INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RESEARCH AND INNOVATION IN SOCIAL SCIENCE (IJRISS)

ISSN No. 2454-6186 | DOI: 10.47772/IJRISS | Volume IX Issue X October 2025

The Ungoverned Territories and Islamic Violent Extremism in North

Eastern Kenya

Dr. Samuel Mwiti Njagi

National Intelligence and Research University

DOI: https://dx.doi.org/10.47772/IJRISS.2025.91100138

Received: 07 November 2025; Accepted: 14 November 2025; Published: 02 December 2025

ABSTRACT

The ungoverned territories are the major breeding grounds for violent extremism in various parts of the world.

These spaces provide conducive environment for violent extremists to thrive, posing serious security challenges

in the international system. Though ungoverned territories are a major security threat in the international system,

many governments especially in Africa have given little or no attention to those spaces in their security agenda.

This paper therefore examines whether the North Eastern region in Kenya is an ungoverned territory, and if yes,

how such a territory has emboldened radicalization into violent extremism. The study adopts qualitative research

that underlines non-numerical aspects such as emotions, feelings and opinions. Primary data was used to

corroborate the secondary sources so as to enrich the argument presented in this study. Interviews with experts

among them security officials, local administrators and scholars who are versed with the subject matter was

sought. The triangulation of both primary and secondary data was employed in the analysis. The findings of this

study depict that the North Eastern region is an ungoverned territory. This is because the region lacks effective

control by the central government, proper enforcement of the rule of law, adequate provision of basic services

by the government, and has ineffective institutions. The study further demonstrates that the ungoverned territory

of the North Eastern region has played a significant role in emboldening violent extremism in the region. Since

this territory has weak social contract between the residents and the government, has created safe havens for

violent extremists to operate, and has ineffective institutions that make the provision of basic services difficult,

it has created a conducive environment for the spread of violent extremism. This study therefore underlines the

need to combat violent extremism in the region by addressing the prevailing governance challenges.

Keywords: Ungoverned territories; Violent Extremism, Al Shabaab

INTRODUCTION

The ungoverned territories are major breeding grounds for insecurity in various parts of the world. These spaces

provide conducive environment for organized crimes, terrorism and other criminal activities to thrive, posing

serious security challenges in the international system. Terrorists have particularly taken advantage of these

territories to advance their agenda possibly due to lack of or inadequate state institutions. The vulnerability of

the ungoverned territories has explicitly given terrorist groups safe haven to recruit, radicalize, train and plan

their logistics without being exposed to security agencies. These territories have thus become the breeding

grounds for violent extremism, a phenomenon that has culminated in power-bases of sympathizers of terrorism

in several parts of the world.

Areas that have been considered ungoverned territories are found in several parts of the world including Europe,

Middle east, Asia-pacific and Africa among other regions. In Middle east, some parts of Iraq, Syria, Afghanistan

and Pakistan among others, have been categorized as ungoverned territories, perhaps due to the influence Islamic

State has had on such areas. The Hamrin Mountain range of Iraq that spreads across Salah al-Din, Diyala and

Kirkuk provinces was particularly considered ungoverned territory after it was captured by the Islamic State of

Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) and their allies in June, 2014. This enabled the ISIL and its allies to not only

indoctrinate the locals, but also conduct successful operations especially at night (Ojo, 2020).

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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RESEARCH AND INNOVATION IN SOCIAL SCIENCE (IJRISS)

ISSN No. 2454-6186 | DOI: 10.47772/IJRISS | Volume IX Issue X October 2025

In Africa, ungoverned territories are frequently found in remote areas that often border failed states and/or

countries with weak institutions of governance. This situation is often exacerbated when these territories are

along porous borders. Such an environment makes the ungoverned territories quite vulnerable to violent

extremism that targets the locals, especially the youth, for recruitment into terrorism. In West Africa for instance,

the Sahara Desert area, which is considered ungoverned territory due to the government’s inadequate control is

prone to terrorism. This is also the case in Niger Delta and Northern Mali territories where terrorism is

widespread.

Great lakes region has also suffered the effect of Ungoverned territories. The ungoverned territory in the

Democratic Republic of Congo that borders Rwanda, Burundi and Uganda has exacerbated various criminal

activities including illegal exploitation of mineral resources, weapon smuggling and terrorism. The ungoverned

territories are also found in the northern part of Central Africa Republic (CAR), Gulf of Guinea and in East

Africa. The lack of proper governance in Somali coast, Northern Uganda, Ogaden area and Southwestern

Ethiopia have played a significant role in fueling terrorism in the region.

Some regions in Kenya could also be considered ungoverned territories due to the inability of the central

government to exercise control and provide basic services in those areas. The North Eastern region of Kenya

could be a classic example of such an area dubbed ungoverned space since the central government has been

unable to effectively exercise authority in this area. In 1960s, this region was contested whether it was under

Kenya or Somali jurisdiction. This contestation provoked intermittent conflicts, including shifta wars that were

fought in 1960s. Though Kenyan government finally won, and the region now is under its jurisdiction, the central

government lacks effective control over this region. This has culminated in a region that not only lags behind in

terms of socio-economic and political developments, but also security wise, as characterized by cattle raids,

highway attacks by banditry and terrorism (Okumu & Kioko, 2021).

Though policy makers and security experts perceive ungoverned territories as security threat, many governments

especially in Africa have given little or no attention to those spaces in their security agenda. Instead, many

governments in Africa have put up a concerted efforts to address insecurity, especially from terrorism, through

military response. It is against this background, that this paper first seeks to demonstrate that North Eastern

region in Kenya is an ungoverned territory. The paper then interrogate how the ungoverned territory in this area

emboldens recruitment and radicalization of locals, especially the youth, into violent extremism. It examines

violent extremism in this area from the perspective of the unmet human needs due to the poor provision of basic

services by the government, weak and/or non-existent institutions of governance and the compromised rule of

law in the region among other indicators.

The study specifically seeks to answer the following research questions: Could the North Eastern region in Kenya

be classified as ungoverned? If yes, how has this ungoverned territory affected institutions of governance in the

region? and how has the resulting environment impacted violent extremism? In what ways has the phenomenon

of the ungoverned territories in the North Eastern affected the rule of law and other human needs in the region?

What are the best strategies to combat the challenges of the ungoverned spaces in the North Eastern region?

This article is organized in the following manner. The paper begins by presenting the methodology used in the

collection and the analysis of the data, including the theoretical framework. The paper then conceptualizes the

term ungoverned territories before examining whether North Eastern region is ungoverned territory, and if yes,

how it has created a conducive environment for violent extremism. The paper further demonstrate that the North

Eastern region is characterized by weak social contract which is evidenced by the poor provision of basic services

by the government and the weak institutions of governance, a situation that creates favorable environment for

violent extremism. Additionally, the paper underlines the long and porous Kenya-Somali border, which is an

indicator of an ungoverned territory, and how that fuels violent extremism. The paper finally draws conclusion

before giving some recommendations.

MATERIALS AND METHODS

Qualitative approach was utilized in this study to examine whether North Eastern region in Kenya is ungoverned

territory, and if yes how it has emboldened recruitment and radicalization into violent extremism. Under this

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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RESEARCH AND INNOVATION IN SOCIAL SCIENCE (IJRISS)

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approach, the study adopts a descriptive research design which is key in underscoring non-numerical data such

as opinions, observations expressed in words, feelings and beliefs of a particular individual and or group (Salter,

2023). This design is thus the most appropriate for this study since it assures a complete description of the subject

matter under investigation and has minimal bias in terms of the data collection (Siedlecki, 2020).

The target population for the study involved all stakeholders from both public and private sector who are engaged

in security, development and governance in the North Eastern region. Besides, scholars in social sciences,

especially experts in security, were also targeted to corroborate the views of the practitioners. A sample of twenty

respondents was selected using purposive and snowball sampling techniques from the stakeholders targeted.

While the secondary data was gathered through the critical analysis of scholarly articles, books and various

reports, the primary data was collected through key informant interviews so as to get in-depth data from

respondents. Expert opinions were sought from scholars, security officials, local community, development and

governance experts as shown in table 1.1 below.

Table 1.1. The study sample size

Target group

Sample size Percentage

Security officials

4

20%

15%

20%

25%

100%

Organization dealing with development (NEDI)

Organization dealing with governance (WPDA)

Scholars

3

4

Opinion shapers (Host community)

Total

5

20

Source: Research Data, 2025

Qualitatively, data was transcribed, coded and thematically analyzed. The narratives from the interviews

conducted were documented and triangulated with secondary data. Key themes were identified from the

triangulation of the secondary sources and the respondent’s interview scripts. Trends and patterns observed and

the emerging themes related to ungoverned territories and Islamic violent extremism were developed and

explained. The emerging themes were used to explain how ungoverned territories embolden recruitment and

radicalization into Islamic violent extremism. To uphold ethical standards, the primary data obtained was

securely handled and made anonymous while the secondary sources were acknowledged through proper citation.

This study being qualitative in nature, it faces the major limitation of a small sample size as indicated in table

1.1, thus unlikely to be generalized to the larger population.

In interpreting the findings of this study, frustration-aggression and social contract theories were used. The

frustration-aggression theory is key in explaining aggression in societies. Dollard, et al, the main proponents of

this theory argue that the existence of any form of frustrations begets some level of aggressive behavior in people

within a society. They argue that frustration does not only produce aggression, but can lead to the development

and/or exacerbate depression and prejudice. Their thesis also depicts that more aggression is produced when the

frustration is unjustified than when it is justified. They observe that high levels of aggression is frequently

directed to the perceived sources of frustration. However, they acknowledge that displaced aggression can

sometimes be directed to those who are not responsible for causing frustration (Dollard, et al 1939).

While underscoring Dollard et al’s argument, Amsel observes that frustration ensues when people feel their

anticipated rewards have been delayed, reduced or removed. He argues that frustration could also arise from

anxiety, insults or even unpleasant environmental conditions. Amsel points out that aggression becomes

inevitable when frustration sabotages the attainment of desired outcomes (Amsel, 1992). Gurr underlines this

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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RESEARCH AND INNOVATION IN SOCIAL SCIENCE (IJRISS)

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argument by observing that prolonged frustrations can lead to the outbursts of aggression and violence at both

individual and societal levels. He opines that at societal level, frustrations could emanate from economic

recession, discrimination and lack of or the restricted access to resources (Gurr, 1970). The frustration-

aggression theory further points out that the threat of being punished because of aggressive behavior can itself

be a source of frustration that can ultimately lead to aggressive tendencies.

This theory is critical in analyzing the effects of ungoverned territories on violent extremism. The theory helps

in interpreting why and how ungoverned territories in North Eastern region in Kenya has created dissent among

the locals, culminating in favorable environment that promotes violent extremism. The North Eastern region,

which is largely semi-arid and inhabited by the Muslim communities, has perhaps been exposed to

misgovernance since independence, thus creating conducive environment for violent extremism as underscored

in this paper.

On the other hand, the social contract theory whose main proponents include Hooker, Thomas Hobbes and John

Locke among others, underlines the origin of the state. This theory argues that men did a contract with a

sovereign authority in order to escape the state of nature where life was solitary, poor, nasty, brutish and short.

Since man has inherent desire for security and order, he entered into a contract that would alleviate misery and

pain and at the same time secure self-preservation and protection. This contract underscored two agreements,

that is, Pactum Unionis and Pactum Subjectionis. Under the Pactum Unionis, state was to protect people’s lives,

their property and their liberty while in the Pactum Subjectionis, people pledged to obey authority and pay taxes

(Laskar, 2013). When any of the actors in this contract fail to play their role, conflict becomes inevitable. This

theory was used to depict whether the social contract has been working in North Eastern region and what it

portends for violent extremism.

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

Conceptualizing the term “Ungoverned territories”

Before delving into whether North Eastern region in Kenya is ungoverned or not, and if yes how such an

ungoverned territory emboldens recruitment and radicalization into violent extremism, this section

conceptualizes the term ungoverned territory. This is because the term ungoverned territory is highly contested

in practice, and in its definition. Does ungoverned territory really exist? And if yes, how exactly does it look

like? what does the term ungoverned territory mean? Several scholars have attempted to conceptualize the term

ungoverned territory in different ways while at the same time using a variety of indicators.

Taylor considers a territory to be ungoverned if the state or the central government is unwilling or unable to

effectively control, govern or even influence the local residents. He argues that an ungoverned territory exists

when a government is unable to effectively govern perhaps due to the insufficient capacity to govern, lack of

political good will or maybe the effects of conflicts (Taylor, 2016). He views a territory to be ungoverned when

it is contested, ill-governed or under-governed, with the authority of the central government missing. Some of

the key indicators of the ungoverned territories from this perspective include the absence of the law enforcement

agencies, lack of basic facilities such as health-care, low adherence to the rule of law and generally lack of

penetration of the area by the formal institutions of government (ibid).

Clunan & Trinkunas view ungoverned territory as spaces that are governed differently. They point out that these

could range from clan-based government like that in Somalia to areas ruled by the insurgencies. However, they

acknowledge that territories where state control is weak, contested or absent could be classified as ungoverned

territory. They observe that a territory, either within or between states, becomes ungoverned when other types

of actors other than the central government exercise control over it (Clunan & Trinkunas, 2010). Thus,

ungoverned territory results when state control has been ceded voluntarily or involuntarily, in whole or in part

to other actors rather than the legally recognized government authorities.

When a state does not exercise effective control on the social, economic and political aspects of the people under

its jurisdiction, the resulting vacuum is a sign of ungoverned territory. Such a vacuum offers key benefits to

extremists groups that includes the provision of safe havens where such groups can recruit, train, indoctrinate

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and plan their criminal activities. Inadequate control by the state on the social, economic and political dimensions

of the people under their jurisdiction culminate in uneven development, thus emboldening extremist groups to

indoctrinate the locals through the message of state marginalization.

Whelan argues that ungoverned space could be both physical and non-physical area where the state lacks the

capacity or political good will to exercise effective control. He observes that physical area could be a territory

in form of land or maritime areas such as coastal waters that lacks effective state control. The non-physical space

could be financial space where state has little or no control, a development that creates a vacuum that terrorists

could utilize to raise and transfer monies in support of their criminal activities (Whelan, 2006).

The Foreign and Commonwealth office underscores Whelan’s argument by pointing out that ungoverned

territory constitutes both non-physical and physical spaces where effective state control is inadequate or lacking.

It for instance considers cyberspace as a non-physical space that could be ungoverned if it lacks effective state

control. The physical space could include territories where the rule of law and formal institutions play little or

no function (Foreign & Commonwealth office, 2014).

The view by Whelan, and Foreign and Commonwealth office is largely state-centric in nature since it assumes

that only state actors can effectively govern, therefore ignoring the critical role non-state actors play in good

governance. Whelan and the Foreign and Commonwealth office create an illusion that when state authority is

limited, the area automatically becomes ungoverned territory. In practice, this perception is not accurate since

there are different systems of governance, including not only by state but also non-state actors.

Downey considers ungoverned territories to be peripheral, low income and resource poor spaces that the central

government has little incentive to control. He observes that such space lags behind in development and creates

safe havens for terrorists to conduct their activities. Ungoverned spaces lag behind since some degree of

governance is needed to spur development and improve citizen welfare through the provision of basic services

such as health care facilities, education institutions and credit market among others (Downey, 2021).

Keister on the other hand observes that ungoverned spaces are areas with limited or anomalous government

control. He argues that these areas are not ungoverned per sei, but they are governed in a different fashion that

is inconsistent with the Westphalia state system. These areas are ruled by alternative authorities such as warlords,

religious or traditional elites and community groups among others (Keister, 2014). Teo corroborates this

argument by pointing out that ungoverned territories are not in a state of anarchy, but rather they are managed

by non-state actors (Teo, 2018). These areas could be within a functional state and are likely to provide

operational cover or shelter to criminal elements.

Ungoverned territories include spaces that are under governed. These territories are characterized by ineffective

institutions, formal or informal. Frank observes that institutions of governance might be present in an ungoverned

territory, but remain ineffective in shaping behavior (Frank, 2022). On the other hand, institutions of government

might be present in ungoverned spaces but are often ignored and challenged by alternative institutions such as

those of a terrorist organization. Lloyd underlines this argument by observing that ungoverned territory lacks

effective government control due to the challenges posed by alternative authority. He thus opines that

ungoverned territory lacks both the government and the replacement rule since all contenders lack the ability to

enforce their rule (Lloyd, 2016).

Clark and Mansour advance this discourse by observing that ungoverned territories are areas of disputed

governance and mis-governance. They maintain that ungoverned territories lack good governance or are

completely disintegrated, thus are alternatively governed. They argue that the fundamental questions that should

be answered when examining ungoverned territories should include: who is governing? How are they governing?

What are the consequences of this type of governance? (Clark & Mansour, 2013). As underscored in this section,

most scholars seeking to conceptualize the term ungoverned territory agree on some common indicators such as

weak or ineffective state control, failure to enforce the rule of law, lack of basic social amenities, lack of law

enforcement agencies and the presence of non-state actors such as warlords, clan-based or ethnic based authority

among others. Using these indicators, the next section seeks to examine whether or not the North Eastern region

is ungoverned territory. The next sections then depict how ungoverned territories could fan violent extremism.

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Is North Eastern Kenya an ungoverned territory?

Since independence, arid and semi-arid areas in Kenya have lagged behind in development. This has been

occasioned by the prevailing harsh climatic conditions, and the severe marginalization these regions have

witnessed since independence. As a result, the areas suffer from poor provision of basic services. The

marginalization of arid and semi-arid areas was largely due to the post-independence policies such as those

advanced in sessional paper No. 10 of 1965 that justified the sidelining of these regions. Though sessional paper

No. 10 of 1965 was meant to quicken development in the newly independent Kenya, the policy had adverse

effects on the regions considered ‘low potential areas (Sessional paper No. 10, 1965).

This is because Sessional paper No. 10 of 1965 underscored the need to invest money meant for development in

areas with high potential, that is, the one that would give the highest output. This and other policies culminated

in a deliberate effort to invest development money in high potential areas that would give the highest returns.

Consequently, many arid and semi-arid areas ended up being poorly governed with little or no government

services such as education, health care and even security among others. This culminated in large swathes of land

such as North Eastern region of Kenya that lacks effective control by the central government and the essential

basic services that are supposed to be provided by the state. (Mwangangi, 2021).

To date, some parts of the North Eastern region lack effective law enforcement, provision of basic services and

strong institutions of governance. This has intensified discontent among locals leading many of them fail to

adhere to the rule of law. One respondent underscored this thought by pointing out that some parts of North

Eastern region lack government presence and certainly basic social services often provided by the state. He

observed that in areas such as Elram location in Mandera South sub-county, Arabia and Fino in Mandera East

sub-county, and Bambo West and Ashabito in Mandera North sub-county, the only government officials present

are the local chiefs who are forced to collaborate with Al Shabaab terrorist group. Other government officials

have been attacked by the terrorists and forced to flee the area. Even the local chiefs who fail to collaborate with

the terrorist organization are killed (Interview with a resident, 2025)

Khorof harar, Konton and Riba locations of Wajir East sub-county are characterized by high levels of insecurity.

Communication masts have for instance been destroyed in these areas by terrorists, a development that has made

communication very difficult even during security operations. Many local chiefs have been killed and other

government officers forced to flee from these areas due to insecurity. These areas also have limited government

services, a development that has forced many locals to rely on Al Shabaab for the provision of some services

such as security, judicial services among others. Some schools in these areas have also been forced to close due

to insecurity, thus denying children one of their fundamental rights of free education (Interview with officer

working with NGO, 2025). This is an indicator that the social contract is perhaps not working in this region as

expected since Pactum Unionis and Pactum Subjectionis is not guaranteed.

As highlighted by the World Bank, access to safe drinking water in the North Eastern region is at 57% compared

to the national average of 72% (World Bank, 2018). The region largely performs below the national average on

most of the development indicators. For instance, the average poverty rate is at 70% compared to national

average of 36%, access to electricity is around 7% while only 36% of the population have improved sanitation.

The region is also characterized by very poor road network (Haider, 2020). 90% of the respondents underscored

that indeed, the region lags behind in every development indicator. They observed that in Takaba sub-county,

there is no fresh water, while if those living in Malka Mali location get sick, they are forced to get medical care

in Banisa or Rhamu around 55 and 80 kilometers respectively.

The Kenyan government-local residents’ relationship has historically been unfriendly. As Lind et al observe, the

Kenyan government had not only neglected the North Eastern region, but it has also committed various atrocities

in the past as epitomized by the 1984 Wagalla massacre (Lind et al, 2017). This made the relationship between

the state officials and the local residents, who are largely ethnic Somalis, quite problematic. The atrocities

committed to the locals has significantly contributed to their disdain for the government. This is compounded

by the strict vetting that locals are forced to go through when getting government services, including the issuance

of Kenyan Identity Cards. This has made many citizens from the region to forfeit some basic rights, including

that of getting a national Identity Card, which is key in enjoying other rights (Ibid, 2017).

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It is more difficult to access any government office in the North Eastern region as compared to many other parts

of the country. One respondent observed that there is no government office between Kiliweheri and Takaba

locations, and Banisa and Takaba locations which is roughly 50 and 90 kilometers respectively. He further

pointed out that many residents in the region are forced to walk for more than 100 kilometers to access judicial

services. Thus, locals prefer clan elders as the alternative conflict resolution mechanism. He further noted that

there is no police post or even fresh water points between Kiliweheri and Banisa, a distance of more than 60

kilometers. Thus, the locals not only contend with high levels of insecurity, but are also forced to get water from

the neighboring country, Ethiopia (Interview with NGO staff, 2025).

Research further reveals that there is no school between Modogashe and Habaswein, and Guba and Olla a

distance of more than 30 and 45 kilometers respectively. Moreover, even in areas where there are schools, the

insecurity posed by Al Shabaab terrorist group has compelled many teaching staff, especially the non-local to

free the area. The massacre of 28 teachers in November, 2014 coupled with many other intermittent cases of

targeting non-locals has made many to free the area. Residents of Ashabito location are forced to travel to

Rhamu, a distance of around 65 kilometers, to get medical laboratory test and other medical services. In Mandera

county, there are only two places locals can get a scan: Elwak and Mandera county referral hospital. Generally,

basic services often offered by the government are largely missing due to the historical marginalization and the

security threat posed by the terrorist group (Interview with security official, 2025).

Locations such as Omarjillow, Garre hills and Sheik Barro in Lafey sub-county county, Arabia and Fino in

Mandera east sub-county, Bambo West, Ashabito and Guticha in Mandera North sub-county in Mandera county,

and Diff in Wajir South sub-county lack government presence. These and other areas in the three counties of the

North Eastern region that lack adequate government presence is a testament that the region is poorly governed

(Interview with NGO, staff, 2025). This automatically translates to poor provision of government services, thus

weakening the social contract between the government and the local residents. The North Eastern region has

poor access to education and health, low levels of political governance and weak rule of law. This is due to the

perennial insecurity posed by cattle rustling and terrorism that compels education and health staff among others

to free, culminating in dilapidated facilities and infrastructure (KNBS, 2018).

Though Kenya’s 2010 constitution underlines the need for equitable distribution of resources, the increased

levels of insecurity posed by Al Shabaab terrorists has made auditing of government projects quite difficult.

Once resources are allocated to the region by the central government, the fear of being killed or kidnapped by

terrorists has made auditors, especially the non-locals, unable to properly monitor how money is spent. This

makes some corrupt individuals at the county level inflate government projects, making good governance

difficult. Many of the national government employees working in the region are posted there on disciplinary

grounds, hence they are highly disgruntled. As a result, most of these employees live within the towns, making

the execution of good governance extremely difficult. The situation is exacerbated by the clan politics which

often impedes good governance. Due to the inter-clan animosity in the region, when a leader comes from a

certain clan, leaders from other clans often sabotage him/her and their projects, making development and

subsequently good governance difficult (Interview, 2025).

The cardinal pillars of good governance such as accountability, inclusivity, transparency and equity have largely

been compromised in North Eastern (Njagi, 2023). The prevailing insecurity, the clan-based politics and the

harsh environmental conditions in the region have created a vacuum that allows other actors to interfere with

good governance in the region. The relief agencies that provide alternative governance have been forced to

withdraw staff from the region due to the deteriorating levels of insecurity. This has culminated in inadequate

professionals, hence causing serious humanitarian gaps (Humanitarian Foresight, 2015). Nolasco underscores

this thought by observing that North Eastern region suffers from heightened insecurity, underdevelopment and

poverty, a development that provoke residents, especially the youth, to engage in acts of violence and other

forms of criminality (Nolasco, 2017).

Based on diverse indicators of ungoverned territories conceptualized in this study, the discourse presented in

this section clearly depicts that the North Eastern region is an ungoverned territory in Kenya. As underlined by

Taylor’s conceptualization of ungoverned space, the central government is either unwilling or unable to

effectively control, govern or influence residents of North Eastern. There is also the absence of law enforcement

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agencies, basic facilities and low adherence to the rule of law in North Eastern Kenya. Taylor’s description of

an ungoverned territory clearly mirrors many parts of North Eastern Kenya.

Whelan, Downey and frank depict ungoverned territory as lacking government presence as is the case in some

parts of North Eastern. Clark and Mansour conceptualize an ungoverned territory as misgoverned or having

disputed governance. All these indicators of an ungoverned territory are very common in North Eastern region.

Thus, this study concludes that North Eastern region is an ungoverned territory in Kenya due to its ineffective

control by the central government, failure by the government to provide basic services in the region, failure by

the central government to effectively enforce the rule of law and the fact that the area has been contested since

independence.

Weak social contract and violent extremism in the North Eastern Region

The social contract between the government and the residents of the North Eastern Kenya seems to be

significantly weak. As observed by the main proponents of this theory, when Pactum Unionis and/or Pactum

Subjectionis is not respected, the social contract becomes weak, provoking rebellion. In North Eastern region,

the government has been unable to provide essential basic services like health care, education and welfare,

creating dissent that has culminated in a desire to join violent extremism. The persistent insecurity in the region

has made it difficult for the government to keep their part of agreement, that is, Pactum Unionis, where state is

expected to protect people’s lives, their property and their liberty. This has in turn heightened discord among

residents provoking many of them fail to keep their agreement, that is, Pactum Subjectionis, where people are

expected to obey authority and pay taxes. Simply put, in the North Eastern region, the social contract is not

working as expected.

Nearly 70% of the residents of the North Eastern region live in poverty and have very poor access to basic

services. This is exacerbated by the frequent droughts which poses serious threat to the livestock, which is the

main source of food for the locals. The region is further characterized by significant infrastructural deficits such

as lack of access to good roads, water, electricity among other social services (Haider, 2020). As already

underscored, the area also suffers from high levels of food insecurity, low college enrolment and few job

opportunities, especially among the youth. The ensuing environment, as underlined by the frustration-aggression

theory, has culminated in a lot of discord among the locals, hence giving ammunitions used by the radical groups

in spreading their ideologies.

Kenya has been targeted by Al-Shabaab in the wider agenda of establishing an East African caliphate. The Al-

Shabaab terrorists thus seek to attain this agenda by ensuring a continuous supply of militants through

recruitment and subsequently the radicalization of vulnerable people specially the youth. This group continues

to achieve the vision of radicalization through their networks, which are well established especially in

ungoverned territory of the North Eastern region. To make their dream attainable, Al Shabaab has heightened

insecurity, largely targeting non-locals, a move that has compelled many government officials free the area. This

has not only made the provision of basic services extremely difficult, but has also created a vacuum that terrorists

maximize while propagating their agenda.

Residents of the North Eastern region rarely trust security agencies. This is due to police corruption and heavy-

handed security operations that has led to increased discontent and poor provision of security in the region (NCIC

& Interpeace, 2017). The rampart corruption in the National Police Service (NPS) and its history of heavy-

handed operations has made residents unwilling to provide crucial security information, thus further enabling

terrorists to advance their violent extremist ideologies (Mongare, 2019). Such as environment has made the

enforcement of the rule of law extremely difficult. Justice in this region is often attained through “Maslah

system” which uses the traditional system of conflict resolution (Interview with a resident, 2025). This is a clear

indication that the social contract is not working as expected, thus creating frustrations that incite aggressive

tendencies including the high propensity of joining violent extremism.

Inadequate government presence in the North Eastern region has significantly contributed to the weak social

contract. One of the respondents observed that the absence of government officials in some areas has given room

for the sympathizers to act as facilitators, couriers and logisticians for the terror group. Since locals feel

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vulnerable due to the inadequate government presence, they easily fall prey to the Al Shabaab terrorist group.

Inadequate government presence to monitor the kind of teachings going on in the madrasas or even regulate the

teachings in the mosques, which frequently serves as the breeding grounds for terrorism has exacerbated the

situation. He further pointed out that the central government is perceived by many locals to be unjust and unfair,

thus locals are easily recruited into terrorism. (Interview with security official, 2025).

When doing radicalization, violent extremist groups use flexible strategy by tailoring their message depending

on the recipient. To the poor or unemployed, these groups will offer money or paid jobs while to those who

consider themselves marginalized, a promise to redress the injustice through violence. The message of Islamic

violent extremism has gained latitude among the North Eastern residents who are largely Muslim ethnic Somalis

with a lot of socio-economic grievances due to high levels of poverty, unemployment and the harsh climatic

conditions. The historical social and political marginalization the region has suffered, coupled with the repressive

responses by security agencies has further complicated the situation, giving terrorists groups more ammunition

for the recruitment into violent extremism. Poor provision of government services in the region has been used

by the terrorist to appeal to the locals (Interview with security official, 2025).

The perceived social injustice and the inequitable distribution of state resources has played an important role in

exacerbating violent extremism in the North Eastern region in Kenya. As already underlined, the region lacks

adequate health facilities, schools, infrastructure among other basic services. The Kenya National Bureau of

Statistics (KNBS) for instance indicates that on average, residents are forced to walk for at least 35 kilometers

to the nearest dispensary. The report further depicts that 64% of the people in the region live below poverty line

compared to the national average of 53%. The report shows that the region has the lowest level of access to basic

services, as indicated by the road network which is in dire conditions (KNBS, 2018).

The weakened socio-economic situation in North Eastern region has provoked competition among different clans

over the control of political and economic resources. This competition together with unequal access to basic

services have heightened clan conflicts in the region. The situation is also worsened by political competition

where elected leaders are expected to serve the interests of their clan once in office. Clans contribute to get their

own into leadership so that they can in turn get development. This is because development is attached to

individuals, depending on which clan one comes from.

The political competition has sometimes culminated in the displacement of the members of minority clans and

influx of majority clans from other regions. Elections/campaigns often take regional angle since the three clans,

that is Garre, Degodia and Ogaden, that dominate the North Eastern region are also found in Ethiopia and

Somalia (Interview with NGO staff, 2025). This kind of politics has created a vacuum in governance, which

terrorists have often maximized to spread their radical ideologies.

Clan politics in North Eastern region, which is a symptom of misgovernance, promote violent extremism in

many other ways. A respondent noted that clan politics play a big role in promoting violent extremism in the

region since when one clan is seen to be cooperating with the government, the other automatically support

terrorism. This is due to the animosity and suspicion that exists among different clans. The clan cooperating is

deemed to be giving information to the government while sidelining the other clans. This provokes the other

clans to rebel against the government, as a result supporting terrorism (Interview with security personnel, 2025).

The clans supporting terrorism sometimes procure security services from the Al Shabaab. These include

protection services from Al Shabaab, provision of weapons during inter-clan disputes, protecting and

safeguarding their business interests such as smuggling routes along Kenya-Somali border. Prominent

businessmen and politicians facilitate recruitment of youth into Al Shabaab, while the terrorist give them their

personal security and those of their businesses (Sahgal, 2019). This kind of arrangement works since the region

is an ungoverned territory, hence the terrorists are able to move freely and access any place, sometimes

kidnapping youth and forcefully recruiting and radicalizing them into Islamic violent extremism. This depicts

the extent to which the social contract has been dysfunctional in the North Eastern region in Kenya.

The inadequate presence of government agencies in many parts of the North Eastern region has made it difficult

for the enforcement of the rule of law. The rule of law is rarely enforced; thus no one is held accountable for

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joining the terror group or being radicalized. Many residents live by the dictates of their traditions or religion

since proper sensitization of the Kenyan rule of law has not been done. Al Shabaab has taken advantage of this

vacuum to stamp their authority. For instance, failure of the residents to get justice from Kenyan government

has forced some residents to get justice from Al Shabaab. There have been cases of Al Shabaab summoning

people in dispute and administering instant justice, unlike in Kenyan courts where justice takes time and money.

In return, some residents pay taxes in form of ‘Zakat’ to the terrorist group (Interview with a resident, 2025).

Institutions of governance in the North Eastern Region

Institutions of governance in the North Eastern region are largely ineffective or inadequate. This may be

attributed to the widespread insecurity, the harsh climatic conditions and the vastness of the North Eastern region.

Insecurity in the region has made institutions ineffective since most civil servants, especially those from other

parts of the country, have been reluctant to work in the area. This is because they are often targeted by the Al

Shabaab terrorist group for abductions and killing. Those who reluctantly work there, mainly on disciplinary,

are not motivated to work, making the available institutions quite ineffective. This has created a vacuum,

considered ungoverned territory that the terrorists often use to radicalize the locals into violent extremism.

Ineffective institutions of governance lead to poor delivery of government services, a development that culminate

into frustrations as underlined by the theoretical foundation of this study.

The vastness of the North Eastern region has made it difficult to have government institutions within reach.

Residents are sometimes forced to walk long distances to access basic government services. For instance, Garissa

and Mandera counties have only one law court each, making access to justice through the judiciary extremely

difficult. Besides, some residents are forced to walk for more than 70 kilometers to access the nearest police

post, National Government Administrative office and/or Deputy County commissioner’s office among other

offices that provide vital services (Interview with NGO staff, 2025). This scenario has made government

institutions appear rare and inaccessible by many residents, making access to basic government services difficult.

When the government is unable or unwilling to provide basic services, the social contract does not only fade,

but the environment culminates into frustrations among residents, making them vulnerable to radicalization into

violent extremism.

The weak or inadequate governance institutions in many parts of the North Eastern region have sabotaged

development in the area. This is because the weak or inadequate governance structures have hindered effective

implementation of policies meant to enhance or maintain development. Unlike in the North Eastern region,

successful implementation of development policies requires good working environment where civil servants are

motivated to deliver on their mandate. Good working environment promotes coordination within government,

an important ingredient for sustainable development (Hillman, 2009). This is largely lacking in the region due

to ineffective and/or inadequate institutions of governance.

Strong institutions promote accountability, which is a veritable ingredient in good governance. However, the

ungoverned territory of the North Eastern region lacks such institutions and thus accountability, posing serious

governance challenges. The region further lacks institutions for the monitoring and evaluating good governance,

which is key in promoting development and good service delivery (Ibid). The absence of such institutions in the

region has created a lot of discontent among the residents, thus making them vulnerable to all forms of aggression

including violent extremism. This study underscores that many vital government institutions are lacking or

scarce in the North Eastern region. These institutions include but not limited to Ethics and Anticorruption

commission that fights corruption, Kenya bureau of standards that guarantees quality standards and

communication commission of Kenya that protects consumer rights within the communication environment

among other institutions. This culminates in poor service delivery and subsequently frustrations that leads to

radicalization into violent extremism.

Heightened terrorism activities in the North Eastern region have played a key role in weakening the existing

institutions of governance. In February 2025, five chiefs were for instance ambushed and abducted by Al

Shabaab while travelling from Wargadud to Elwak. The attack happened between Bamba Owla and Ires Suki,

just days before the head of state visited the area. This is not an isolated case targeting government officials

and/or institutions. There have been many attacks, especially in the last one decade, that have targeted security

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officers in the region. In October 2024 alone, more than ten attacks were launched targeting security officers

and/or security installations in Lafey and Fino in Mandera county. As underlined by one respondent, many police

posts and stations have been attacked in the region in the last decade (Interview with a resident, 2025). In Wajir,

at least 25 attacks that targeted government officials, security officers and their installations were reported

between November and December, 2024. This deliberate targeting of security officers and key government

installations is an attempt to render the area ungovernable, hence creating a vacuum to be used for violent

extremism.

Institutions expected to deliver on the promises of human rights are also weak or inadequate in the North Eastern

region. Human right dimensions touching on cultural, economic and social rights and civil and political rights

as underlined in the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural rights and the International

Covenant on Civil and Political rights respectively, have been ignored in the region (Njagi, 2024). This is because

of the absence of the institutions mandated to promote the observance of various human rights. When human

rights are not observed, people become rebellious as espoused by frustration-aggression theory, a development

that sometimes makes people become receptive to radical ideas. One respondent underlined this argument by

pointing a case where a young man from Wajir was arrested and forced to sell his Camel to pay bribe. Upon

release, the young man crossed over to Somalia and joined Al Shabaab (Interview with staff working with NGO,

2025).

The heightened incidences of radicalization into violent extremism is both a symptom and a cause of poor

governance (Njagi, 2023). Violent extremism causes poor governance when it undermines the cardinal pillars of

democracy and the security of key government installations and/or personnel. It becomes a symptom since it

thrives where government institutions are either in-existent or extremely weak, a development that creates a

vacuum that can be used for criminal activities. Whether a symptom or a cause of poor governance, violent

extremism and the strength of government institutions are correlated. When institutions are weak or inadequate,

violent extremism is widespread, particularly where radical ideology is present. Strong institutions on the other

hand help in curbing violent extremism even when the radical ideology is present. Thus, deficiency in the

strength of the institutions of governance gives violent extremists a lacuna that they exploit to propagate their

radical ideologies.

Weak institutions of governance in the North Eastern region, as evidenced by the limited or ineffective state

power and/or presence has led to power vacuum or alternative structures of authority in the region. Al Shabaab

has for instance served the role of judiciary and the police by arbitrating on disputes among residents and

providing security respectively. Al Shabaab has not only provided these services, but they have also demanded

levies in some regions, while at the same time discouraging locals from paying taxes to the county or national

government. This terrorist group has been seeking to create a power vacuum or an alternative structure of

authority, so that the area remains ungoverned. An ungoverned territory would continue serving the interest of

Al Shabaab by acting as a safe haven for the extremist group.

The limited surveillance by security agencies due to the weak or non-existence state institutions in the North

Eastern region has created an enabling environment for violent extremism. This kind of limited surveillance by

state agencies creates a conducive environment for extremists groups to propagate their radical ideas. This is

because limited surveillance due to institutional weakness allows extremist groups to move freely, conduct their

radicalization exercises and transport their weapons without being detected. This kind of environment has

boosted the morale of the violent extremist groups, thus emboldening them to continue propagating their radical

ideologies among the residents of North Eastern region. This paper therefore argues that weak or non-existent

institutions of governance in North Eastern region has acted as an enabler for violent extremism by weakening

the social contract between the government of Kenya and the residents of the North Eastern region.

Cross-border movements in the North Eastern Region

The Kenya-Somalia long porous border has made it easy for people to cross from Somalia to Kenya and the vice

versa without being detected. The situation has been aggravated by the ungoverned territories of the North

Eastern region, where criminals cross from Somalia to Kenya and operate freely without the risk of encountering

security agencies. These criminals particularly those with radical or extreme ideologies have enjoyed the vacuum

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created to spread the radical ideology among the residents. The inadequate border control in the era of

globalization where the entire world has become a village is a serious threat to national security in Kenya and

the region.

The porous Kenya-Somalia border has played a significant role in heightening insecurity in the North Eastern

region. The ensuing security situation in the region has thus culminated in a complex security dynamic that

affects the entire Horn of Africa region. This is because it has significantly led to the proliferation of small arms

and light weapons, illicit cattle trade, smuggling of various goods such as sugar and cross-border kidnappings.

The porous border has also been an enabler of the terrorists in advancing their activities in the region, including

recruiting and radicalization into violent extremism (Nolasco, 2017). The increased infiltration in Kenya by Al

Shabaab from Somalia has made it easy for them to influence the local residents and spread their radical ideology

of creating an East African caliphate.

The failure to effectively monitor and prevent the movement of suspicious individuals along the Kenya-Somali

border in the North Eastern region has made it easy for criminal elements including terrorists to operate freely,

thus significantly compromising security and development projects in the North Eastern region. Ineffective

monitoring of this border is due to the inadequate resources, both human and technological, that have been

allocated to this endeavor, a development that has led to the manifold security challenges in the area. The

ineffective monitoring of the border has exacerbated the dire security situation occasioned by the ungoverned

territory of the North Eastern region, a condition that has played a key role in fueling radicalization into violent

extremism. This has in turn complicated the security dynamics in the region.

Corruption among police officers manning the Kenya-Somalia border has facilitated Al Shabaab in gaining entry

into Kenya, and has promoted the smuggling in illegal goods such as sugar. Such corruption coupled with

inadequate capacity of various security agencies and the poor coordination between them has significantly

intensified insecurity in the region. Corruption within the border police unit is a major enabler for violent

extremism since it allows terror suspects and smuggled goods enter the country (Mongare, 2019). The smuggled

goods are in turn used to entice vulnerable youth into violent extremism.

The inadequate number of officers from the Kenya Revenue Authority (KRA) along the Kenya-Somalia porous

border does not only depict the porosity of the border, but it is also a confirmation that the region is poorly

governed. This has negatively affected security situation in the region in many ways, including fueling clan

hostilities as they seek to control smuggling routes. This is the case in Boru-Hache town, a transit points for

goods smuggled from Somalia into Kenya. Marehan clan in Mandera County have been considered to be

controlling trade along this smuggling route. This has created discontent as noted by respondent who observed

that Marehan clan are controlling trade in our land, marginalizing our people in their own land (Interview with

a resident, 2025). The porous border and the presence of large swaths of land that is poorly governed has made

it easy for youth to be recruited and get trained in Somalia and later get deployed back to Kenya to radicalize

others or for a terrorist attack.

The high level of insecurity in the North Eastern region has been exacerbated by not only the home-grown

terrorists, but also cross-border insurgency by the Al Shabaab terrorist group from Somalia. The porous border

has allowed Al Shabaab to easily cross the Kenya-Somali border, a development that has heightened

radicalization and negatively affected humanitarian situation. The instability in Somalia has significant spillover

effect on Kenya’s security situation and particularly the North Eastern region. As already underlined, Al Shabaab

often crosses the border and sometimes fuel the inter-clan animosity which culminate into clan fighting. This is

a major source of insecurity in the region, a condition that has significantly compromised the humanitarian

situation in the area due to the massive displacements it has caused.

The conflict in Somali coupled with the clan dynamics and shared identities across Kenya-Somali border has

played a vital role in security spillover effect in Kenya. This has affected the security situation in Kenya, and

especially in the North Eastern region. The cross-border insurgency has been emboldened by the ungoverned

territory in the North Eastern region, a development that has negatively affected the security dynamics in Garissa,

Mandera and Wajir counties.

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The inadequate Kenya-Somalia security coordination and the weak social contract between the Kenyan

government and the residents of the North Eastern region has significantly affected security situation in the

region (NCIC & Interpeace, 2017). The Al Shabaab has exploited the weak social contract, the porous borders

and the regional cleavages to enforce their variant of Islamic law and extremist ideas in both Somalia and

Kenya’s North Eastern region. Al Shabaab has tailored their message according to the needs of the people of

North Eastern region. This has made violent extremist groups like Al Shabaab become so attractive to the

residents of the North Eastern region since they are seen as an alternative source of governance.

Akenga et al consider terrorism long the Kenya-Somalia border to be a major security threat in the region. He

attributes the security situation in the region to the poor exchange of information among the intelligence agencies

of the two states. This is because Kenya-Somalia relation has been riddled by mistrust, poor coordination and

contrariness, a development that makes sharing of intelligence extremely difficult (Akenga et al, 2021). The

inadequate cross-border sharing of intelligence has hindered effective security collaboration between the two

states, thus affecting security in North Eastern region of Kenya.

The security threat posed by Al Shabaab, especially in the North Eastern region, is worsened by the cross-border

activities, the inter-communal rivalries and the ungoverned nature of the region. The unchecked cross-border

activities and the inter-communal rivalries that also often cross Kenya-Somali border has culminated in a vacuum

that the Al Shabaab use to expand and further their agenda of making the North Eastern region ungovernable.

This study depicts that the porous Kenya-Somalia border, which is an indicator of poor governance, has given

violent extremists a vacuum that enables them propagate their radical ideologies without the fear of being

detected by the security agencies. This in essence depicts that porous border like the one found in the North

Eastern Kenya is a sign that the region is ungoverned territory. This heightens radicalization into violent

extremism in the North Eastern region and Kenya at large.

CONCLUSION

Based on how the term ‘ungoverned territory’ has been conceptualized by various scholars, this study concludes

that the North Eastern region of Kenya is an ungoverned territory. This is because the region lacks effective

control by the national government as is evidenced by the prevailing poor social contract between the

government and the residents, weak or inadequate institutions of governance and the government’s inability to

control the long and porous Kenya-Somalia border. The ensuing environment of weak social contract, ineffective

and/or inadequate institutions of governance and the porous border that is poorly managed has culminated in an

environment that is conducive for violent extremism.

This is because the weak social contract between the government and the residents of the North Eastern region

has culminated in poor provision of basic services by the government and the abuse of human rights, thus fueling

dissent among the locals. This in turn plays a key role in promoting violent extremism since disgruntled people

are likely to be more receptive to the radical ideologies as argued by frustration-aggression theory. In addition,

ineffective or inadequate institutions of governance as is the case in Norther Kenya allows the extremist groups

to operate freely without the risk of being detected, thus giving them a safe haven to recruit and radicalize

residents into extremism.

The ungoverned territory evidenced by the porous Kenya-Somalia border allows undetected cross-border

activities. The locals often cross border to Somalia where they are trained and deployed back to advance the

terrorist activities in Kenya. Further, violent extremists from Somalia cross over to Kenya to further their agenda

of radicalization into violent extremism. This study therefore argues that the ungoverned territory of the North

Eastern region in Kenya has resulted in weak social contract, porous border and inadequate institutions of

governance. When the social contract is weak or non-existent, people revert to the state of nature as underscored

by Thomas Hobbes, creating a conducive environment for violent extremism. Ungoverned territory also leads

to poor provision of basic services, a development that heightens dissatisfaction among people. This makes

people vulnerable to violent extremism as underlined by frustration-aggression theory.

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RECOMMENDATIONS

Based on the key findings of this study, this paper recommends the need to fight violent extremism from a

governance perspective. The Kenyan government needs to pay special attention to its ungoverned territories,

particularly the North Eastern region where radical Islamic ideology is present, for it to counter violent

extremism in the country. Failure to combat violent extremism from a governance perspective will prove difficult

to address this malady. This is because the ungoverned territories not only act as a safe haven for terrorist to

advance their agenda of violent extremism, but also culminate into dissent among the locals which create

conducive environment for violent extremism.

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