religious practices intersect with the demands of modern economic life. For single

mothers widowed, divorced, or separated navigating Iddah in such a context is not only about observing a

prescribed religious ritual but also about negotiating the expectations of community, kinship, and workplace

structures. The participants’ socio-economic vulnerabilities heightened the challenges of observing Iddah,

particularly when employment, mobility, and caregiving responsibilities for children were at stake. This

created a tension between what Islamic law in principle prescribes and the realities of life as lived by women at

the margins.

The practice of Iddah is deeply rooted in Islamic tradition, symbolizing both a spiritual process of mourning

and a socio-legal safeguard related to lineage and inheritance. However, in practice, it also functions as a

cultural marker that positions women within a set of visible expectations enforced by family members and

community structures. For the women in this study, Iddah was not merely a religious duty performed in private

devotion; it was also a lived social experience shaped by surveillance, interpretation, and adaptation. Several

women described Iddah as a test of faith and patience, a moment when they felt a strong sense of closeness to

God and an opportunity to find solace in religious rituals such as prayer and Qur’anic recitation. Yet, at the

same time, they recounted the difficulties of being confined to their homes, the scrutiny of neighbors, and the

emotional toll of combining personal grief with the care of children.

The dual nature of Iddah as a sacred obligation and as a lived social reality emerged consistently in the

narratives. On one hand, participants articulated its value as a religious practice that reaffirmed their identity as

Muslim women. On the other hand, the constraints associated with Iddah revealed how faith practices could

also become arenas of social control, where widows and divorced women were reminded of their subordinate

position within patriarchal systems. This paradox underscored the need to analyze Iddah not only through

textual sources but also through the lived experiences of those most affected.

In approaching these complexities, thematic analysis provided a useful framework to capture the nuances of

the participants’ accounts. Data from the interviews were coded manually, with initial codes emerging around

recurring words, metaphors, and stories that women used to describe their everyday realities. These were then

grouped into broader categories such as faith and resilience, social surveillance, economic vulnerability,

emotional landscapes, and strategies of resistance. Each theme reflects both the shared experiences of the

women and the unique ways in which individual participants negotiated their circumstances.

Importantly, the thematic analysis was informed by the interpretative phenomenological approach, which

emphasizes giving primacy to the meanings constructed by participants themselves. Rather than imposing a

pre-determined framework, the analysis allowed for the exploration of how women understood and embodied

Iddah in their own terms. At the same time, a decolonial lens guided the interpretation, pushing the analysis

beyond surface descriptions to interrogate how colonial legacies, gender hierarchies, and socio-economic

inequalities continue to shape the practice in postcolonial India. This dual methodological grounding enabled

the findings to highlight not only the women’s voices but also the structural conditions within which those

voices are situated.

By weaving together the socio-economic context of Coimbatore, the religious dimensions of Iddah, and the

methodological rigor of thematic analysis, this section of the paper situates the findings as both deeply

personal and profoundly social. The lived realities of the women interviewed remind us that Iddah cannot be

reduced to a ritual observed in isolation but must be understood as a practice embedded within broader

networks of faith, community, economy, and gendered power.

Thematic Analysis

The thematic analysis yielded four major themes with sub-themes. To maintain anonymity the respondents’

names used in this paper are pseudonyms.

Theme 1: Faith as a Source of Resilience

One of the strongest themes that emerged from the narratives of the participants was the centrality of faith as a

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coping mechanism during the period of Iddah. While their socio-economic circumstances often heightened

vulnerability, participants consistently described their religious belief as a source of strength that helped them

navigate emotional pain, social stigma, and uncertainty about the future. This theme underscores the role of

faith as both an internal anchor and an interpretative lens through which hardship was reframed in meaningful

ways.

Sub-theme: Spiritual Anchoring during Uncertainty

For many of the single mothers interviewed, the period of Iddah coincided with a stage of life marked by

instability. Whether the separation had been caused by widowhood, divorce, or desertion, participants

described feelings of loss and disruption. Yet, rather than being entirely overwhelmed, they turned to religious

practices such as prayer (salat), Qur’anic recitation, and remembrance of God (dhikr) as stabilizing rituals.

Nafeesa (age 29, widowed, unemployed) recalled: “The first weeks after my husband’s death felt like darkness

all around. But when I sat alone and prayed, I felt calmer. The words of the Qur’an reminded me that nothing

happens without Allah’s will. That gave me the courage to continue.”

Sameera (age 34, divorced, working as a domestic helper) explained how the routine of prayer helped her

organize her day during Iddah: “I could not go out much. I worried about paying rent. But when I prayed at

fixed times, it gave me a sense of order. Even if life outside was uncertain, my prayers reminded me that Allah

sees my struggle.”

These accounts highlight what Pargament (1997) terms “religious coping,” where spiritual practices provide a

structure that helps believers make sense of stressful events. In contexts where women face both economic

precarity and social surveillance, faith functioned as a stabilizing force that offered not just solace but also a

framework for resilience.

Sub-theme: Perceptions of Divine Protection and Meaning-Making

Alongside spiritual anchoring, participants also articulated a sense of being under divine protection. They often

interpreted their suffering as part of a divine plan, which, while painful, held meaning beyond their immediate

understanding. This theological interpretation did not necessarily remove the hardship but reframed it in ways

that reduced despair and fostered endurance.

Ameena (age 40, widowed, tailoring worker) reflected: “People looked at me with pity and sometimes spoke

harshly, saying a woman without a husband is a burden. But I told myself Allah is my guardian. He gave me

this test, so He will also give me strength to pass it.”

Farzana (age 26, separated, mother of two, unemployed) also found meaning in her faith: “I felt abandoned

when my husband left me. During Iddah, I used to cry alone. But then I remembered the stories my

grandmother told me about Prophet Ayyub’s patience. That reminded me suffering can bring blessings if we

remain strong in faith.”

Such interpretations resonate with existing studies on meaning-making in religious contexts. Park (2010)

suggests that believers use faith frameworks to reconstruct meaning when faced with crisis, allowing them to

integrate traumatic experiences into broader life narratives. In this study, Iddah became not only a religious

obligation but also a context where women reinterpreted personal pain as spiritually significant, enabling them

to sustain dignity in the face of stigma.

The reflections of participants echo findings from wider literature on faith and coping among marginalized

groups. Research in psychology and sociology of religion has consistently highlighted that religious belief can

foster resilience by providing existential meaning, a sense of community, and strategies for emotional

regulation (Ano & Vasconcelles, 2005; Koenig, 2012). In contexts of poverty and gender inequality, faith can

become an especially vital resource, compensating for the lack of institutional or social support.

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In the case of Muslim single mothers in Coimbatore, faith emerged as a deeply personal resource that helped

them endure both the spiritual demands of Iddah and the socio-economic challenges surrounding it. Their

testimonies suggest that while the practice may intensify isolation, it simultaneously opened a space for

intimate encounters with the divine, producing strength from within. Also the interpretative phenomenological

approach helped uncover how these women were not passive followers of doctrine but active agents

interpreting religious practices through their lived realities. For some, Iddah was a painful confinement; for

others, it became an opportunity for spiritual renewal. Yet, in both cases, faith acted as a protective shield,

shaping the ways in which suffering was endured and reimagined.

Theme 2: Social Surveillance and Gendered Expectations

While faith provided a source of inner resilience, another powerful theme that surfaced was the weight of

social surveillance and gendered expectations surrounding Iddah. For many participants, the religious

obligation was not only a spiritual practice but also a deeply social phenomenon, subject to the scrutiny of

neighbors, extended kin, and the broader community. In this context, Iddah became a visible marker of a

woman’s identity as a widow, divorcee, or single mother, and her behavior during this period was often

interpreted as a reflection of family honor and religious respectability. The experiences of the women highlight

how religious practice is not only personal but also embedded in community norms, collective judgment, and

gendered control.

Sub-theme: Community Monitoring and Moral Policing

Participants described intense observation by neighbors, relatives, and sometimes religious leaders, who acted

as informal enforcers of the “rules” of Iddah. This surveillance often went beyond religious guidance and

entered the realm of moral policing, where a woman’s smallest actions stepping out for work, speaking to a

male neighbor, or even dressing a certain way were interpreted as signals of piety or transgression.

Ayesha (age 32, divorced, small shop worker) recalled: “Every time I left the house, someone would ask why I

was going out. They would whisper that I was careless about my Iddah. It felt like I had more eyes watching

me than before. I wondered if they cared about my faith or just wanted to control me.”

Ruksana (age 38, widowed, mother of three) described her experience: “Even buying milk became a problem.

People said, ‘During Iddah you should not be outside.’ But who will bring food for my children? No one asked

that. They only judged.”

These accounts resonate with Foucault’s idea of the “panopticon” (1977), where surveillance disciplines

individuals into conformity through the fear of being watched. In this study, women’s identities as pious

Muslims were constantly under negotiation, shaped by external monitoring that often intensified their

vulnerability rather than supporting their spiritual journey.

Sub-theme: Restrictions on Mobility and Identity Negotiation

For many participants, Iddah was experienced not only as a religious confinement but as a broader curtailment

of mobility imposed by community expectations. Women spoke of how their identities as workers, mothers,

and community members were restricted and reshaped during this period. The demand to remain indoors

clashed with their economic needs, creating an internal negotiation between survival and social respectability.

Shabana (age 27, widowed, garment worker) shared: “I had to go to work to keep my job, but I also had to

observe Iddah. Some people in my family said I was disobeying religion by working. But if I stayed home,

how would we eat? I felt torn between being a mother and being a ‘good Muslim woman’ in their eyes.” This

tension highlights how religious identity was not only spiritual but deeply gendered, with women shouldering

the dual burden of being caregivers and carriers of religious respectability. Existing scholarship on gendered

piety, such as Mahmood’s (2005) work on women’s religious movements, shows how women often actively

negotiate between religious norms and everyday survival. In the case of single mothers in Coimbatore,

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mobility restrictions placed them in difficult positions where survival needs often conflicted with communal

notions of religious propriety.

Sub-theme : The Gap between Law in Book and Law in Action

A striking aspect of participants’ narratives was the difference between formal Islamic prescriptions of Iddah

and the way these prescriptions were practiced in their communities. While Islamic law outlines clear

guidelines—widows observe Iddah for four months and ten days, and divorcees for three menstrual cycles

participants found that community interpretations often added additional restrictions or intensified

enforcement.

Fathima (age 30, divorced, unemployed) remarked: “The Qur’an says Iddah is for a period. But people around

me acted like I had to stop living. They expected me not to attend weddings, not to visit relatives, not even to

sit at the doorstep. It felt harsher than what the religion asks.”

This gap between “law in book” and “law in action” reflects what sociologists of law like Galanter (1989)

describe as the difference between formal rules and lived legal culture. In practice, women experienced Iddah

less as a set of scriptural obligations and more as a socially policed performance of modesty, with local

traditions and patriarchal expectations shaping its enforcement.

Theme 3: Economic Vulnerability during Iddah

The narratives of participants revealed that the period of Iddah was not only a spiritual and social challenge but

also a time of heightened economic vulnerability. Many single mothers in this study were already in precarious

financial positions due to widowhood or divorce, and Iddah placed additional burdens on their ability to

sustain themselves and their families. With restrictions on mobility and the weight of communal expectations,

women found their livelihood options shrinking, pushing them to depend on unstable forms of income, kinship

networks, or charitable assistance.

Sub-theme: Unemployment and Household Survival

A number of participants described how their work opportunities diminished during Iddah. For those already

unemployed at the time of widowhood or divorce, the confinement period prolonged their dependence on

others. For women who had been working, absences caused by Iddah often led to job loss or reduced earnings.

Farzana (29, widowed, mother of two) explained: “When my husband died, I had just started a tailoring job.

They told me to take leave for four months because of Iddah. But when I returned, my place was gone. They

said they needed someone who could work continuously.”

Haleema (35, divorced, homemaker) added: “People told me not to look for work until Iddah was over. But

how can a mother feed her children by waiting? Every day I worried about the rent.”

Such accounts resonate with feminist economic scholarship, which emphasizes how religious and cultural

practices intersect with structural inequalities to intensify women’s economic marginalization (Kabeer, 2015).

The lack of formal support systems left women to navigate Iddah in contexts where employment was already

fragile.

Sub-theme : Employer Attitudes toward Women in Mourning

Participants who were employed before Iddah often faced unsympathetic attitudes from employers. Some were

pressured to resign, while others were subjected to subtle discrimination upon returning to work. Employers’

reluctance to accommodate Iddah reflected not only economic pragmatism but also cultural discomfort around

widowhood and single motherhood.

Zeenath (40, widowed, part-time cleaner) recalled: “My employer said, ‘It is unlucky for us if a widow works

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in the house so soon.’ They told me to stay away for months. I needed the money, but they did not want me

back until they felt it was acceptable.”

This illustrates how mourning and widowhood are often stigmatized in workplaces, particularly in informal

sectors where protections are minimal. The exclusion of women during Iddah reflects a combination of

patriarchal norms and superstitions, producing what scholars like Chen (2016) describe as a “feminization of

vulnerability” in informal labor economies.

Sub-theme : Reliance on Kinship and Charity Networks

With limited earnings and employment insecurity, many participants turned to kinship support or community

charity during Iddah. Relatives sometimes stepped in with financial help, but this support was often

conditional and inconsistent. Some women also depended on zakat (almsgiving) from mosques or charitable

organizations.

Naseema (26, divorced, unemployed) stated: “My brothers helped me a little, but they also said I should not go

out during Iddah. It was like the money came with conditions. I felt I had no independence.”

Razia (34, widowed, mother of one) added: “I received zakat from the mosque during Ramadan. It helped with

food, but it made me feel like a beggar. I wanted to earn with dignity, not wait for charity.”

These accounts show how reliance on kin and charity can create cycles of dependency and disempowerment.

From a decolonial perspective, such reliance reflects both historical and structural inequalities: colonial

disruptions of Muslim economic institutions weakened women’s access to autonomous resources, while

contemporary neoliberal economies leave them reliant on informal support systems (Osella & Osella, 2008).

Theme 4: Emotional Landscapes of Motherhood in Iddah

The experiences of Muslim single mothers in this study highlight that Iddah is not only a religious observance

but also an intensely emotional journey. While some participants found spiritual solace, many also described

layers of grief, loneliness, and a sense of being emotionally restrained by cultural expectations. For mothers

with young children, the burden was compounded by the need to provide emotional care while managing their

own mourning. This duality created a complex emotional landscape where resilience and vulnerability

coexisted.

Sub-theme: Navigating Grief and Maternal Responsibility

For widowed mothers, grief for a lost spouse overlapped with the urgent need to maintain a sense of stability

for their children. Participants often emphasized that they could not afford the luxury of prolonged mourning

because they had dependents who needed care, reassurance, and practical support.

Parveen (32, widowed, mother of three) explained: “My children were crying every night for their father. I had

to control my own tears to comfort them. Inside, my heart was breaking, but outside I had to stay strong so

they would feel safe.”

Shameema (27, divorced, mother of one) shared: “I was told to remain quiet and not show too much sadness in

front of others during Iddah. But my child asked me, ‘Why can’t you laugh anymore?’ That question hurt more

than anything.”

These accounts highlight the gendered expectation that mothers must prioritize caregiving even in the midst of

their own trauma. Scholars on motherhood in South Asia have argued that maternal responsibility often

silences women’s grief, forcing them into roles of emotional self-sacrifice (Ahmed, 2014).

Sub-theme : Emotional Burden of Silence and Isolation

Participants described Iddah as a period marked by silence and isolation, enforced by cultural expectations to

remain indoors, avoid gatherings, and limit social interaction. While some valued the privacy as an opportunity

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for reflection, others felt it was an enforced loneliness that deepened their sense of loss.

Sameera (23, recently divorced) reflected: “Everyone said, ‘Stay inside, don’t talk too much, don’t show

yourself.’ It felt like my voice was taken away. I was alive but invisible.”

Ameena (38, widowed, employed) added: “I wanted to talk to someone about my fears and sadness, but people

told me, ‘Be patient, it’s part of religion.’ Sometimes patience felt like silence being forced on me.” This aligns

with research on widowhood and isolation, where enforced social withdrawal intensifies women’s

psychological distress (De Souza, 2017). The practice of silencing, though framed as protection, can reinforce

emotional marginalization.

Sub-theme: Children’s Adjustment and Intergenerational Impacts

Mothers also observed how Iddah affected their children. Some children struggled with the sudden absence of

routine social interactions such as visiting relatives or playing outside because the household was expected to

remain secluded. In cases where mothers were deeply absorbed in grief, children often experienced secondary

trauma, manifesting in withdrawal, anger, or increased dependency.

Nilofer (30, widowed, mother of two) recalled: “My daughter asked me why we stopped going to the park. She

thought she had done something wrong. It broke my heart to see her feel guilty for something she could not

understand.”

Sajida (40, divorced, mother of one teenager) shared: “My son became more rebellious during those months.

He felt ashamed that I was called a divorced woman in the neighborhood. The stigma affected him as much as

it did me.”

These narratives suggest that Iddah can have intergenerational consequences, shaping children’s sense of

identity, belonging, and emotional resilience. Studies in family sociology emphasize that children of widowed

or divorced mothers often internalize stigma and social exclusion, which may influence their long-term

psychosocial development (Ungar, 2013).

Theme 5: Iddah

The fifth theme emerging from this study focuses on Iddah as a space where Muslim single mothers negotiate

their identities, faith, and social roles within layered structures of patriarchy and postcolonial legacies. A

decolonial lens makes it possible to see how women, far from being passive followers of religious injunctions,

actively reinterpret and reshape Iddah as a practice that can sustain dignity and autonomy. This theme

underscores three interconnected dynamics: reclaiming agency, challenging patriarchal framings, and

negotiating between scriptural Islam and lived Islam in contemporary Coimbatore.

Sub-theme : Reclaiming Agency in a Ritualized Space

While mainstream community narratives often portray Iddah as a period of restriction and submission, several

participants emphasized that they used this time to reclaim personal space and agency. For some, Iddah

provided a socially sanctioned pause to step back from daily pressures, process grief, and reflect on their

futures.

Razia (29, widowed, unemployed) explained: “For the first time, I felt nobody could force me to work or

entertain guests. I told myself, this is my time to rest, to pray, to think. I used it to plan how to start afresh after

Iddah. This shows that the ritual, often framed in oppressive terms, could be reimagined as a boundary that

protects women from external interference. Instead of being wholly restrictive, it functioned as a temporary

shelter, allowing them to prioritize inner healing. Decolonial theorists argue that marginalized groups often

reclaim ritualized spaces by imbuing them with personal meaning, subverting the intended disciplinary control

(Mignolo, 2011).

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Sub-theme: Women’s Reinterpretations of Iddah Beyond Patriarchal Framing

Participants frequently contrasted the way men in their families or local community leaders explained Iddah

with their own spiritual understanding of it. While patriarchal framings emphasized obedience, seclusion, and

silence, women described Iddah as an act of devotion, resilience, and continuity of faith.

Naseema (35, divorced, mother of two) shared: “My relatives told me not to speak or even smile too much

because it would ‘look bad.’ But I read the Qur’an and understood Iddah as a time of patience, not punishment.

That gave me strength.”

Shazia (40, widowed, employed) similarly noted: “When elders said I should not go to work, I asked them

where in the Qur’an it says a woman cannot earn bread for her children during Iddah. I follow my faith, not

their control.” Such reinterpretations illustrate what scholars call “everyday resistance,” where women subtly

reshape the meaning of rituals to align with their lived realities (Mahmood, 2005). By reclaiming scriptural

interpretations, these mothers challenged patriarchal monopolies over religious knowledge.

Sub-theme : Tensions Between Textual Islam and Lived Islam

A recurring thread in participants’ accounts was the tension between the scriptural injunctions on Iddah and the

way these were enforced in practice. While textual Islam prescribes a waiting period of reflection and

mourning, lived Islam in Coimbatore often incorporated additional restrictions that women perceived as

culturally rather than religiously mandated.

Fathima (26, divorced) reflected: “The Qur’an says three menstrual cycles or four months and ten days. That is

clear. But in my community they added many extra rules, like not looking in the mirror or not talking to

neighbors. These are not religion; they are customs.”

This distinction highlights the intersection of religion and culture, where patriarchal traditions and colonial-era

social controls have blurred the boundaries of religious practice. Decolonial analysis helps us see how women

differentiate between divine guidance and socially imposed surveillance. By doing so, they not only reinterpret

Iddah but also resist the conflation of Islam with cultural patriarchy.

Theme 6: Strategies Of Coping And Resistance

Although Iddah is often understood as a period of withdrawal and quiet endurance, participants in this study

demonstrated that it was also a site of negotiation, resilience, and subtle forms of resistance. The strategies

they adopted to cope with the intersection of religious expectations, economic vulnerability, and community

surveillance were neither uniform nor passive. Instead, these strategies reflect agency in constrained contexts,

showing how Muslim single mothers in Coimbatore actively worked to balance faith, livelihood, and dignity.

Sub-theme: Negotiating Religious Obligation with Livelihood Needs

One of the most visible strategies was the pragmatic negotiation between observing Iddah and sustaining

household survival. For many participants, strict withdrawal from public life was not feasible, particularly

when they were sole earners.

Ameena (33, widowed, mother of two) recalled: “My mother-in-law said I should not step out during Iddah,

but how will I feed my children if I do not work? I decided to go to my job quietly in the evenings, covering

myself fully so no one would notice.”

Others framed their decision to work as an extension of religious duty, emphasizing that providing for one’s

children was also an act of faith. This reflects what scholars describe as “situated religiosity” the selective

adaptation of religious obligations in line with pressing material realities (Bowen, 2012). By reframing

breadwinning as an Islamic duty, women resolved the apparent contradiction between livelihood needs and

ritual observance.

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Sub-theme: Quiet Resistance to Stigma

Several participants spoke of adopting strategies of quiet resistance to the stigma and surveillance surrounding

Iddah. This resistance was rarely open defiance, given the power of communal sanctions, but instead took the

form of subtle acts of self-preservation.

Safiya (30, divorced) explained: “Neighbors kept watching who came to my house. I stopped telling them

anything. I kept my movements private. In this way, I protected myself without arguing with anyone. This

“everyday resistance” (Scott, 1990) allowed women to maintain dignity without direct confrontation. Acts

such as controlling information, redefining mourning in more personal terms, or selectively ignoring restrictive

customs were strategies of survival. These quiet resistances highlight how women exercise agency even in

contexts where overt rebellion may invite severe backlash.

Sub-theme: Collective Support Networks and Solidarity

A third set of strategies involved drawing on networks of kinship, friendship, and solidarity with other women

in similar situations. In several narratives, participants described informal circles of widows and divorced

women who provided both emotional comfort and material assistance during Iddah.

Halima (37, widowed, employed as domestic worker) described: “When I lost my husband, the women in my

neighborhood came every evening. We prayed together and shared food. They told me how they managed their

own Iddah. That gave me courage.” Such networks created what feminist scholars term “counter-publics”

(Fraser, 1990), spaces where marginalized women exchange strategies and reinterpret dominant norms.

Beyond emotional solidarity, some networks also facilitated practical survival, such as pooling money for food

or helping with childcare. Collective support transformed Iddah from a solitary, isolating experience into one

where shared resilience could emerge.

Sub-theme: Intergenerational Resilience and Transmission of Strength Several participants described how

their children adapted to the changes during Iddah in ways that reflected shared resilience. Some mothers used

storytelling, prayer, or routine to help children make meaning of loss. Others emphasized maintaining

emotional communication to prevent fear or loneliness in children. This highlights that resilience during Iddah

was not individual but collectively negotiated within the family, shaping both maternal identity and children’s

emerging sense of belonging, patience, and emotional endurance.

Sub-theme 6.4: Coping Strategies and Intergenerational Resilience The women in this study navigated the

emotional and economic challenges of Iddah using strategies that were profoundly relational. Rather than

being solitary responses, these coping mechanisms were negotiated within the family, where children’s needs

and reactions were a central influence. Mothers frequently described their own emotional endurance as being

inseparable from the presence of their children. This dynamic reframed Iddah from an isolated spiritual

observance into a shared family transition, one in which resilience was constructed collectively. For many

respondents, establishing routine was a primary source of stability. The familiar patterns of daily prayer, meal

preparation, and storytelling anchored the household and provided crucial reassurance to children. Mariya (age

31, widowed, mother of two) encapsulated this mutual effect when she explained, “My children were

frightened when everything changed. So I made sure we prayed together every evening. It reminded all of us

that Allah was still with us. It calmed them, and it calmed me too.”

Open communication emerged as another critical emotional strategy. Participants intentionally discussed grief,

loss, and patience with their children, aiming to prevent the silence of mourning from transforming into a

source of anxiety. Shabana (age 27, widowed) reflected on this shared process: “If I cried alone in the room,

my son would become nervous. So I told him, ‘We are both learning how to be strong.’ I think it helped him

grow up a little, and it helped me breathe.” In some cases, children became active agents in their family’s

resilience. Several mothers recalled their sons or daughters taking on small household responsibilities or

displaying an emotional maturity beyond their years. This shared adaptation reinforced the mother’s own sense

of purpose and agency. As Amina (age 34, divorced) stated, “My daughter would say, ‘Don’t worry, I will

help you.’ Her words gave me strength. I felt we were facing the world together.”

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These narratives illustrate that resilience during Iddah is not a static, internal trait but an intergenerational and

relational process. The emotional bonds between mother and child were formative to the experience. The

family unit, rather than the individual woman alone, became the primary site where patience, religious

meaning, and emotional endurance were cultivated. This perspective highlights that coping in the context of

iddah is a shared adaptation, reflecting both cultural continuity and the lived negotiation of faith in moments

of vulnerability.

Reflection

This study has explored the lived realities of Muslim single mothers in Coimbatore who observe Iddah,

highlighting the ways in which faith, social structures, and colonial legacies shape their everyday lives. The

findings demonstrate that while Iddah is embraced as a spiritual duty and a source of resilience, it

simultaneously imposes social, economic, and emotional burdens that extend far beyond the religious texts.

Themes of faith as resilience, community surveillance, economic vulnerability, and emotional landscapes

reveal a complex interplay between religious commitment and structural constraints. At the same time, the

decolonial insights emphasize how women reinterpret and reclaim Iddah, moving beyond patriarchal and

colonial framings to assert agency in deeply personal ways.

The contribution of this research lies in bridging the gap between “law in the book” and “law in action.” By

situating Iddah within a decolonial framework, the study demonstrates that women’s practices and

reinterpretations of the ritual are not passive acceptance of tradition, but dynamic negotiations that challenge

both colonial residues and local gender hierarchies. This expands the scholarly conversation beyond

theological or legalistic interpretations and places women’s lived experiences at the center of sociological

inquiry.

The study returns to its objectives by showing how Islamic faith influences single mothers in their observance

of Iddah, what decolonial insights emerge from their practices, and how socio-economic and emotional

challenges are navigated in everyday life. The voices of the participants underline that Iddah is not only a

religious obligation but also a lived social experience that reflects resilience, negotiation, and transformation.

This research, therefore, contributes to existing scholarship by foregrounding marginalized motherhood within

Muslim communities and offering new pathways for understanding faith as both an embodied and contested

practice.

DISCUSSION

The findings of this study highlight the complex and layered meanings attached to Iddah in the lives of Muslim

single mothers in Coimbatore. Far from being a uniform or rigidly experienced practice, Iddah emerges as a

space where both constraint and empowerment coexist. On one hand, women described the constant scrutiny

of neighbors, relatives, and community elders, who frequently monitored their mobility, dress, and

interactions. Such surveillance produced feelings of social exclusion and moral policing, reflecting broader

patriarchal norms that construct widowed or divorced women as vulnerable subjects requiring control. On the

other hand, participants emphasized that their observance of Iddah was not solely dictated by external pressure,

but also motivated by their own spiritual commitment. For many, the practice offered a period of reflection, an

opportunity to deepen their relationship with God, and a source of inner strength during a time of personal

upheaval.

This apparent contradiction resonates with Mahmood’s (2011) argument that agency among religious women

cannot be understood only in terms of resistance to structures of power. Rather, agency often manifests in the

capacity to inhabit and reinterpret religious obligations in ways that nurture meaning, healing, and dignity. The

participants’ accounts illustrate how Iddah is not merely imposed upon them, but actively re-signified through

their lived experiences. This demonstrates that empowerment within religious traditions may operate through

compliance as much as through resistance, challenging secular feminist assumptions that often equate

empowerment with rejection of tradition.

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From a decolonial perspective, these narratives disrupt Eurocentric portrayals of Iddah as an inherently

oppressive or patriarchal institution. Colonial and orientalist discourses historically framed Islamic family laws

as symbols of Muslim women’s subjugation, thereby erasing the multiplicity of women’s voices and

interpretations. The accounts from this study complicate that narrative, as participants repeatedly stressed that

Iddah provided emotional stability, continuity with cultural heritage, and a sense of spiritual safety. For

widowed mothers, especially, the ritual period functioned as a socially recognized moment of mourning,

allowing them space to process grief without immediate pressure to return to work or public life.

By foregrounding the epistemic authority of Muslim women themselves, the findings contribute to the growing

body of scholarship that calls for decolonizing knowledge production about Muslim communities. Women in

this study did not passively accept dominant interpretations of Iddah; rather, they actively engaged with the

ritual to make it meaningful within their socio-economic and familial contexts. For example, some mothers

negotiated flexible observance when livelihood responsibilities demanded their presence in the public sphere,

while others interpreted the restrictions as a means of protecting their dignity from gossip and speculation.

These examples reveal the fluidity of Iddah as lived practice, one that cannot be reduced to static doctrinal

prescriptions or external judgments.

The discussion underscores the importance of viewing Iddah through a dual lens: as a site where patriarchal

control and social surveillance are reinforced, but also as a space where women cultivate resilience, reinterpret

religious duty, and assert a measure of agency. Recognizing this duality opens new avenues for understanding

how marginalized Muslim women navigate faith, community expectations, and socio-economic realities in

ways that are both constrained and transformative.

CONCLUSION

This study demonstrates the value of examining Iddah not simply as a theological requirement, but as a lived

social reality for Muslim single mothers. The findings reveal that Iddah functions as a multilayered experience,

simultaneously imposing restrictions through social surveillance and offering women avenues for spiritual

anchoring and emotional healing. For many participants, the practice was deeply tied to their faith identity and

sense of resilience, yet it was also shaped by socio-economic struggles, community expectations, and the

persistent weight of patriarchal norms. By focusing on their narratives, this research provides a nuanced

understanding that resists the tendency to homogenize Muslim women’s experiences or interpret them solely

through external, Eurocentric lenses.

The use of Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis enabled the exploration of participants’ subjective

meanings, while a decolonial perspective made it possible to foreground their voices as authentic sources of

knowledge. This methodological combination emphasizes that Muslim women are not passive recipients of

religious tradition but active interpreters who adapt Iddah to their own circumstances. Some women saw it as a

protective space of dignity and reflection, while others negotiated its rules to accommodate livelihood

responsibilities. In both cases, their agency was evident, whether in their quiet resilience, reinterpretations of

faith, or strategies of coping with stigma and economic vulnerability.

Implications

1. Policy and Practice: Policymakers, NGOs, and welfare institutions need to design interventions that are

culturally sensitive and respectful of religious practices. Support programs for widows and divorced

mothers should recognize Iddah as a significant phase of transition, where financial assistance, mental

health services, and community awareness initiatives can ease the pressures women face.

2. Community Engagement: Religious leaders and local community organizations should be encouraged to

facilitate compassionate and non-judgmental environments for women observing Iddah. This could help

counter practices of moral policing and instead affirm the ritual’s role in offering space for healing.

3. Theoretical Contribution: The study advances sociological scholarship by showing how faith-based rituals

intersect with gender and class. It challenges the binary framing of religious practices as either wholly

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oppressive or liberatory, instead presenting Iddah as a dynamic practice that holds contradictory yet

meaningful dimensions.

4. Future Research: Subsequent scholarship could expand this inquiry by comparing the experiences of

Muslim women across regions, sects, and socio-economic groups. Research on rural versus urban

contexts, or studies that include intergenerational perspectives, would provide a broader understanding of

how Islamic traditions are lived and reinterpreted. Additionally, comparative studies with other religious

mourning or transitional rituals could shed light on cross-cultural similarities and divergences.

This study situates the lived experiences of Muslim single mothers within their own religious and cultural

frameworks, offering a counterpoint to homogenizing narratives that erase their interpretive agency. By

centering their voices, the present study contributes not only to the sociology of religion and gender but also to

the broader project of decolonizing knowledge production about Muslim women’s lives.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

I express my sincere gratitude to all those who contributed to the successful completion of this research. I am

deeply thankful to my research supervisor for the valuable guidance, continuous encouragement, and

constructive feedback throughout the study. I also extend my appreciation to my co-scholars and the

department for providing the necessary academic support and resources.

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