In pre-colonial Kenya, numerous studies show that land tenure was founded on communal access, where all
members of society were entitled to use land equally by virtue of belonging to the community (Mwangi, 2009;
Onduro, 2010). Land could not be sold or monopolized, as it was considered a divine gift meant for collective
benefit (Githinji, 2021). However, colonial interventions replaced communal tenure with individualized
ownership, a shift solidified by the Swynnerton Plan of the 1950s. This transition created new crises in land
relations, as legal frameworks entrenched individual tenure after independence in 1963.
It is within this historical context that the present study investigates the effectiveness of government adjudication
mechanisms in resolving land disputes in Tharaka North Sub-County between 1963 and 2020.
Statement of the Problem
Since independence in 1963, the Government of Kenya has implemented various adjudication mechanisms to
resolve land disputes in Tharaka North Sub-County. However, these mechanisms have faced persistent
challenges, including delays, corruption, weak enforcement, and limited community trust. As a result, land
conflicts remain widespread, disrupting social cohesion, economic development, and local governance. Despite
decades of government intervention, the effectiveness of these adjudication processes in addressing the root
causes of disputes and ensuring lasting solutions remains uncertain.
Specific Objective
To analyze the effectiveness of adjudication mechanisms by the government of Kenya in resolving land disputes
in Tharaka North sub –County between 1963 and 2020.
REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE
La Croix et al. (1972) defines land tenure as the set of rights and obligations governing ownership, use, transfer,
and succession of land. He identifies six main types of tenure: owner cultivation on small private plots, squatting
on both private and public lands, large estates, feudal tenures with bound and unbound labor, communal
ownership, and smallholder leasing to private landowners.
Across Africa, governments have invested in improving land administration to establish competitive land
markets and reduce disputes. A key step has been the establishment of cadastral and registration systems to
clarify ownership. Alongside these legal mechanisms, preventive approaches such as conflict resolution, land
management, and even psychosocial interventions have been emphasized. Boliari’s (2013) study on Bulgaria
highlights how land fragmentation hinders agricultural growth and socio-economic development, a problem
with clear parallels to African contexts where subdivision and disputes are widespread.
In Sub-Saharan Africa, land contestation, evictions, and unequal distribution of resources have deep historical
roots. Colonial conquests, expropriations, and exploitations created inequalities that continue to shape political
and socio-economic realities. These unresolved historical injustices fuel recurring land disputes across the
region. In Kenya, independence brought optimism, but elites colluded with colonial interests to retain or
repossess land (Kimaiyo, 2004).
The post-independence government-initiated land reforms, notably Jomo Kenyatta’s “willing buyer, willing
seller” program funded by Britain, intended to resettle Africans displaced into reserves. However, subsequent
constitutional amendments in 1968 allowed provincial and district boundaries to be altered by presidential
decree, which escalated disputes.
Kenya’s land challenges persist today, rooted in colonial legacies and exacerbated by weak post-independence
land regimes. The 2007–2008 post-election violence demonstrated how unresolved land grievances remain a
flashpoint for broader political instability. Many Kenyans feel dispossessed of ancestral and communal lands,
fostering resentment and conflict. Although institutions, laws, and policies have been established to manage
disputes, recurring conflicts question the effectiveness of government adjudication processes.