educators, the paper argued that attrition is not merely a demographic trend but a symptomatic response to a

contested national identity. Findings revealed that the formal curriculum, daily social interactions, and

institutional culture created an environment where white students often occupied a liminal space—physically

present but socially and symbolically peripheral. This paper concluded that the attrition of white students

reflected broader, unresolved tensions in Zimbabwe’s nation-building project, raising critical questions about

the inclusivity of national institutions and the possibility of a genuinely multicultural citizenship.

nationalism.

The Zimbabwean education system, lauded for its high literacy rates following independence in 1980, was

This paper addresses a critical gap in the literature by focusing on the attrition of white students from

Zimbabwean schools. We conceptualize this attrition not as a simple function of economic push factors, but as a

complex process embedded in the "politics of belonging" (Yuval-Davis, 2006)—the complex interplay of social,

cultural, and political processes that determine who is included or excluded from the national collective. The

central research question guiding this paper is: How do the politics of belonging, as experienced within

Zimbabwean schools, contribute to the attrition of white students?

We argue that the school serves as a key site where the boundaries of the nation are negotiated and performed.

For white Zimbabwean students, the experience within this space is often one of becoming an "invisible

minority"—formally entitled to education but increasingly socially and culturally marginalised. Their subsequent

attrition is, therefore, a telling indicator of the limitations of post-colonial integration and the enduring power of

Zimbabwe, acknowledging the legacies of the past while striving for a more just and equitable future

The historical context of education in Zimbabwe is crucial to understanding the present-day experiences of all

students, including the often-overlooked White minority. Zimbabwe's education system was deeply shaped by

its colonial past, characterized by racial segregation and unequal resource allocation, Bloom et al (2006). During

the colonial era, particularly under Rhodesian rule, a dual system of education existed: one for Europeans and

another for Africans Chung, & Ngara. (1985). White students benefited from well-funded schools, qualified

teachers, and a curriculum designed to maintain their privileged status. In contrast, Black African students faced

limited access to education, with poorly resourced schools, overcrowded classrooms, and a curriculum often

designed to prepare them for subordinate roles in society Dorsey (1975). This disparity was not merely a matter

had access to quality facilities, textbooks, and a learning environment conducive to academic success Edwards

& Tisdell, (1990).

Following Zimbabwe's independence in 1980, the government of Robert Mugabe prioritized expanding access

to education for all citizens, regardless of race Chung, & Ngara. (1985). Significant strides were made in

increasing enrollment rates, building new schools, and training more teachers Bloom et al (2006). The

government aimed to dismantle the racially segregated system and create a more equitable educational landscape

Edwards, L. & Tisdell, C.A. (1990). This commitment was reflected in policy changes and increased investment

in education, particularly in previously marginalized communities. The Education Act of 1987 abolished all

methods of discrimination from the Education Act of 1979 Chung, & Ngara. (1985).

However, the transition to a more equitable system was not without its challenges. While access to education

all racial groups in Zimbabwe. The White population declined due to emigration, and the country faced economic

challenges that affected the education sector. As the demographics of schools changed, White students found

themselves as a minority in a system that was now geared towards addressing the needs of the Black majority

Mavhunga, N. (2006).

Despite the historical focus on redressing inequalities faced by Black students, the experiences of White students

in post-independence Zimbabwe have received limited scholarly attention. Anecdotal evidence and media

reports suggest that some White students may face unique challenges related to their identity, belonging, and

To analyse white student attrition, we employ a theoretical framework that synthesizes Critical Whiteness Studies

(CWS) and the concept of the politics of belonging.

Critical Whiteness Studies provides a lens to deconstruct the invisible normativity of whiteness. In colonial

This process of renegotiation is central to the politics of belonging (Yuval-Davis, 2006). Belonging is not a static

condition but a dynamic, often fraught, process of claiming and being granted legitimacy within a community.

The politics of belonging involves specific projects that construct the "national self" in opposition to the "other."

struggle) and indigenity, which can implicitly position white citizens as perpetual outsiders, legatees of the

colonial past rather than stakeholders in the national future (Ndlovu-Gatsheni, 2009).

By combining these frameworks, we can see schools not just as places of learning, but as arenas where these

racial and national boundaries are policed through curriculum, pedagogy, and peer interactions. The decision to

leave the school system becomes the ultimate act of dis-identification, a response to the failure of being granted

full belonging.

Participants were recruited using purposive and snowball sampling. All interviews were transcribed verbatim

and analysed using reflexive thematic analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2006), which allowed for the identification of

recurrent patterns of meaning related to belonging, identity, and exclusion. Ethical protocols, including informed

consent and guarantees of anonymity, were strictly followed. All names used herein are pseudonyms.

The analysis of interview data revealed three primary themes through which the politics of belonging is

experienced and which contribute to attrition: the contested curriculum, social liminality, and the institutional

This sentiment was echoed by parents. One father, "John," explained his decision to send his children abroad:

This reflects the power of the curriculum as a tool for constructing belonging (Apple, 2019). By presenting a

monolithic national narrative, the curriculum engages in a symbolic politics that defines the "authentic" citizen

Beyond the formal curriculum, the daily social life of the school reinforced a sense of liminality—a state of

inbetweenness. While not always victims of overt bullying, white students described a pervasive sense of social

This experience of being the "hyper-visible outsider" demonstrates how informal social boundaries are drawn.

economic challenges, especially in the late 1990s and early 2000s, have strained these reforms, leading to

students as "invisible minorities"—a term that refers to groups whose identities and experiences may be

environment that fails to grant them full belonging. The experiences within the school—the exclusionary national

is misrecognised as legitimate, leading the marginalised group to internalise their own otherness. The curriculum