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Rethinking Kenya’s National Police Service Recruitment Model

Towards Competence and Merit-Based Process for Selecting

Recruits: A comparison of Kenyan National Police Service and

Northern Territory Police Force 2002-2022

Charles SHAMBI

MPA Project

A project submitted in partial fulfilment for the conferment of the degree of Master of Public

Administration College of Business, Government & Law Flinders University

DOI: https://dx.doi.org/10.47772/IJRISS.2025.91100212

Received: 10 November 2025; Accepted: 20 November 2025; Published: 05 December 2025

ABSTRACT

Police recruitment in Kenya has been problematic with claims of unethical practices including corruption,

nepotism, favouritism, political interference as well as patronage featuring prominently among the citizenry,

media and at times becoming a subject of research.

Recommendations to address this topical issue have been suggested in the past and it may be argued that the

Kenya National Police Service (KNPS) has operationalised some of these suggestions, yet the problem

persists.

While this paper agrees with Baker 2018 (cited in Hope 2018, p. 13) analysis that police reforms do not happen

overnight, based on global police reforms experience, it will argue that the prescriptions provided so far (e.g.,

Hope 2018; Nyamu, 2019; Wasike, 2005) to deal with police recruitment lacks substantive and nuanced zeal

required to fix the problem. This research project takes a different approach by placing the emphasis on the

recruitment model itself to address an area of further study as suggested by Wasike (2005, p.68). It proposes a

radical solution in the shape of a ‘competent recruitment’ model that shall promote merit in recruitment and

selection of police recruits in the KNPS.

Charles Shambi

POAD 9007: Government Thesis

‘Quite simply – when recruiting and retaining personnel, every detail is important and deserves

attention.’

-Chief Dwayne Orrick

Former Police Chief for the City of Cordele, Georgia.

Dedication

Dedicated to my loving parents Fraiscah Shambi and Samuel Shambi for giving me the opportunity that they

never had. For every sacrifice you made to get me to this stage, I’ll forever be grateful and indebted to you.

Acknowledgement

I owe my gratitude, first, to God for the gift of life and the opportunity to pursue this level of education.

Simply put, this research endeavour could not have been possible without the guidance and assistance of the

topic coordinator, Prof. Andrew Parkin and my supervisor, Dr. Valarie Sands. I’m grateful for their expertise

and professional efforts that collectively made it possible to produce this thesis.

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I would like to specially thank Dr. Sands for her valuable advice throughout this journey and always being

available to help. Her compassion and dedication to her students played a key role in completion of this

research project.

Special mentions to Dr. Luis da Vinha and Associate Professor Rodrigo Praino both of whom introduced me to

research work earlier on which culminated in completing this research project.

I would also like to pay appreciation to my colleagues, especially for their peer review during this undertaking.

Your invaluable feedback and support is highly appreciated.

Whereas all these incredible people played a role in completion of this research project, it entirely remains my

work and I’m totally accountable for it. Thus, any errors are entirely my own.

Declaration

I certify that this thesis:

1. does not incorporate without acknowledgment any material previously submitted for a degree or diploma

in any university

2. and the research within will not be submitted for any other future degree or diploma without the

permission of Flinders University; and

3. to the best of my knowledge and belief, does not contain any material previously published or written by

another person except where due reference is made in the text.

Thesis Summary

The broad objective of this study is to address a topical issue of malpractices in recruitment and selection of

police recruits into the Kenya National Police Service (KNPS). As a growing democracy, Kenya through her

supreme law of the land and related legislation particularly the Public Service (Values and Principles) Act

2015 requires that recruitment and promotion of public servants be anchored on merit, essentially providing for

impartial selection of individuals who are best suited for the job. Being a public agency established by the

constitution means KNPS is bound by the aforesaid legal requirements and most importantly required to

adhere to those ideals not only for efficiency and or effectiveness of the organisation but the safety and

wellbeing of Kenyans (Oliver 2014, p.1). However, KNPS recruitment of constables has come to be associated

with unethical malpractices mainly bribery, patronage, nepotism, political interference, tribalism, and

favouritism among others at the expense of merit selection as required by law (Gastrow 2009, p. 8; Ransley et

al 2009, p. 132).

This project argues that the structural setting of the KNPS recruitment model is flawed and requires re-

engineering if the issue is to be addressed. In fact, this is an area of further research as proposed by Wasike

(2005, p. 68) who suggested a need for research that shall culminate in a ‘competent recruitment’ model for

KNPS. To achieve this, the researcher sought to compare KNPS recruitment model with a similar agency in an

established democracy with similar recruitment ideals with the aim of learning the strengths and weakness of

either model in meritorious selection of recruits. The outcome of these lessons constituted grounds for

suggesting a recommended model for the KNPS. Based on the ideals of merit as the basis for selection, legal

requirements for recruitment, the size of organisation (i.e., police to civilian ratio), and the general contentment

of recruitment exercises, the Northern Territory Police Force (NTPF) was deemed suitable for this comparison.

In practice, case studies were used to examine the two models with desk research method used to obtain

information.

The analysis of results showed that both structural and procedural factors in recruitment models have a hand in

influencing merit or lack of it in recruitment and selection of recruits. Thus, it was found that reverting the

recruitment power to the Inspector General coupled by other crucial factors namely recruiters inadequacies,

inadequate fit-for-purpose processes, lack of recruitment procedures and assessment manuals worked to

undermine meritorious recruitment and selection of recruits in KNPS. In contrast, the presence of the aforesaid

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factors aided meritorious recruitment and selection in the NTPF and perhaps explains the contentment.

Drawing lessons from the two models, the researcher recommended elimination of the one- day nationwide

KNPS recruitment as currently constituted and proposed structural and process reforms in a phased recruitment

model encompassing five stages.

The project suggests two areas of further research as follows; the study of the proposed recruitment model to

ascertain its efficacy in promoting meritorious recruitment and selection of recruits in KNPS as well as an

expanded repeat research that shall utilise triangulation to collect data directly from both recruiters and/or

candidates who have undergone through either model. This follows the possibility of there being relevant

information that may have been missed in this project owing to its design and methods, particularly where such

information is not publicly available.

INTRODUCTION

‘Kenyans cannot expect officers recruited in such a manner to uphold any ethics and integrity in their future

careers. A stream of law enforcement has been polluted at the source’ (Justice Aaron Ringera as cited by

Nation 2005). This is a sensational quote from the then Chairman of the Kenya Anti-Corruption Commission

(KACC) that summed up Kenya’s National Police Service (KNPS) recruitment exercise in which it was

claimed that 80% of the process was flawed (BBC News 2005; Nation 2005). The said exercise was challenged

in court and ultimately nullified on grounds of irregularities including massive corruption, nepotism, and

patronage (BBC News 2005; Nation 2005; Ng'ang'a & Ombati 2005). Irregularities marring police recruitment

continue to be a matter of national debate and Kenyans have come to associate the exercise with these

unethical practices (Gastrow 2009, p. 8). Needless to say, a concrete solution is yet to be found.

Surprisingly, there’s limited research that tackles this problem head on. Existing research work (e.g., Hope

2015; Hope 2019; Nyamu, 2019; Wasike 2005) face this problem from a rather conservative angle i.e., first

acknowledging and thus reaffirming that the problem exists, second, that the problem has negative

ramifications to both the public and the organisation itself, and finally that it needs to be addressed. Others

(like Kinoti 2017, p. 161 and Ransley et al 2009, p. 140) have attempted to provide a practical solution

suggesting a staged recruitment exercise comprising of three phases (namely ‘written applications, oral

interviews, and vetting of candidates’) to address the issue. While it is conceded that this approach is an

improvement of previous suggestions, the proposals remain blurry with unnuanced elucidation of how exactly

each stage of the phased recruitment should be executed and its merit in addressing this issue.

Whereas the researcher does not necessarily seek to critique previous research works on the matter - but rather

focus on building and improving on them - they almost fall short of telling what is already known and suggest

generic solutions that lack substantive impetus to address the problem. Lack of a robust solution is regrettable,

as this is the kind of valuable information that the KNPS could benefit from to address this organisational

challenge that has far-reaching negative implications. Ultimately, if these changes are implemented, the

implied benefits (e.g., hiring of ‘job-fit’ candidates which improves service delivery and retention rate) would

be extended to the public (Oliver 2014, p. 1; Omeje & Gathigaro 2012, p. 23; Orrick 2009, p. 24).

The purpose of this study therefore is to suggest a fundamental solution of recruitment in KNPS by proposing a

‘competent recruitment’ model that shall inspire merit-based recruitment and selection of recruits.

To achieve this, engaging the two logics of comparison and ‘tracing across’ scales simultaneously as suggested

by Bartlett & Vavrus (2017, p. 1) will yield ‘process discovery and problem solving’ consequently aiding the

above endeavour. Thus, comparing the KNPS recruitment model with a similar agency in an established

democracy with similar recruitment ideals may be of utility in seeking a solution to this long-standing problem.

As an advanced democracy, Australia’s public service is underpinned by merit in employment as anchored in

the employment principles spelt out in section 10 (a) of the Public Service Act 1999. And being a public sector

agency within Australia, the Northern Territory Police Force pursuant to Article 15A of Police Administration

Act 1978 of the Northern Territory is guided by merit in selection and promotion of members. In general

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terms, it may be argued that the NTPF recruitment model may provide valuable lessons in how to adhere to

merit-based selection. For example, complaints against the Northern Territory public service relating to appeals

against selection in recruitment process between 2009-2013 only averaged 40 (Donaldson 2016). Also

importantly, in the year 2014/15 only two complaints were related to application procedure and/or policies

(Donaldson 2016). Whereas the actual complaints (if any) that can be directly attributed to NTPF is not

provided, but it is insurmountably lower compared to the KNPS where selection of recruits is usually a matter

of public discontent, often challenged in courts and on two occasions in the recent past, nullified by the courts

on grounds of being riddled by corruption and patronage (Hope 2018, p. 93-94; Nation 2005).

The Northern Territory also has the highest police ratios compared to other jurisdictions in Australia i.e., 8

officers to 1000 people, translating to 1:125 (Australian Government Productivity Commission, 2022). With

Kenya committing to increase her police/civilian ratios (currently standing at 1:380) through ambitious

recruitment drives, the NTPF can be seen as a model that KNPS can look up to and is comparable in policing

terms - and/or size (Mukinda 2017; State House Kenya 2017).

Based on its jurisdiction (being in an advanced democracy), the legal requirements and principles of

recruitment, the size of organisation and general contentment of recruitment exercises, the Northern Territory

Police Force (NTPF) was deemed suitable for this comparison. Thus, this paper asks the research question

‘Was the Northern Territory Police Force recruitment model better at promoting merit in selecting police

recruits than the Kenyan National Police Service recruitment model between 2002 and 2022?

The motive for this research question is to compare both models (within a two decades’ timeframe i.e., 2002-

2022) in terms of their strengths and weakness in promoting merit in selection of recruits, and deciphering

what works with the view of suggesting an applicable model for KNPS. Thus, it is theorised here that the

structural setting of recruitment in NTPF is far superior in achieving public sector values of merit in

recruitment and selection of police recruits compared to the KNPS model.

To find out whether there is a link between the ‘recruitment structure/process’ with promotion of value of merit

in recruitment and selection of recruits, this study will hypothesise first that ‘there is a direct positive

relationship between the NTPF recruitment process and promotion of merit in recruitment and selection of

recruits between 2002 and 2022’, and second that ‘there is a direct positive relationship between the KNPS

recruitment process and lack of merit in recruitment and selection of recruits between 2002 and 2022’.

Simply put, a reimagined police recruitment model for Kenya which is anchored on merit in recruitment and

selection of recruits is first and foremost a fulfillment of both the supreme law of the land as enshrined in

Article 232 (1) g of Kenya’s 2010 Constitution and Public Service (Values and Principles) Act 2015 as

provided for in Section 10 (1 & 3). The model will also help improve the public view of the recruitment

exercise and the agency’s image, aid hiring of fit-for purpose personnel and ultimately inspire better service to

the public.

The structure of the remaining research project begins with Chapter two which discusses methodology and

methodological limitations. Here an elucidation of research design and the choice of methods is provided as

well as a discussion of methodological limitations. In Chapter three, a review of literature will be conducted

where a conceptual puzzle will be constructed. The Chapter will finish off by contextualising this research

project within existing literature. Results will be presented in Chapter four, with the analysis of those results

provided in Chapter five. Chapter six will mark the culmination of this research project by presenting the

proposed recruitment model for KNPS. Finally, Chapter seven provides a conclusion where a summary of the

key issues will be provided, limitations of the study acknowledged, and further areas of study suggested.

METHODOLOGY

Whereas both qualitative and quantitative approaches of scientific enquiry in social sciences aim to

conceptualise how the world works, operationalisation matters in terms of the nature of research question,

research design, sampling frame, data collection and analysis, means that these approaches achieve this goal

differently (Kalof et al 2008, p. 79). Admittedly, the dichotomy between the two approaches has increasingly

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blurred over the years. For example, both approaches are now using visual tools. A distinction can however be

drawn in that whereas quantitative research uses statistical tools to interpret data, qualitative approach relies on

the researcher to observe and deduce meaning of patterns instead of primarily employing statistical tools

(Kalof et al 2008, p. 79). Given the underlying traditions of these approaches, the choice of either form will be

influenced by the superiority or utility of the approach in investigating a research topic under consideration

e.g., say the nature of the topic and/or the research design thereof, available body of knowledge, researcher’s

expertise and/or preferences, and practical matters like time limitations (Thiel 2014, pp. 58-59).

Qualitative methods are superior to quantitative methods in understanding interpretive questions because they

use what Kalof et al (2008, p. 79) calls ‘emic’ in-depth insights of the unit of analysis as compared to

quantitative methods where experiments are done in the laboratory or individuals participating in a survey are

made to choose from the options provided to describe a phenomenon. Consequently, qualitative methods have

often been used albeit successfully to study particular historical events or certain period in depth or in making

comparisons between units of analysis e.g., countries, groups, institutions (Kalof et al 2008, p. 82).

Considering the above discussion, this research project sought to address an area of further study as suggested

by Wasike (2005, p. 68) and propose a ‘competent recruitment’ model that shall promote merit in recruitment

and selection of police recruits in KNPS. To achieve this, the researcher compared the KNPS recruitment

model to that of the NTPF to understand the strengths and weaknesses of each model in promoting merit in

selection of recruits. The outcome of this analysis formed the basis of suggesting an applicable model that shall

inspire merit in recruitment and selection of recruits into KNPS. Thus, qualitative research approach as

demonstrated above was preferred because of its utility in addressing the nature of the research question.

Interestingly, Lofca (2002, p. 7) explored the drivers of police misconduct and examined the strengths and

weaknesses of control mechanisms used to deter police officers from such deviant police behaviour in the US,

deciphering what works better and ultimately put forth the ‘best deterrence model for Turkish National Police

(TNP)’. In doing so, his study employed case study methodology and primarily utilised library-based research

to undertake a comprehensive review of literature about the subject under study. Inspired by the success of

Lofca’s 2002 research design, the researcher employed case studies in which KNPS recruitment model was

compared to that of NTPF and the desk research method used to collect data.

Case study

The applied nature of the case study method and its utility in investigating research topics aimed at providing

solutions to topical social issues, made it a fit for this project design and thus preferred (Bartlett & Vavrus

2017, p. 1; Thiel 2014, p. 86). Further, because the method is by nature limited to situations (as is the case in

this research project), the situation is studied in detail providing depth as opposed to breadth, yielding what

Bartlett & Vavrus (2017, p. 1) term as ‘process discovery and problem solving’ (Thiel 2014, pp. 87-93). In

implication and as further strength influencing the choice of this method, the specificity of the cases studied

yielded rich and extensive description allowing the researcher to provide an explanation of the specific subject

under study ultimately making it possible to propose a solution to the topical issue (Thiel 2014, p. 87). A

purposive selection of multiple heterogeneous cases was considered whereby KNPS and NTPF recruitment

models formed the units of study (n=2) with the underlying assumption being, there is a connection between a

recruitment model and its efficacy in promoting merit selection of police recruits (Thiel 2014, p. 90). As varied

independent variables, these two recruitment models were compared from the year 2002 to 2022, first to ‘case

bound’ the study as advised by Yin 2011 (cited in Bartlett & Vavrus 2017, p. 6) and secondly to help in

deducing their effectiveness in promoting merit in selection of police recruits with greater certainty because the

association can be explained more directly (Thiel 2014, p. 90). The strengths and weaknesses of both models in

promoting merit in recruitment and selection of recruits were examined in depth, revealing useful lessons that

were considered in suggesting a re-imagined KNPS recruitment model.

Desk research

The desk research method (both primary and secondary data) was employed to collect data to answer the

research question. Primary data material as used here refers to information that has not been produced for and

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or used for research purposes before and is collected by the researcher himself, whereas secondary material

refers to previous research findings that could be used afresh in a new study on the same or related topic (Thiel

2014, p. 104). The choice of this method was influenced by three main reasons as follows.

Other than its obvious benefits of efficiency and cost effectiveness, the nature of the research question coupled

by practical matters particularly in view of time limitations made this method of better utility for the research

project compared to other methods such as interviews or surveys (Thiel 2014, p. 103). Considering the

bureaucratic nature of the organisations involved in the study and the time limitations, methods like interviews

or surveys were impractical particularly when thought of in terms of obtaining consents, planning, and

conducting the actual interviews/surveys, plus meeting the timelines guiding the production of this research

project.

Second, considering the topic involves international comparative analysis, the desk research method was

preferred as a useful tool to address the research question without the researcher needing to travel (Thiel 2014,

p. 103). Again, while this saved on time and resources, it also made it practically possible to complete the

research project within the stipulated time.

The third main reason was that desk research offered the researcher an obtrusive advantage that made it

possible not to interfere with the situation under study while collecting data thus increasing reliability and

validity of results (Thiel 2014, p. 103).

This research project therefore sourced available information including - but not limited to - newspaper

articles, police published articles, results statistics, legal documents, policy memoranda, books, peer reviewed

journal articles and published research to collate data that was used to address the research question. In doing

so, a random approach to selecting the dataset was used where data relating to recruitment of police recruits

into KNPS and NTPF was obtained (Thiel 2014). Key words or phrases such as merit, recruitment and

selection, police recruitment, merit in recruitment, police recruitment in Kenya, police recruitment in Northern

Territory were used to sieve available information and select appropriate dataset.

Data analysis

Since this research project encompassed data from multiple sources, meta-analysis was used to analyse

information and arrive at new conclusions which ultimately informed the suggested solution to the problem

under study. By and large, the researcher preferred meta-analysis because arriving at conclusions based on a

variety of units of study and/or a research situation improves the external reliability and validity of the research

project (Thiel 2014, p. 113).

Methodological limitations

The case study strategy as used in this research project presents a challenge of external validity and reliability.

Because of their specificity and focus on depth rather than breath, case studies tend to strengthen their internal

at the expense of external reliability and validity (Thiel 2014). This was mitigated by obtaining data from

multiple sources and using meta-analysis during desk research to ensure that new conclusions are arrived on

the premise of several research situations and/or study units to improve external validity and reliability (Thiel

2014, p. 113).

Whereas other methods of strengthening reliability and validity of the study such as triangulation (particularly

in reference to using a combination of different methods e.g., interviews and surveys) could be used, practical

matters in terms of the nature of the research questions that involves highly bureaucratic organisations, and the

time limitations rendered that path impossible to pursue (Bailey 1992, cited in Thiel 2014, p. 92). Again, by

using the desk research method, the researcher was able to isolate himself from the studied cases thus avoiding

subjectivity issues by being in close contact with the case or participants and or interfering with the situation

which improved the validity of the research (Thiel 2014, p. 93).

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LITERATURE REVIEW

This chapter will engage literature and build a conceptual puzzle aimed at contextualising this research project

within the existing literature.

Human resources in public service: why it matters?

Human resources are undoubtedly the hidden treasures and the most important asset of any organisation that

should be viewed as an investment (Garner 2012, p. 11; Oliver 2014, p. 1; Wasike 2005, p. 2; Wilson 2010, p.

38). As Oliver (2014, p.2) proclaims, ‘this fact is acknowledged by everyone, is not denied by anyone, written

about by many, but practiced by very few agencies.’ They are the engine and mechanism through which

organisations deliver on their mandate and achieve organisational goals. As Oliver (2014, p.1) contends, the

quality of the organisation is determined by the quality of individuals hired. In the volatile and fluid public

sector spectrum, these resources play even greater manifold role -although underappreciated- in development

(Oliveros & Schuster 2018, p. 759). To illustrate this, Oliveros and Schuster (2018, p. 759) suggests that

quantity and quality of public services available to the public is underpinned by effort and work ethics of the

public servants. This means the harder and smarter they work, the better the quality and quantity of services

citizens can enjoy and vice versa. Second, presence or absence of corrupt behaviour among public servants

directly determines the availability of resources to deliver public services and influence how well the public

can trust the government (Oliveros & Schuster 2018, p. 759). And last, whether public servants choose to

engage in campaigns for ruling parties determines the fairness of electoral playing fields which negatively

impacts the fairness of the whole election process (Oliveros & Schuster 2018, p. 759).

If it is agreeable that human resources are that novel, and especially so in the public sector context, it will go

without saying that the staffing function of public sector agencies should be functionally as effective. Perhaps

this explains the classic work of Weber (1978) suggesting the need to move towards bureaucratic structures

that shape behaviour in terms of commitment to public service, integrity, and neutrality.

The bigger picture of recruitment function

Whereas recruitment and selection are often used interchangeably, precise definition of the terms differentiates

them (Rashmi, 2010). A classic definition of recruitment is provided by

Lewis 1985 (cited in Rashmi 2010, p. 11) as ‘the activity that generates a pool of applicants, who have the

desire to be employed by the organisation, from which those suitable can be selected’. Therefore, recruitment

is seen as the process immediately preceding selection that makes way for selection process whereby a shortlist

of suitable candidates capable of delivering on the tasks of the role either immediately or able to develop that

ability within a reasonable time is produced (Rashmi, 2010). As such, recruitment and selection may be

described here as the staffing function of the organisation that involves identifying of vacancies and hiring

qualified personnel for the vacant positions. As the function that feeds the human resource capacity of the

organisation, especially when examined in the public sector context as described above, the recruitment

process should thus yield employees that will be good performers and will also have significant tenure with the

organisation lest the agency suffers unreasonably high attrition rates (attributed to wrong recruitment, for

example poor person- job fit) and the consequent wasteful impact (Sims, 2002; Orrick 2008, pp. 6-9). Sarma

(2009, p. 10) views today’s ‘wrong recruitment and selection’ as the organisation’s problems tomorrow

arguing that if the wrong people are employed; even the best plans whither, organisational costs increase,

organisation’s control and strategy systems suffer, and challenges get worse.

Just as other organisations, police in diverse jurisdictions across the world are not an exception to Sarma’s

(2009) analysis. In fact, Wilson et al (2010, p. 67) underscore the relevance of what they term as ‘productive

recruitment and selection’ regardless of the level involved, postulating that poor recruitment and selection

results in employing individuals that are not only unable to communicate effectively with the diverse public

but also cannot use discretion appropriately and perform a plethora of duties required of the Police. Again,

wrong recruitment has been blamed of having a hand in attrition rates and associated costs when the agency is

for example forced to terminate a candidate’s service (Wilson et al 2010, p. 38). Moreover, procedural justice

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theory holds that future citizen cooperation (like applying to become a Police Officer) is heavily dependent on

how police members treat the public (Aiello 2021, p.1). This therefore calls for an ardent recruitment process

that ensures selection of individuals that can execute their duties effectively, exercise discretion appropriately

and able to communicate with diverse members of the public if the organisation is able to achieve citizen

cooperation in the future.

Now that the paper has argued that recruiting the ‘right people for the job’ is crucially important for

organisational outcomes, especially in public sector context (in which the police

fall under), the second obvious question would be how then do we make sure we employ the right people or

rather, what are the underlying factors that can guarantee meeting this need?

Meritorious recruitment

Merit has widely been accepted both conceptually and empirically as the best practice in recruiting an

organisation’s best assets (Dahlstrom et al 2012, p. 656). In fact, other scholars have described it as the pillar in

modern bureaucracies whether looked at philosophically (Sager & Rossa, 2009) or legally (Podgar & Chan,

2015). This is because it is the principle that informs selection of employees to ensure that they are most

suitable for the job or what Godwin (2011, p. 320) describes as ‘getting the best person for the job’ and ensures

selection is shielded from ‘patronage, bias and any other undue influence’ (APSC 2010, p. 42). By providing

the aforesaid shield, proponents of merit like Hausser (2013) and Ingraham (2006) contend that it is the go-to

fairest method in conceptualising an effective bureaucracy as it provides a level ground for everyone to thrive.

It is also argued that merit promotes employee development in terms of harbouring diverse predilections and

inspires them to unequivocally express their views to others (Cooper, 2018). Other than recruiting the best

candidates, underlying merit in recruitment also improves the process by ensuring consistency, fairness and

managing the public face of the organisation (Garner 2012).

It is suggested here that the classical works of Weber (1978) advocated for merit in selection as a prerogative

for effective administrations, by proposing bureaucratic structures characterised by meritorious examination

and tenure protection to promote neutrality, integrity, and commitment to public service. Contemporary

theorists and advocates of merit (like Cooper 2018; Egeberg et al 2019; Rauch & Evans 2000) postulate that

merit-based recruitment yields good and non-corruptive governance. In fact, studies of European Union

agencies have shown that public administrations that employ merit-based selection of their employees are less

likely to be riddled with corruption than those that don’t recruit in this manner (Egeberg et al, 2019). A similar

study of 35 developing countries vindicates this finding when it found that meritorious recruitment yielded

reduced level of corruption (Rauch & Evans 2000).

As popular as it may be, it is worth noting that the concept of merit in recruitment has recently been questioned

and subject to dissenting discourse where its supremacy in recruitment has been blamed for not living up to

deliverables as promised by its proponents. For example,

while merit was meant to provide equal opportunities where everyone could succeed, decades of its application

in recruitment have failed to live up to this expectation especially when such aspects as gender disparity within

the public sector are examined (Riccucci, 2009). So far, a dominant explanation given for this disparity has

been the failure of meritocratic systems in challenging the discrimination (occasioned by implicit biases) that

women face (Foley & Williamson, 2018). These unconscious biases defined by Greenwald and Banaji 1995

(cited in Foley & Williamson 2018, p. 1) as stereotypes or attitude which inadvertently influence an

individual’s perceptions and or decision making, have been blamed to unfairly influence meritorious

recruitment process such that even though women have increasingly achieved equal or higher education than

men in many countries and often make up a significant number of public sector service employees, their

number remains disproportionally lower compared to men (Foley & Williamson, 2018). Such is the

significance of the issue that many governments across modern democracies like Australia, United States and

Canada have entrenched staff trainings in the public service geared towards recognising bias and dealing with

it (Foley & Williamson, 2018). The underlying assumption is that recognising and dealing with these unwitting

biases will cushion the concept of merit for it to achieve its ideals as averred by its proponents (Foley &

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Williamson, 2018).

Other than the staff trainings, these concerning flaws in merit-based recruitment can however be mitigated by

affirmative actions aimed at increasing the ability of underrepresented minorities to access opportunities. This

may take the shape of allowing an added advantage to targeted groups for example women, persons living with

disability, or youths among others (Foley & Williamson, 2018). The debate however continues with the

novelty of some of these affirmative actions. This is because on their face value they may be seen to be against

the basic premise of merit i.e., providing an equal chance for everyone to succeed (Phelan & Rudman, 2011).

Police recruitment: Kenyan context

Article 232 of the 2010 Kenyan Constitution as read together with the Public Service (Values and Principles)

Act 2015 requires that recruitment and promotion of public servants be anchored on merit. Moreover, the same

Article 232 in 1(e) demands accountability for administrative acts of all state organs and corporations in both

levels of government i.e., county, and national governments. Since the Constitution has pronounced itself

supreme in Article 2 (1), KNPS as a state organ of the national government is subject to these

unnegotiable constitutional requirements and the agency is further accountable for its administrative actions

including in recruitment and selection of recruits.

Police recruitment in Kenya has however been problematic over the years with claims of corruption, nepotism,

favouritism, political interference as well as patronage (at the expense of merit as per constitutional and legal

requirements) have featured prominently among the citizenry, media and at times are the subject of research

(e.g., Gastrow, 2009; Hope 2015; Hope 2019; Kinoti 2017; Nyamu 2019; Ransley et al, 2009; Wasike 2005).

Often, the fairness and/or validity of these recruitment exercises are questioned and have at times been subject

of court cases challenging them. For example, the recruitment exercises in 2005 and 2014 were challenged in

court and ultimately nullified on grounds that they were not meritorious and marred with cases of corruption,

patronage, nepotism among other unethical practices (BBC News 2005; Business Daily 2014; Kinoti, 2017).

Wasike’s (2005) study on recruitment of the KNPS found that limited information was used in conducting an

effective recruitment exercise while those vested with the responsibility of recruiting were not competent

enough to conduct the exercise. The study also found that police commanders lacked independence in

conducting the recruitment exercises whereas there was concern among non-commissioned officers that police

officers neither understood recruitment procedures nor followed them.

These results were consistent with Hope’s (2018) and Kinoti’s (2017) works which named KNPS recruitment

as one of the major corruption areas in Kenya’s police corruption ‘crime problem’ in Kenya. Official

government documents including the ‘Ransley Report’ (2009) and the Truth Justice and Reconciliation

Commission (TJRC) (2013) explicitly acknowledge lack of meritorious recruitment in KNPS noting that the

exercise is usually infested with corrupt malpractices (Hope, 2018). For example, a quote from the TJRC

report stated ‘during the recruitment exercise, money changes hands. If you cannot part with Ksh 60,000

[approximately US$680], your son cannot be employed’ (TJRC-Kenya 2013 cited in Hope 2018, p. 93).

Similarly, investigations conducted following the 2022 KNPS recruitment exercise showed that recruitment

officers pocketed about 500m shillings in bribes, although holding the said officers accountable proved

problematic as the ‘successful candidates’ were already in police colleges and assisting with investigations

could jeopardise their positions (Angira 2022, p.1).

Interestingly, at the time of this review the issue came up in the vetting of the newly nominated Interior

Cabinet Secretary, Prof. Kithure Kindiki where he was asked about the long-standing issue of malpractices in

selection of recruits in KNPS in due disregard to merit and provided his answer as follows. ‘With regard to

recruitment I want to promise this country that if I am approved as Cabinet secretary for Interior, I will do

whatever it takes to ensure that no Kenyan pays one shilling for their child to be recruited within the police

service, the prisons service and other formations under this ministry’ (Kindiki 2022 cited in Mary 2022, p. 1).

It will therefore appear that the assessment of Gastrow (2009), that recruitment in KNPS had become

synonymous with unethical practices among Kenyans, was confirmed going by the foregoing revelations.

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As Wasike (2005) found, the implication of past recruitment patterns has been poor public relations,

dissatisfaction amongst officers, poor service delivery and increased corruption. These findings were consistent

with Mutahi et al’s (2021) results where officers expressed their dissatisfaction over others promoted via

corruptive practices as well as associated poor public relations and/or service delivery with malpractices in

recruitment and promotions. Again, the 2013 survey titled ‘Policing standards and gaps in Kenya’ by the

Independent Policing Oversight Authority (IPOA) seem to vindicate Wasike’s (2005) and Mutahi et al’s

(2021) findings as 30% of respondents reported having experienced malpractices by the police including

bribery, assault/police cruelty, fabrication of evidence as well as threats of incarceration within a year prior to

the survey. Again, 53% of police officers reported having witnessed police misconduct including bribery,

excessive use of force, assault, falsification of evidence, injuries from weapons and unwarranted shootings

(Hope 2018, p. 91). Here below in Figure 1 is the bribery index of the KNPS between 2007 and 2017 as

provided by Transparency International-Kenya.

Figure I: Bribery Index of KNPS 2007-2017

Source: Transparency International Kenya, adapted from Hope (2018, p. 92). Image removed due to copyright

restriction.

Further, the World Internal Security and Police Index (WISPI) which uses 16 indicators categorised in four

topical domains (namely capacity, legitimacy, effectiveness, and outcomes) to measure the abilities of

countries to respond to internal security issues, ranked Kenya as the third last performer out of 127 states in

total with a score of 0.298 in a scale of 0-1 (Hope 2018, p. 92).

Consistent with available literature (e.g., Ransley, 2009; Wilson et al, 2010) it will be argued here that wrong

recruitment in KNPS looked at in its entirety, works to taint the image of the organisation. Unsurprisingly,

there is a great deal of negative perception of the KNPS among Kenyans. For example, surveys conducted by

the Ethics and Anti-corruption Commission of Kenya (EACC) continually pitches the KNPS as the most

corrupt among all public agencies in Kenya (Hope 2018). Figure II below shows EACC findings on Kenyan’s

perception of corruption in the KNPS.

Figure II: EACC Findings of Kenyan’s Perception of Corruption in the KNPS

Source: EACC, adapted from Hope (2018, p.91). Image removed due to copyright restriction.

There are several other studies that back the EACC findings on perceptions of KNPS among Kenyans which

demonstrate how poor the Agency’s image is. For example, Transparency International’s 2015 survey revealed

that 75% of the population perceived the KNPS to be the most corrupt agency in Kenya (Hope 2018, p. 92).

Tying the knots: contextualising this research project within existing literature

Existing literature has illustrated the significant role that human resources play in achieving organisational

outcomes and their peculiar insurmountable role when looked at in the public sector context. Starting from a

generic analysis, existing literature has demonstrated why it is important to get the recruitment function right,

arriving at the conclusion that meritorious recruitment being the best practice working towards reaching this

end. The review then narrowed the analysis to specifics and examined the recruitment situation of KNPS. As

demonstrated above, there is a problem with the recruitment function of the KNPS which

has serious ramifications for both the Agency and for those it is meant to serve (Hope, 2015; Hope, 2019;

Kinoti, 2017; Nyamu, 2019; Omeje & Gathigaro 2012, p. 23; Wasike, 2005).

Recommendations to address the problem have been suggested in the past and it may be argued that the KNPS

has taken steps to operationalise some of these suggestions. For example, the Ransley report had called for,

among other things, a process of police vetting which was conducted to weed out rogue elements, and the

already established Internal Affairs Unit (IAU) and the Independent Policing Oversight Authority (IPOA) to

improve the Agency’s issue of integrity. Wasike (2005) recommended, among other interventions, provision of

adequate resources, competently identifying recruiting officers and securing full independence of police

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commanders from undue external influence, eliminating all forms of bias to promote fairness in all candidates

during recruitment exercises and formulating modern recruitment policies which will inform the recruitment

drives.

Hope (2018) called for strengthening of the IPOA (noting that it has achieved some milestones as far as

oversighting the KNPS is concerned) to improve its professionalism, integrity, and accountability.

Nyamu (2019, p. 52) called for a reduction in malpractices particularly political interference and corruption to

ensure that the KNPS recruitment process is conducted freely and fairly, which will not only ensure qualified

candidates are selected but that they be more competent in delivering services to the country.

As earlier identified, IPOA has since been established, IAU formed, police vetting conducted (culminating in

63 senior police officers being dismissed over allegations of corruption, 23 of whom were later reinstated) yet

the issue of lack of merit in recruitment and selection of recruits in KNPS persists.

While the researcher agrees with Baker’s 2018 (cited in Hope 2018, p. 13) analysis that police reforms do not

happen overnight based on global police reforms experience, this paper argues that the prescriptions provided

so far (e.g., Hope 2018; Nyamu 2019; Wasike 2005) to deal with the recruitment quagmire is rather generic

and lacks the zeal to substantively deal with the problem. This has resulted in the KNPS suffering what

Goldstein (1979, p. 238) called ‘means over ends’ syndrome characterised by emphasising on improving

operating methods without considering the substantive outcome of the kind of work they try to do. In the

classic

Goldstein 1979 view, police departments not only need to improve their processes internally but also ought to

be cognisant of the fact that whatever they are trying to do internally needs to achieve the expectations of the

public in terms of outcomes of those internal processes. Therefore, if the KNPS is to mature as an agency and

to fix the recruitment conundrum, there is a need to advance a systematic approach that examines and

addresses issues that the public expects it to address (Goldstein 1979, p. 236).

In practise, it will require precision in identifying the sub-problems, researching, and documenting each sub-

problem, examining current responses noting and assessing the adequacy of available resources, exploring a

broad range of alternatives to respond to, as well as analysing the effectiveness of such alternatives, and

selecting from them (Goldstein, 1979).

Prescriptions: 'before, during and after the fact'

For the most part, prescriptions in the existing literature do not go beyond generic recommendations in what

this research project will term as ‘before and after the fact’ prescriptions. ‘Before the fact’ prescriptions mean

recommendations aimed at weeding out agents deemed to be the propagators of malpractices in recruitment

e.g., recruiting staff and police bosses, whereas ‘after the fact’ prescriptions mean those that are geared towards

dealing with the agents believed to have participated in the malpractices to discourage or arrest the situation for

future recruitment drives.

For example, the Ransley report (2009) that called for among other things police vetting to weed out rogue

elements within the service and establishing IAU as well as IPOA to improve the Agency’s issue of integrity

may be seen to fit the aforesaid prescriptions. That is, eliminate rogue elements who potentially propagate the

vice (before the fact) and establish mechanism like IAU and IPOA to deal with these incidences when they

happen (after the fact).

The element that the researcher will call ‘during the fact’ has not received much attention in prescribing a

solution to the problem and perhaps explains why the problem persists even though some earlier

recommendations like police vetting, setting up institutions like IAU and IPOA have been implemented. By

this, it is argued here that the process of recruitment itself requires re-engineering to address the malpractices

and inspire merit in recruitment and selection of police recruits. In fact, this is an area of further research as

proposed by Wasike (2005, p. 68) who suggested that there is a need for research that shall culminate in a

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‘competent recruitment’ model for KNPS. Whereas Ransley et al (2009) and Kinoti (2017) attempted to

address the recruitment structure culminating in a suggestion of a phased recruitment exercise to address the

issue, the proposals remain blurry with unnuanced elucidation of how exactly each stage of the phased

recruitment should be implemented and its merit in addressing the issue.

This paper will therefore bridge the gap in the literature by laying emphasis on ‘during the fact’ element in

seeking an alternative solution to the problem. Thus, it will emphasise on the recruitment model itself to learn

its strengths and any flaws in promoting public sector value of merit in recruitment and selection of recruits

into the KNPS. The outcome of this analysis will inform the recommendation for an applicable recruitment

model that can inspire merit in recruitment and selection.

FINDINGS

As this research project involved comparing two units of analysis, this chapter will present the research

findings in two parts. In Part one, it will first present the information and observations of recruitment model of

KNPS, and in Part 2 the findings of the NTPF recruitment model.

Part 1: KNPS Recruitment model

Meta analysis of available information related to recruitment in KNPS revealed a number of keys issues which

were grouped into three main thematic areas i.e., structure, recruitment malpractices, and implications.

Structure of KNPS recruitment

Historically, and as established in the 1969 Kenyan Constitution, the power to appoint, confirm appointment,

exercise disciplinary control, and dismiss office holders (other than the Commissioner of Police and officers of

or above the rank of Sub inspector) within the former Kenya Police Force (KPF) was bestowed on the

Commissioner of Police (Constitution of Kenya 1969, p. 66). Whereas the previously mentioned powers to

appoint, confirm or dismiss the Commissioner of Police was vested in the Presidency, the powers to appoint

officers of, or above, the rank of sub-inspector was conferred on the Public Service Commission (PSC). The

PSC however reverted by way of delegating this power back to the Commissioner of Police vide chapter 24 of

Police Force standing orders allowing the said office bearer to appoint up to, and including, the Senior

Assistant Police Commissioner (Wasike 2005, pp. 12- 13). Essentially, the Police Commissioner was the

appointing authority for the whole force except for the office that s/he holds and those ranks immediately

below i.e., Deputy Commissioner of Police, Senior Deputy Commissioner 11, and Senior Deputy

Commissioner 1.

Interestingly, while these immense powers were left to the whims of an individual, there was no established

procedure and or structure providing guidance as to how the process of appointment (particularly the initial

police recruitment and selection of constables) was to be conducted. The police force standing orders then, left

it up to the Commissioner of Police to steer the process and ensure that only suitable candidates that fulfil the

requirements ‘as determined by the Commissioner of Police’ will be recruited (Kenya Police 2002 cited in

Wasike 2005, p. 13).

Generally, since 2002 and prior to the promulgation of the new 2010 Kenyan Constitution, selection of recruits

during recruitment drives in the then KPF followed the following pattern; declaration of the vacancies and

establishment of assessment centres by the Commissioner of Police, requirements as set out by the

Commissioner of Police circulated vide standing orders and recruiting officers sent to the assessment centres

where they’ll engage the most suitable candidates, medical examinations of potential recruits carried out at the

police colleges, finger prints of the recruits sent to the then principal criminal registrar for criminal record

check and certification, participation in a 9-month recruit training course before finally being offered a letter of

employment (following successful completion of the recruit course) detailing the terms of engagement to mark

the formal contract between KPF and the candidates.

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The new phase of police recruitment in KNPS

The 2010 Kenyan Constitution brought several reforms that reshaped the structure of the police as an

organisation and how it operates. These reforms were matched by a name change to National Police Service

bringing together the Directorate of Criminal Investigations, Administration Police Service and, the Kenya

Police Service with the IG bearing the independent command of the three formations. Whereas this change has

brought with it several structural changes to fit in the devolved governance (e.g., renaming of ranks say from

Commissioner of Police to IG, renaming of policing sectors and commands say from provincial to regional,

from districts to sub-counties among others) as established in the new Constitution, the design of recruitment

and selection of police recruits has not changed much. As this research discovered, the 6-stage process as

described above, and the powers thereof have remained the same albeit with a few adjustments to fit the new

era.

Declaration of vacancies

Whereas the power to appoint recruits was squarely vested on the Commissioner of Police previously, the new

dispensation vests this power in the newly established National Police Service Commission (NPSC)

(Constitution of Kenya 2010, Section 246). However, as provided for in Section 10 (2) of the NPSC Act 2011,

the Commission delegates this authority to the IG who then declares the available vacancies and seeks to

recruit the specified number of applicants to join the service. This declaration is usually published in the local

newspapers detailing the number of vacancies, the requirements, the declared recruitment centres, the date, and

time of the recruitment exercise as well as other relevant information.

Notably, recruitment of constables in KNPS is not an ongoing exercise, rather it is conducted in an on-need

basis as determined by NPSC and declared by the IG. Recent patterns of KNPS recruitment shows that police

recruitment drives happen at least once a year and are a one- day national event carried out in all 47 counties at

specified centres within the sub counties with targeted recruit numbers varying depending on needs e.g., 2500,

5000, 10000.

Requirements

The requirements are still decided and may be reviewed from time to time by the IG and communicated

through the standing orders (Kenya Police 2002, p. 4). Presently, the requirements to be selected as a police

constable as directly quoted in the March 2022 recruitment exercise are as follows (NPSC 2022, para 1):

1. Be a citizen of Kenya.

2. Hold a Kenya National Identity Card.

3. Possess a minimum mean grade of D+ (D Plus) and above in the Kenya Certificate of Secondary

Education (KCSE) examination or its equivalent from an examination body recognised in Kenya with a D+

(D Plus) and above in either English or Kiswahili languages.

4. Be aged between 18 and 28 years.

5. Meet the requirements of Chapter Six of the Constitution.

6. Be physically and medically fit.

7. Have no criminal record or pending criminal charges.

Female Candidates must NOT be pregnant at recruitment and during the ENTIRE training period.

All applicants are expected to obtain the prescribed application forms either through NPSC website or relevant

offices (including their nearest police stations, sub-county administration police commander’s offices, county

commissioner’s offices or nearest Huduma (Swahili word for service) centres, fill them in duplicate and attach

supporting documents (i.e. Kenya Revenue Authority pin certificate, Kenya national identity card, a copy of

birth certificate as well as copies of academic certificates and other testimonials). Potential recruits are then to

attend the recruitment centres on the date and time specified with these forms alongside the original copies of

the supporting documents for verification.

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Police pre-recruitment clinics

This stage is a recent addition to the recruitment exercise of the KNPS by the NPSC as part of its reforms to

enhance quality delivery of service (Zaka & Abdullahi 2022, para 17). It is however unclear whether the

exercise will be a recurring feature of recruitment drives as it is not anchored on a substantive document

declaring it part of the recruitment (say) the standing orders of the service. This nationwide intervention (held a

few days before the recruitment drive) is aimed at addressing some of the issues confronting youths in

applying to join the national police service through sensitising them on the requirements and encourage them

not to engage in irregularities like bribery during the exercise (Kangero, 2022; Omollo, 2022; Zaka &

Abdullahi, 2022). The program is also meant to help the NPSC attract the best candidates for the job by having

serving officers and people privy to policing work share experiences and or expectations for the job and the

rewards thereof (Omollo, 2022). ‘The programme intends to create awareness to youths of all what is needed

during recruitment into police service. We want to attract the right people for the recruitment’ (NPSC Vice

Chairperson, Alice Otwala as quoted in Omollo, 2022). In practice, agents from the NPSC assisted by senior

police officers like the county commanders as well as the national government officials like the county

commissioners attend determined centres where applicants from all the sub counties within their respective

counties attend for the sensitisation exercise. Evidently, there is no set arrangement on who exactly should

conduct this exercise, the requirements, or qualifications for the role and/or a standardised structure of how the

sensitisation exercise is to be conducted.

Photo I: NPSC Vice Chairperson, Alice Otwala (front row-third from left) posses with other security officers

and some youths after a pre-recruitment clinic in Homabay.

Photo by Robert Omollo, 2022, adapted from Omollo, 2022. Image removed due to copyright restriction.

Original can be viewed online at https://www.the-star.co.ke/counties/nyanza/2022-03-15- police-commission-

sensitises-youths-ahead-of-recruitment/.

Recruitment exercise at recruitment centres

As discussed above, the recruitment centres are established by the IG and communicated in the advertisement

calling for applicants. In exercising the delegated authority of the IG, recruitment officers are posted to these

recruitment centres where they meet potential recruits for assessment and selection of the best suited

candidates. There is however no standard requirement and/or training qualifications provided that guide the

selection of these recruiting officers (Wasike 2005, p. 13). Again, other than the requirements provided above

there is no template or standard procedure provided to the recruiting officers against which the potential

recruits should be gauged during the exercise. For example, as part of assessing physical fitness levels,

potential recruits are normally required to engage in some running activity. However, because there is no

predetermined template/procedural requirement, this exercise is usually set out on-field in the recruiting

centres. Thus, in some areas potential recruits may engage in 2.5km, 4km, 5km runs and so on as would have

been set up by the recruiting officers at the recruiting centres.

The day-long process usually involves sighting and verification of documents, physical checks (including

height, weight, physical marks/deformities, dental formula), physical fitness tests (including activities set up by

recruiting officers e.g. running, push ups, frog jumps), initial medical examination (mostly assessment of the

vitals, eye sight tests and questions on any known underlying medical conditions) and finally allocation of

docket numbers (commonly known as D numbers) to successful recruits who are given a date to report at their

respective police training colleges. As indicated before, all these activities are not established on a standard

template and recruiting officers set up and determine their sequence as deemed appropriate on-field.

Photo II: Recruiting officers examine a candidate during a past recruitment exercise

Photo by Cheboite Kigen, 2017, adapted from Daily Nation, 2017. Image removed due to copyright restriction.

Selection

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This is the last stage of the recruitment exercise on recruitment day and the most controversial. Selection of

recruits is achieved via elimination of recruit hopefuls at every stage of the exercise. For example, from

reporting to recruiting centres whereby all those who do not make it in time are locked out from participating

and those who on verification of their documents are deemed unsuitable are also eliminated. Again, this is not

standardised process, and such decisions are a matter of recruiting officers ‘call’ on-field e.g., it is possible that

candidates who reported to recruiting centres say 10 or 15 minutes late are allowed to take part in the exercise

in one recruiting centre and in other centres candidates that turned up late not being allowed to take part in the

exercise at all. The process of elimination continues throughout the exercise and culminates in successful

candidates being issued with docket numbers, which is a document requiring them to attend specified police

colleges for training.

Candidates turn out

An interesting feature that shows up clearly in the reviewed data, is the high number of recruit hopefuls that

turn out for their chance to be selected in the KNPS recruitment exercises. It was evident that recruitment

exercises attract many more candidates than the declared vacancies. For example, in the 2015 KNPS

recruitment exercise, the Nyayo national stadium recruitment centre attracted 1000 applicants for general

duties constables, against 44 vacancies available whereas 400 applicants turned up for administration police

role against 22 available vacancies (Mukami 2015). Again, as noted by the then Chairman of NPSC, Johnston

Kavuludi, the recruit turnout in the 2017 KNPS recruitment exercise was overwhelming citing cases where

certain centres with an allocated 18/20 vacancies had a turnout of over 300 candidates and other larger centres

attracting over 500 aspiring recruits for similar number of vacancies (Nation 2017, p. 1). Research has linked

this phenomenon to poverty and high unemployment rates especially among the youth, which drives them to

seek whatever opportunity that is on offer albeit without being too selective and considering (say) individual

interests and capabilities (Hope 2015).

Continuity of KNPS recruitment model

Whereas the study period (2002-2022) involved both eras of the old and the new constitution, with the latter

bringing in some reforms to the national police service, the recruitment model has largely remained unchanged.

Even though concerns have been raised in the past including the constitutionality of delegating NPSC

recruitment powers back to the IG, conducting the recruitment exercise in one day among others, KNPS

recruitment model remains unchanged with the most notable change being the recently launched pre-

recruitment clinics as discussed above (Kinoti, 2017).

Recruitment malpractices

A common theme observed in the analysis of available data relating to the KNPS recruitment model, are the

malpractices characterising the recruitment exercises. Since 2002, recruitment exercises in KNPS have been

marred with cases of corruptive malpractices in selection of recruits. The common forms of these corruptive

malpractices include bribery, interference by political and influential individuals, tribalism, patronage,

favouritism, and nepotism (Angira 2022; Daily Nation 2003; Hope 2015; Hope 2019; Kangero 2022; Kinoti

2017; Mwangi 2003;

Nyamu 2019; Ransley et al, 2009; Wasike 2005).

Bribery involves recruits and or their families offering money to (say) recruiting officers or those in charge of

recruiting exercises across the counties for their selection not withstanding their credentials. On the other hand,

interference from influential individuals and political figures may involve senior government officials, local

members of parliament among others unduly influencing the exercise to have their preferred candidates

selected in what is informally known as ‘order from above.’ Tribalism takes the form of unfairly selecting

recruits from a certain tribe/clan at the expense of other deserving candidates who are not from the preferred

tribe/clan. Patronage and favouritism involve favouring the selection of certain candidates for other reasons

than their suitability. Lastly, nepotism involves certain candidates being unfairly selected because of familial

or, relationship links with those in position to influence the selection in what is widely known as ‘godfather or

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simply who do you know.’

Recruitment exercises conducted prior to 2010 occurred under the independence Constitution whereas those

occurring after 2010 were conducted under the provisions of the new Constitution which came with the

significant police reforms as elucidated earlier.

Whereas some of the reforms (for example, establishment of IPOA and IAU) were geared towards improving

the integrity of the Agency’s operations, including the recruitment exercises, unethical malpractices during

KNPS recruitment drives have continued to be a feature of the KNPS (Angira, 2022; Hope 2015; Hope 2019;

Mukami 2015).

For example, the recruitment drive conducted in 2014 was nullified by the court on the basis of it not being

meritorious and highly marred with corruptive malpractices (Hope 2018, p. 9; Kinoti 2017, p. 4). Kinoti (2017,

p. 38) also made similar observations about the recruitments’ exercises conducted in 2015, 2016 and 2017.

Similarly, the evaluation of the 2016 KNPS recruitment exercise by the Kenya National Commission for

Human Rights (KNCHR) revealed features of malpractices noting that ‘the levels of bribery allegations

witnessed during this process were not blatant and exposed as had been experienced in the previous exercises,

there were many cases of bribery of various amounts… with members of the public being used to pass the

money to the police officers’ KNCHR 2018 (cited in Hope 2018, p. 10). Further, investigations into the 2022

recruitment exercise revealed that recruitment officers pocketed nearly half a billion shillings in bribes during

the 2022 recruitment exercise (Angira, 2022).

Implications

The KNPS recruitment model and recruitment exercises thereof have had ramifications on both the Agency

and the public in general. Meta-analysis of available data showed a general discontent of the outcome of

recruitment drives, which has further tainted the image of KNPS. This discontent is across the board. It is

expressed by the members of the public, public and private agencies and even the judiciary. For example, in

nullifying the 2014 recruitment exercise, the High Court of Kenya made its poor impression of the KNPS

recruitment model known by criticising the KNPS for conducting the recruitment without regulation to

establish the guidelines for the process in compliance with the constitutional principles of public participation,

transparency and accountability.

In delivering its verdict, the High Court made a damning statement about the recruitment process, ‘The issue

raised by IPOA however, as I understand it, is that the NPSC did not have guidelines post-application stage to

govern the selection of candidates who would join the Police Service out of the many applications made or

received by it. To that end, IPOA has raised several questions and in addition, I wish to ask the following

questions[:] what was the nature of the recruitment process after the announcement of vacancies[ ][;] [w]hat

were the requirements of shortlisting after the

receipt of applications[ ][;] [h]ow was physical and medical fitness to be determined[ ][;] [w]hat factors did the

NPSC take into account in that regard[ ][; and] [h]ow would complaints arising out of the recruitment be

handled[ ][.] I do not have answers to the above questions and the reason is obvious; that those answers are

supposed to be available in the recruitment guidelines and regulations’ High Court of Kenya 2014 (cited in

Kinoti 2017, p. 13).

The KNPS recruitment exercises have worked to further taint the Agency’s image as the most corrupt public

sector agency in Kenya (Hope 2018, p. 13). The discontent of recruitment exercises, especially when

highlighted by the media, increases public awareness of the vice thus reinforcing the perception of the

Agency’s corruption among the public.

Further, the KNPS recruitment model and past recruitment patterns thereof have yielded poor public service

delivery and poor public relations (Wasike 2005, p. 65). Interestingly, the exercise has also resulted in

dissatisfaction amongst serving officers especially so when the attitudes of those that were recruited

unscrupulously do not align with the role expectations. One respondent (a long serving police officer) whilst

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responding to the question of ‘godfathers’ lamented that ‘Police officers with Godfathers…do not feel the need

to respond or listen to orders because they know they are getting promotions anyways…For example, in the

traffic department, we got a new batch of officers. They are all sons and daughters of various godfathers’

(Mutahi et al 2021, p. 13).

Part 2: NTPF recruitment model

The following were the findings the researcher found related to the NTPF recruitment model.

Structure

The Northern Territory Police Administration Act of 1978 (PAA) establishes NTPF consisting of a

Commissioner and other members appointed under the Act. The Commissioner is appointed by the

Administrator and oversees the general management and control of the NTPF (Police Administration Act

(NT), s. 7; Police Administration Act (NT), s. 14,1). The Commissioner from time to time determines the

constitution of the force deciding how many ranks, and how many members should hold those ranks (Police

Administration Act (NT), s.

15). In doing so, the Commissioner is to be guided by merit in appointing or promoting such members to

ensure that they have the capacity to perform the duties of the rank that they hold (Police Administration Act

(NT), s. 15A). Thus, the recruiting section of the NTPF

exercises the delegated authority of the Commissioner but ultimately it is the Commissioner that appoints, and

signs letters of offer sent to successful applicants.

The NTPF recruitment model is a pre-structured endeavour that encompasses a 5-stage recruitment flow chart

which is broken down into a 10-stage selection process as follows.

Initial application

During the constable recruitment campaign, applicants are invited to apply either online or by downloading the

application form and submitting it to NTPF recruitment section. The call for applications is done through

various platforms including mainstream media like radio stations, digital platforms like recruitment website

and social media sponsored adverts as well as mobile NT recruitment roadshows (Mirage News, 2020). To be

eligible for application the candidate must satisfy the following conditions (NTPF 2020, p. 17):

 ‘be at least 18 years old at the commencement of training.

 be an Australian Citizen or have permanent residency, be a New Zealand Citizen or be a New Zealand

Citizen eligible for a Special Category Visa.

 have Year 12 or equivalent education level, a completed trade certificate or be able to demonstrate

considerable employment experience and life skills.

 have a current provisional or open licence to drive a manual vehicle. If successful applicants will be

assessed on their ability to drive a manual vehicle at the NTPFES Training College. Any applicant found

to be unable to drive a manual vehicle may be removed from the training program.

 be physically fit and healthy. The medical questionnaire must be completed and submitted with the

application.’

Apart from the above requirements, the candidate also must satisfy the following conditions to be considered

for appointment as a constable (NTPF 2020, p. 17).

 ‘Possess a first aid qualification equivalent to the national "Provide First Aid" standard also known as

Apply First Aid/Senior First Aid. This certificate must be current and not expire during the training

period.

 have an ability to swim 200 metres uninterrupted; if successful applicants will be assessed on their ability

to swim 200 metres uninterrupted at the NTPFES Training College. Any applicant found to be unable to

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swim may be removed from the training program.

 have demonstrated general computing skills including the use of Microsoft Word, email internet and

typing proficiency. A certificate verifying computer/typing skills evidenced by an employer or training

provider may be required to be produced.

 pass all medical tests and provide supporting documentation where necessary.’

Other than obtaining relevant information about the applicant, the application form is structured to prompt

applicants to divulge any information that may affect their aptness for the role including such aspects as prior

criminal involvement and medical information. The applicants are expected to disclose all these matters and

sign a statutory declaration to affirm that they have dully provided all information required for assessment and

that it is correct to the best of their knowledge. Applicants also sign an authority to release information forms

and submit them as part of their application to enable the recruitment team to conduct background checks,

traffic infringements and traffic convictions history to evaluate their suitability for the role. This is a test of

integrity on the part of the applicants as shall be revealed below. Again, character assessment of candidates is

an ongoing affair throughout the exercise where life and work experience, integrity and or other relevant

enquiries as well as referee support are highly regarded (NTPF 2020, p. 17).

Integrity and criminal history

As discussed above, it is the responsibility of applicants to disclose all matters they have been involved with

whether criminal/civil proceedings, all court appearances, convictions or otherwise, spent convictions and all

offences including those committed as minor in their application. The forms signed at the time of application,

giving the NT recruitment section authority to conduct background checks on the applicants makes this stage

possible. Background checks are conducted in every state the applicant has resided and even overseas reports

obtained for applicants from overseas (say) from New Zealand. As part of integrity test, any false or non-

disclosure noted after enquiries are conducted may jeopardise the candidate’s prospects and/or result in

withdrawal of the application altogether. It may also result in termination of appointment if the said applicant

had been appointed without the ‘fact’ becoming available at the time of his/her appointment.

Driving and traffic checks

The initial application requires candidates to self-report any traffic related offending, and also required to

submit a copy of their traffic history for as long as they have held their licences.

Thus, a report from the relevant road authority showing a full infringement history and demerit points is

required from every country, state, or territory where the applicant was issued with a driving licence. This

information, alongside that collated in the first two stages, will be reviewed by the recruitment section to

determine suitability of the candidate to progress to the next stage.

Written assessment

After initial assessment, candidates deemed suitable to be progressed to the next stage are invited to participate

in a written test. This is an online assessment that is time-bound and encompasses six major components

namely, reading, numeracy, writing, aptitude, problem- solving and personality tests. These tests are meant to

determine the suitability of applicants to carry out the duties required in the role with basic skills such as

reading, writing, numerical ability as well as personality, aptitude and problem-solving skills being essential

for the role. Presently, the NTPF written test is administered and assessed by a contracted provider

SAFESELECT.

Panel interview

In this stage, the candidates are invited for a structured face-to-face interview with the recruiting team. This is

a one-hour structured job interview aimed at providing the interviewers with an opportunity to assess the

applicant’s thought processes, behaviour and attitude.

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Fitness assessment

Successful candidates are then progressed to a fitness test. This is a fit-for-purpose fitness exercise designed to

assess applicants’ physical ability to successfully discharge duties as a frontline police officer. In practice,

candidates are expected to provide a medical clearance to participate in the exercise, taken through the

requirements and tasks involved as well as a demonstration of each task in the course. The course is 180 metres

long, with 7 tasks set up in between where candidates are expected to perform the tasks in within 2 minutes

and 40 seconds while wearing a 10-kilo weighted vest. The course starts with the applicant seated and fastened

in a seat belt inside a car where s/he is given 5 descriptors of an imaginary offender, the timer is started and the

applicant is expected to pace through the seven tasks involving a 70kg 15-metre dummy drag, simulated curb

hurdle, balance beam, 20 step-ups on a 30cm high box, 1.5 metre-high fence scale, 5-times stomach to standing

exercise, fire-arm manipulation requiring the applicant to pull and release the slide of a hand-held Glock

training firearm five times with each hand before reciting at least three of the five descriptors that were

provided earlier.

Candidates from areas other than Darwin and Alice Springs and who are not able to attend other NT police

facilitated fitness tests, are able to undertake this exercise with a certified personal trainer (holding at least

certificate IV in relevant qualification) at their own cost. Under the instruction of the approved trainer, the

applicant should complete the NTPF approved fitness tasks i.e., push ups, prone bridge, grip test and MSFT

(beep test) to their maximum effort which should be video recorded and sent to the recruitment section along

with the results as recorded by the facilitator (NTPF 2020, p. 18).

Photo III: An image of the NTPF fitness test

Source: Adapted from NTPF 2019, p.18. Image removed due to copyright restriction.

Pre-employment medical examination

The NTPF has a set medical standard related to physical fitness and functional ability which is required in an

individual to competently perform the duties of a constable. As such, applicants are required to undergo a

medical examination and declared medically fit by a qualified medical practitioner. In addition to the general

medical clearance, applicants are also assessed against the aforesaid NTPF medical standards to ensure that

they meet the criteria which is essential in performing the duties of a constable.

Referee reports

This stage involves digging into the personal and professional character of the applicants. Candidates are

required to provide three referees, one character referee and two professional referees. The character referee

provided should be someone unrelated to the applicant and who has personally known the candidate for at least

two years (NTPF 2020, p. 16). Professional referees on the other hand would be line managers or supervisors

one of

which should be from the current employer or the most recent employer in the case of self- employed

applicants. The referee checks are for the most part conducted in the latter stages of the process and candidates

are usually notified prior to the exercise.

Final selection

Candidates that successfully go through the above stages are then considered for selection by the NTPF

recruitment challenge panel (including recruiters and integrity panel) and assigned to a recruit squad that will

undergo training at the Police Training College. Allocation and/or formation of recruit squads are formed with

consideration of gender balance, life skills, age, work backgrounds of individuals among other relevant

parameters (NTPF 2020, p. 16). Again, suitable candidates that are unable to be included in the current squad

(being recruited at the time) are advised and deferred to the next recruitment squad.

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Notification

Whereas this stage is listed as the last one in the selection process, in effect it could appear at any point during

the selection process. Where a candidate is deemed unsuitable following assessment of any stage, the applicant

is promptly advised (NTPF 2020, p. 16). However, this notification does not include personal feedback in

relation to the assessment.

Applications volume

The number of applications received are far more than opportunities available at any given recruitment cycle

(NTPF 2020, p. 16). Thus, the process is highly competitive, and assessment is guided by a determination of

the most competitive candidates in terms of their qualities, skills, character, or successful completion of tasks

in every stage.

Recruit information

The NTPF invests significant time and resources to provide information about the role and market itself to

potential recruits. To begin with, there is a dedicated recruitment section of NTPF comprised of diverse

recruiting professionals and supported in terms of resources to run the recruitment function. For example, the

section has police recruitment branded cars, and banners to market the role. The recruitment section maintains

a good digital presence both in conventional media platforms like dedicated recruitment website as well as

social media platforms such as Instagram and Facebook accounts. Often, there are sponsored advertisements in

social media about the constable role and what the role offers in return.

This NTPF branch also organises information sessions through avenues such as radio talk shows or in-field

visits where they meet potential recruits in Tennant Creek, Katherine, and Alice Springs to discuss the role and

answer any questions from those who might be interested in the role. There are many resources available

including the constable booklet that details the role, its requirements, the rewards that come with it as well as

the challenges of the role. This information is also available digitally and can be accessed from the recruitment

website.

Consistency

The NTPF selection process was found by the researcher to be consistent in nature and application. All stages

are provided with details of expectations which will be assessed against a pre-structured assessment tool. For

example, in the fitness test, candidates already know what tasks they must complete, in what manner and in

how long. Again, the NTPF assessment tool for recruiters and the integrity panel (which is also public

knowledge and available to candidates) lays bare the guidelines on how each applicant situation should be

dealt with (NTPF 2020, P. 21).

Contentment of recruitment exercise

For the 2002-2022 period of analysis there has been no documented case of discontentment with NTPF

recruitment of constables either for lack of merit in selection and or other malpractices. In fact, the number of

complaints against the Northern Territory public service relating to appeals against selection in recruitment

process averaged 40 between 2009-2013 (Donaldson 2016). Also importantly, in the year 2014/15 only two

complaints were related to application procedure and/or policies (Donaldson 2016). Whereas the actual

complaints (if any) that can directly be attributed to NTPF from the cited cases is not provided, it is

insurmountably lower compared to KNPS where selection of recruits is usually a matter of public discontent

and at times challenged in courts (Hope 2018, p. 93-94; Daily Nation, 2005).

Analysis

To determine whether the NTPF recruitment model was better at promoting merit in recruitment and selection

of police recruits than the KNPS recruitment model, the researcher theorised that the structural setting of

recruitment in NTPF is far superior in achieving public sector values of merit in the selection of police recruits

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compared to the KNPS. Meta analysis of available information (in Chapter 4 above) relating to the recruitment

models of both police agencies revealed key issues grouped in six themes, namely essential criteria, appointing

authority, information for candidates, recruiters, recruitment manuals/guidelines, and the relevancy of

recruitment procedures to the role. In Part I, an analysis, including a rating by the researcher, of each of these

issues is provided, in a snapshot summary table. This is followed by a detailed narration of the issues in Part II.

Part I: Summary table

Table 1: Scorecard and Comparison of Recruitment Practices – KNPS and NTPF

Recruitment

Issue

KNPS

Recruitment

Model

(score)

NTPF

Recruitment

Model

(score)

Summary commentary

Essential

criteria

8 / 10

-Considering the nature of the role (that is similar albeit with

circumstantial and geographical differences), both models

have similar essential criteria e.g., citizenship, age,

educational, physical, and medical requirements.

-However, the NTPF offers other accommodative adjustments

including permanent residents allowed to apply and having no

age limit to join.

Appointing

Authority

5 / 10

8 / 10

-Recruitment authority in KNPS is currently vested on NPSC.

However, this power is normally delegated back to the IG.

Notably, this delegation is not accompanied with pre-

established processes and procedures for effective

management of the recruitment process.

-In contrast, the NTPF vests recruitment power on the

Commissioner of Police. However, there is a recruitment

section of the NTPF that conducts the actual recruitment and

selection guided by detailed pre-established processes and

procedures. Ultimately, the Commissioner appoints successful

candidates after the due process by the aforementioned section

and signs their letters of offer.

Information for Candidates

4 / 10

8 / 10

-The KNPS primarily relies on the advertisement in local

newspapers usually published a few weeks before the

recruitment date. The advertisement provides basic eligibility

requirements alongside dates and venues where the exercise is

conducted. There is no other relevant information relating to

the role, (say) renumeration and other intangible benefits of

working for the Agency.

-The KNPS has recently introduced pre- recruitment clinics

but majorly focuses on providing information aimed at

addressing the challenges facing youths intending to join the

service. These ‘clinics’ are held in a central location within

the counties, with candidates expected to attend from their

various sub-counties.

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-In contrast, the NTPF has invested significantly in providing

relevant information for candidates. It provides both

traditional (e.g., essential criteria, and renumeration), and

intangible information relating to the role (e.g., other benefits

like opportunities to serve in remote communities) through

resources such as constable information booklets and other

avenues like radio talk shows as well as road shows.

-Importantly, the NTPF recruitment section also maintains

digital presence both in traditional platforms like websites and

in social media platforms

such as Instagram and Facebook. These platforms are also

used to disseminate the abovementioned information as well

as attract applicants. Individuals with any queries relating to

recruitment can also be answered via the same platforms.

Recruiters

3 / 10

8 / 10

-The KNPS model appoints recruiting staff in an ad hoc

manner shortly before the exercise. There are no guidelines

describing the requirements for the role or any kind of training

these appointed recruiters are required to undertake.

-In contrast, the NTPF has a full-time recruiting team

comprised of diverse on-going staff backed by administrative

support.

Recruitment

Manual

Guidelines

3 / 10

9 / 10

-The KNPS model lacks manual/guidelines to guide

recruitment process. There are no assessment tools either, and

assessment of candidates is largely based on recruiters’

discretion.

-The NTPF recruitment model has recruitment guidelines for

every stage. These guidelines also come with assessment tools

against which candidates are assessed.

Relevancy of Recruitment Procedures to the Role

3 / 10

9 / 10

-As described before, both models have essential criteria

relevant to the basic requirements for the role. For example,

essential requirements such as citizenship, age, physical and

medical fitness requirements are all present in both models.

-However, ‘as a point of departure,’ the KNPS model does not

have other relevant procedures other than the basic

requirements.

-In contrast, the NTPF model exhibits other crucial processes

besides the basic requirements. Other procedures relevant to

the role in NTPF include written assessment, cognitive

assessment, oral interview, and referee checks.

Total scores

26/60

50/60

Percentage (%) Score

43.33%

83.33%

The above scores were awarded subjectively by the researcher and are based on the findings of each model

against the analysis of best practices relating to each element. Thus, each element of either model was assessed

in a scale of 1 to 10 where 1 was the lowest score and 10 considered the best score. The summation of each

score yielded the total score that was then expressed in percentage.

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Part II: Narrative of the issues Essential criteria

Comparing the two recruitment models shows some basic similarities in terms of key requirements to be

selected for training as a police constable. Essential requirements such as citizenship, age (at least 18 years old)

physical, and medical fitness requirements are similar for both models albeit with a few accommodative

variations (say permanent residents allowed to apply, and not setting any age limit for the case of NTPF) have

an implication to promotion of merit in recruitment and selection of recruits. Whereas the geographical and

circumstantial difference exists, the policing role is similar in terms of scope and operational undertakings. For

example, both agencies exist to maintain peace and good order of the society, prevent, detect, and prosecute

crimes, protect life and properties of the citizens among other responsibilities. In doing so, both agencies are

provided with special powers that ordinary citizens do not have, including, but not limited to the use of

necessary and reasonable force. Considering the legitimacy issues and the nature of the role (providing

individuals with among other privileges, access to firearms and other equipment that would otherwise be

illegal to possess and use), these essential criteria provide a good starting point in meritorious recruitment for

the agencies. In effect, excluding non-citizens, minors, and those physically/medically challenged ensures that

the agencies engage candidates whose loyalty to country can reasonably be ascertained, are adults and have a

physical and medical repertoire to serve the nation.

Appointing authority

Whereas the power to appoint members from the rank of constables up to the rank of Sub- inspector was

previously vested with the Commissioner of Police, the 2010 Kenyan Constitution sought to remedy this

situation and transferred this power to the newly established NPSC. So far, the NPSC seemingly delegates this

authority back to the IG, essentially returning to the situation that the drafters of the Constitution envisaged to

address (Kinoti, 2017). While the Regulation empowers the IG to act lawfully on delegated authority of the

Commission, this paper argues that the supreme law of the land did not anticipate the delegation of recruitment

powers by the NPSC back to the IG (National Police Service Act (Kenya), s. 10; Constitution (Kenya), 2010, s.

246). Without there being established processes and procedures for effective management of recruitment drives

so far, reverting these powers back to an individual opens a significant avenue of unchecked discretion within

KNPS which can easily be exploited to the detriment of meritorious selection of recruits. In practice, the IG in

exercising this delegated authority by NPSC renders him accountable for the exercise, and as a result delegates

this authority further to the recruitment panels. Considering that there is no established standard guideline to be

used in assessing candidates, the discretion exercised by the recruitment panels in the assessment centres is a

fertile ground for breeding malpractices in the selection of recruits (especially when viewed in the context of

overwhelming number of candidates against so few vacancies) to the detriment of meritorious recruitment as

envisaged by the NPSC Act and the 2010 Kenyan Constitution.

In the NTPF experience, the power to appoint constables is vested in the Commissioner. However, the

recruitment and selection functions are undertaken by the recruitment section of NTPF staffed by diverse

recruitment professionals. In doing so, standard regulations, processes and or procedures are established

against which candidates are assessed and selected. This eliminates the chance of unchecked use of discretion

by recruiting panels and thereby allows the promotion of meritorious selection of recruits. For example, every

process has established both the standard and assessment criteria. For instance, for the physical fitness test, the

candidate is to complete the tasks provided correctly in under 2 minutes and 40 seconds. Therefore, if the

candidate satisfies the requirement against the assessment criteria, s/he is to be progressed to the next stage.

Similarly, not meeting the required standard against the assessment criteria means that the candidate can be

satisfied that s/he has reasonably been deemed not fit and can ‘work on’ him/herself to meet the standard on

another instance.

Information for candidates

Whereas it was established that both agencies hire recruits based on needs (i.e., not in an ongoing manner), the

information available for potential recruits in KNPS was extremely limited compared to the NTPF model. As

observed in Chapter 4 above, the KNPS source of information relating to the role is advertisement in local

newspapers declaring the vacancies and requirements for recruits which are usually published a few weeks

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before the actual recruitment exercise. It was also noted that KNPS does not provide as many resources either

in print or digitally (say) in form of booklets or flyers which include easily accessible details about the role for

potential candidates.

The KNPS advertisements have extremely limited information about the role other than the requirements to

join. For example, there is no information about renumeration, details elucidating the expectations of the role,

benefits attached to the role among other vital details that could help market the role to attract the right

candidates and provide guidelines that potential recruits can use to self-evaluate whether they are a fit for the

role. In fact, these details only become formally available long after selection and successful completion of the

‘recruit-training’ course, once recruits sign the offer confirming their appoint as constables in the KNPS.

Again, considering that the advertisements only appear a few weeks before the actual recruitment exercise, this

means that there is also limited time for prospective candidates to independently research this information.

In implication, without this kind of marketable information, the KNPS loses the opportunity to market its brand

making it challenging to attract and recruit the desired candidates (Kalyanyakar et al, 2014). Moreover,

whereas the traditional methods of recruitment encompassing general employment information, renumeration

and the benefits of being employed by the Organisation are important, research has shown that marketing other

intangible aspects like emotional association (say organisational camaraderie which makes working for the

organisation enjoyable) is just as important (Hiernonimas et al, 2005). Thus, with KNPS not capitalising on

this opportunity, it means a missed chance to influence/attract the desired/strong candidates to apply, thereby

making the process much more competitive. This has a negative implication of decreasing the retention rate

because wrongly recruited members end up leaving the service within the first two years when they find out

that the role is not fit for them (Machakos County Police Commander, Issa Mohammud as cited in Kangero,

2022).

While it may be argued that the recent addition of pre-recruitment clinics by the NPSC is meant to address the

above shortfall, their utility in achieving that goal is doubtful. To begin with, it is not clear who exactly is to

conduct these sessions (say their qualifications, role, and what kind of information they are to disseminate) and

exactly what information is to be shared other than the vague explanation provided by the NPSC being ‘to

address the challenges facing youth in joining KNPS.’ Again, conducting these clinics in a central location

within the counties, with the expectation that candidates from all the respective sub-counties will attend, is

problematic. For example, in one of the 2022 pre-recruitment clinics conducted in Machakos county, youths

from six of the eight sub-counties namely Machakos town, Matungulu, Kangundo, Athi River and Mwala were

invited to attend the session in Machakos (Kangero, 2022). Considering the expansive geographical locations

of all these sub-counties and the associated costs of travelling, it may preclude all prospective applicants from

attending such information sessions.

In comparison, the NTPF has invested significantly in providing relevant information for candidates to self-

evaluate before applying. There are resources available both in print and digitally from the recruitment website

with both traditional recruit information and other intangible aspects of the role provided. For example, the

constable information booklet details information about the Organisation, the role of the constable,

requirements, rostering expectations, financial compensation, the associated benefits, career pathways relating

to the role, experiences that the role provides among other necessary information that may not only attract a

potential recruit to apply but also provides a guideline that the candidate can use to self-evaluate for his/her

suitability for the role. To put it to context, information such as a choice of free housing or a taxable housing

allowance (conventional type of information) and the outback experience of policing in some of the most

remote communities in Australia (intangible, emotional associations) as some of the benefits that come with

the role may attract a candidate who might consider NTPF to be the only jurisdiction with that kind of ‘perks’.

Again, a candidate that is not keen about remote locations and (say) the challenges that comes with it, might

self-evaluate, and abandon the thought of applying.

It is also worth noting that the NTPF recruitment section also maintains a presence on social media with active

accounts on both Instagram and Facebook. Social media has proven to be a useful tool in attracting Generation

Y candidates which in effect means an increased recruitment catchment for NTPF (Doherty, 2010).

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Recruiting staff

As discussed above, even though the new Constitution vests recruitment powers in NPSC, the Commission

delegates this power to the IG who then delegates the same authority to the recruitment panels at the declared

recruitment centres. There is however no regulation or standing force order detailing who should be in the

recruitment panel and/or what credentials such individuals should possess. As such, these temporary

recruitment teams are assembled in an ad hoc manner just before the recruitment dates and usually comprise

appointed officers for the role and are headed by senior county police officers like county commanders. The

KNPS explains the rationale of appointing recruiters shortly before the exercise is to improve the integrity of

the exercise by ‘minimising the opportunities for collusion, interference and corruption’ (Ransley et al 2009, p.

131). For example, in the 2014 recruitment exercise, the event was conducted by sub-county recruitment

committees consisting of appointed police officers, senior county police officers and officials from the national

government acting at the subcounty level i.e., deputy sub-county commissioners and in some cases assistant

sub-county commissioners.

As Orrick (2014, p.2; 2008, p. 89) suggests, for law enforcement agencies to conduct a recruitment exercise

effectively, they need to formally assign individuals that can complete specific recruitment functions and ‘…a

thorough process of identifying, selecting, training, and evaluating recruiters should be completed’. These

persons ought to be among the brightest in the department, with social astuteness to pick out non-verbal signals

of other people’s body language and have the know-how of assessing candidates suitability to meet

departmental standards (Orrick, 2014). Thus, the existing gap in the KNPS recruitment model where recruiters

are picked in an ad hoc basis, with no set credential standards suitable for the role, and no formal training

provided to recruiters weakens the prospect of conducting a meritorious recruitment and/or selection of

candidates. Simply put, if the recruiters are not skilled for the role, have no requisite knowledge, do not

understand their role and or do not follow procedures as Wasike (2005, pp. 60-62) found out, how can

selection of recruits realistically be based on merit?

Similarly, the opaque nature in which the recruiting team is selected and operates concomitantly means KNPS

loses the opportunity to set up performance indicators and or standards against which these individuals could

be held accountable for their performance (Orrick, 2008). If relevant parameters that inspire merit in

recruitment were set and

inculcated as part of performance standards of the recruiters, there would be a better chance of promoting

meritorious selection of recruits.

In comparison, the NTPF has a dedicated recruitment section assigned with the responsibility of completing

specific recruitment functions. This is an ongoing recruitment team composed of fulltime staff, backed by

administrative support, and fully resourced (for example offices, administrative amenities, vehicles among

other essentials) to conduct the recruitment and selection of candidates. Having a recruitment department

certainly impacts the NTPF recruitment in two ways: first whereas the appointing authority is vested on an

individual as explained before, the process is conducted separately against established guidelines thus

exterminating the chance of unwarranted executive influence and/or unreasonably wide discretion in

recruitment exercise; and, second, it influences outcome of the process as the quality of officers assigned and

trained for the role has a direct positive relationship with the success of the exercise (Orrick 2008, p. 89). If

recruiters have the requisite knowledge, are skilled, have the attributes required for the role and are guided by

pre-established standards in assessment of recruits, there is a better chance of having a meritorious selection of

recruits.

It should also be noted that since the recruitment is managed by a department, the NTPF seizes the opportunity

to performance review it which helps in conducting the exercise successfully and improve the process when

gaps are noted following the performance review. For example, in the 10-year NTPFES strategy dubbed

project 2030, the first of the six domains under the two strategic priorities ‘our people and our community’ is

‘enhance culture, capability, employee and volunteer recruitment and retention’ (NTPFES 2020, p. 5). The

performance of the NTPF recruitment section can therefore be appraised against this overarching goal

pertaining to employee and volunteer recruitment and retention.

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Recruitment/Manual guidelines

It was revealed in the results section that the KNPS recruitment model lacks a standard manual to guide the

assessment of candidates. In implication, this allows much discretion on the part of recruiters conducting the

recruitment exercises in assessment centres across the country. For example, they decide on how to conduct the

elements of recruitment (say) in the setting up of tasks to be completed in fitness test, what to look for in the

physical assessment of candidates and the like. The danger of this unchecked discretion is the reality of it being

abused and the inability to guarantee merit-based assessment of candidates if there

are no known established standards against which candidates are being gauged. For instance, how is it

determined that the candidates deemed to have met the physical checks or fitness merit ‘tick off’ and others do

not? Say in a running exercise as part of assessing physical fitness, is it successfully finishing the running

exercise? Is it successfully finishing it within a certain time? Is it the first X number of candidates that

successfully complete the race? For other activities like push ups for example, is it the number a candidate can

complete? Is the form and/or technique in performing the tasks also considered? With regards to physical

checks, what exactly are the parameters being looked at in candidates? Is it scars, deformities, dental

alignment, physical marks, or other features?

The lacunae within which this discretion is exercised in KNPS has led to its abuse as well as undermined merit

assessment and consequent selection of recruits. The problem is further compounded by the fact that the

recruiters are appointed in an ad hoc manner without formal criteria, plus they may not be skilled or trained for

the role. As a result, candidates have previously been eliminated for ‘flimsy’ reasons unrelated to qualifications

for the role such as having brown teeth in the name of physical checks (Kinoti 2017, p. 35).

The NTPF recruitment model on the other hand has established standards manual against which recruiters are

to assess candidates at every stage. Importantly, where applicable this information is transparent by being

publicly available in the recruitment material like the constable information booklet. As such candidates and/or

any party interested can be cognisant of the requirements or standards required at each level against which

candidates are assessed. For example, for the physical fitness test conducted by NTPF, there is a 7-course

challenge which must be completed in under 2 minutes and 40 seconds. Candidates therefore know beforehand

that if they complete the course successfully in the required time, then they will progress to the next stage

unlike leaving the decision to an individual recruiter’s discretion. Similarly, those unable to attend the test at

NTPF centres have a manual and instructions with which their individually contracted certified trainers are to

assess them. Thus, the expectation is open and clear, and one can know beforehand whether they have

progressed to the next stage based on their performance. Consequently, this openness and transparency aids in

meritorious assessment and eventually better selection of candidates into the force.

Relevancy of recruitment procedures to the role

The demands for a role of a constable in both agencies are for the most part similar albeit with circumstantial

differences. As such, there are noticeable similarities in the basic requirements for the role like medical and

physical fitness, secondary level of education, citizenship requirements, age requirements (at least 18 years of

age and in the case of NTPF no maximum age limit) among others. The nature of the role is demanding and as

such these basic requirements become essential in meritorious selection of recruits whereby both the recruiters

and the citizens can exude confidence that (ceteris peribus) individuals that meet those requirements can meet

prospective training requirements and effectively execute their duties after (Berger et al, 2020; Kostman 2004).

As a ‘point of departure’, the KNPS’ recruitment model lacks a standard manual which outlines how the

assessment of key requirements will be undertaken, which provides a leeway to introduce criteria that has no

relevance to the role. This opens the process to what Orrick (2009, p. 22) calls ‘arbitrary and discriminatory’

recruitment practices. These practices prompted the need for detailed, objective job analysis and selection

procedures in the US in 1970s and 80s. For example, some candidates have been eliminated in the past during

the physical examinations because of unconventional reasons that may be considered arbitrary and

discriminatory such as inability to close either eye or teeth not ‘aligned’ properly. This begs the question, for

example, how is the inability to close either eye relevant to the policing role (if it does not affect eyesight), and

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what is the benefit of eliminating such candidates from the process? When this happens, the merit of the

process is compromised and impacts negatively on the meritorious selection of recruits.

Another strength of the NTPF recruitment model that the researcher observed is the detailed process which to

an extent verifies or affirms the credentials of candidates, indicating the relevancy of the process to the role.

The written assessment stage which encompasses cognitive ability assessment as well as personality and

behaviour assessment is an essential tool that has been backed by research to evaluate individuals and ensure

that they meet psychological fitness for duty (Berger et al, 2020). And as argued by Sarma (2009, p. 10) other

than job skills, recruitment should also focus on attitude and behaviour of individuals to fit the job profile. This

cannot be overstated in the role of a response officer who is always interacting with the public and is often

subjected to sharp scrutiny of his/her behaviour and actions. As Kostman (2004, p. 95) found out, both

‘personality assessment inventory and the

California Psychological Inventory’ were especially useful in predicting a candidate or a serving officer’s

probability of fitness for service. Perhaps this explains the international association of police chiefs position on

their use during initial recruitment and continued use where an existing officer’s conduct is wanting

precipitating the need to conduct a ‘fit for duty’ test to ensure their safety and that of the public. The use of

cognitive neuroscience resources in the NTPF recruitment model is therefore relevant to the role and aids

meritorious recruitment and better selection of candidates that are fit for purpose.

Unlike the KNPS recruitment model, the NTPF conducts a panel interview as part of its 10- stage recruitment

process. This is the stage in which recruiters meet candidates in a one-hour one-on-one interview, where they

gauge the candidate’s attitude, thought process, and have an insight of the candidate’s behaviour (NTPF 2020,

p. 15). The interview provides a chance for the recruiter to dig further on the candidate’s credentials and/or any

information that may need clarification (e.g., any issues that may have been identified in the psychometric test,

the context of any disclosures made in the initial application and/or assessment among others) thus

understanding the candidate and his/her suitability to the role better.

As Orrick (2008) suggests, effective recruiters possess ‘social astuteness to read non-verbal signals from

other’s body language’ and can assess a candidate’s ability to suit the role requirements. Thus, providing a

one-on-one interview with candidates is a helpful recruitment approach wherein recruiters can meritoriously

assess candidates to ensure they are fit for the job. For example, by utilising behavioural interview techniques

during the interview panel stage, recruiters can sieve past well-crafted resumes and identify if candidates are

really a match for the job by evaluating their previous experiences (as shared in the scenarios that they give) to

determine whether those experiences match requirements for the current role (Orrick, 2009; Riley, 2019). By

and large, the panel interview stage as conducted in NTPF is an essential tool that aids meritorious selection of

recruits.

The relevancy of referee checks carried out in NTPF cannot be underestimated. As discussed before,

candidates are required to provide three referees, one character referee and two professional referees who can

be contacted by recruiters for referee checks. As Orrick (2009, p. 22) advises, to improve recruitment and

selection process, police agencies need to consider the three crucial fits namely person-to-person fit, person-to-

job fit and person-to-culture fit when selecting recruits to ensure that they are not only able to perform the job,

but also fit in with the Agency. The only viable method to find out how a person interacts with others

and members of the public (person-to-person fit) is by conducting a thorough background check to assess their

competencies (Orrick 2009, p. 24). Checking in with character and professional referees can be a helpful aid in

learning the aforementioned competencies in candidates thus promoting meritorious process and merit-based

selection of recruits, whereby candidates found to be person-to-person fit are favoured at the expense of those

that are unfit.

Summary

Research question: ‘Was the Northern Territory Police Force recruitment model better at promoting merit in selecting

Police recruits than the Kenyan National Police Service recruitment model between 2002 to 2022?

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From the above analysis it was established that the NTPF recruitment model was better in promoting merit in

selection of recruits than the KNPS recruitment model (scoring 83.33% compared to Kenya’s 43.33%) in the

period of investigation.

Hypothesis 1: ‘there is a direct positive relationship between the NTPF recruitment process and promotion of

merit in recruitment and selection of police recruits between 2002 and 2022’.

From the above discussion, it was established that the NTPF recruitment process promoted merit in selection

of police recruits during the period of investigation. Thus, this hypothesis was confirmed.

Hypothesis 2: ‘there is a direct positive relationship between Kenya police recruitment process and lack of

merit in recruitment and selection of recruits between 2002 and 2022’.

Similarly, as analysed above, it was found that there was a direct relationship between KNPS recruitment

process and lack of merit in recruitment and selection of recruits during the period of investigation. The

hypothesis was therefore confirmed.

Applicable Model For Knps

This research project sought to compare the KNPS recruitment model to that of the NTPF with a view of

learning of any flaws and strengths of both models in the promotion of merit in recruitment and selection of

police recruits. This was geared towards drawing lessons that will lead to the suggestion of a recruitment

model that will aid merit-based selection of recruits in KNPS and address the issue. Having analysed the two

models that led to confirmation of the two hypotheses and confirming the theory, this Chapter will provide the

researcher’s proposed recruitment model for KNPS.

Looked at in total, the sum of reverting appointing authority back to the IG as well as inadequacies of

recruiters and recruitment procedures are among the crucial reasons contributing to malpractices in recruitment

and selection of constables into the KNPS at the expense of merit. In contrast, the analysis of the NTPF

recruitment model has highlighted significant lessons relating to the aforesaid enablers of recruitment

malpractices, lessons that can be of utility in fixing the issue. Below is the proposed recommended recruitment

model described in two parts, namely structural and process reforms.

Structural reforms

Appointing authority

To recap, the independent Constitution had vested appointing authority of recruit constables squarely to the

then Commissioner of Police who was a President’s appointee. The challenges that arose (e.g., political

manipulation and executive influence) during the KNPS recruitment exercises at the expense of merit received

much attention from the drafters of the 2010 Kenyan Constitution. Thus, this Constitution sought to address

this issue by establishing the NPSC and mandating it with, among other responsibilities, recruitment, and

appointment of police constables. Pursuant to this reform, it was anticipated that police recruitment will be a

streamlined process conducted by the NPSC rather than a one-day nation-wide exercise as it was formerly.

Unfortunately, the NPSC (vide section 10 of NPSC Act) continually reverts this power back to the IG to

conduct the exercise in the traditional one-day nationwide recruitment drive. This matter has been subject to a

court determination, and whereas the court did not explicitly state its position, it almost fell short of terming

this delegation an abdication of duty on the part of NPSC (Kinoti, 2017).

Recommendation 1: The authority to recruit and appoint recruits need to be exercised by the NPSC as

envisioned by the Constitution and any delegation of this authority to the IG should be reconsidered.

Recruitment team and recruitment manual

As a constitutional body responsible for recruiting persons into the KNPS, it is suggested the NPSC takes on

this responsibility in an ongoing manner. It is conceded that practical matters particularly in view of the size of

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the Commission visa vis the amount of interested candidates wanting to join the service may be raised. These

practical matters can be addressed, first by branding and marketing the role effectively to attract best

candidates and eliminate others by way of self-evaluation based on information provided as well as designing

and aligning recruitment procedure in a way that the volume can be managed reasonably (this will be discussed

further under procedures section). And second, by co-opting relevant members to assist the Commission in

certain stages of the process. It is suggested that relevant officers from (say) the diverse personnel directorates

of the service (i.e., Kenya Police, Administration Police, and the General Service Unit), instructors attached to

police colleges can be co-opted to the Commission for recruitment purposes. Care should however be taken to

make sure that the co-opted members have relevant skills for their role and should be subject to training to

ensure that they complete their tasks effectively. There should be established standards of performance that are

subject to performance review to hold the recruitment team accountable and ensure that they effectively deliver

on their role. It should be noted that whereas co-opted members can give their expert advice to the

Commission, the Constitution provides that co-opted members cannot vote. This means that the appointing

authority will still lie with the Commission.

Recommendation 2: Following the above ‘skeletal’/structural set up, the NPSC should conduct an extensive

job analysis relating to a constable role and develop a minimum standards requirement and consequent

assessment manual. These documents should be publicly available and will be the standard documents that

shall guide assessment of recruits, to make the process fair and universal across the nation.

Process

Recommendation 3: Following the structural adjustments, it is suggested here that the recruitment process

should be re-invented into a 5-stage model as follows.

Stage 1: Advertising, initial applications & background checks

To begin with, the KNPS ought to re-brand its campaign calling for applications to make it marketable and

effective. This requires mounting a far-reaching campaign and providing all relevant information relating to the

role as opposed to the current advertising that just offers information about basic requirements. It is proposed

here that the newly composed recruitment team, will run a recruitment website dedicated for that function

where all resources and materials (for example basic requirements, recruitment process, standards and

assessment tools, benefits of the role among other relevant information) can be downloaded.

It is proposed that Applicants then be able to submit their applications, whether online or by post, together with

certified copies of relevant documents like national identity card, and academic certificates. Importantly the

application should be updated to address all required information including criminal history and or police

involvement, referee details among other relevant information.

Received applications should then be sorted and those candidates whose applications are deemed appropriate

to be processed further, be subjected to background checks.

Stage two: cognitive assessment

Following assessment of the applications and the outcome of background checks, the recruiting team will then

shortlist candidates to participate in a cognitive assessment to evaluate their suitability for the role. This

exercise can be outsourced to a provider who will do the exercise on behalf of the recruitment team. It is

anticipated that this stage may receive some form of resistance particularly on its practicality where internet

access may be perceived to exclude candidates that may not have easy access. It is suggested that the Huduma

centres (an equivalent of service centres in Australia) available in all the 47 counties, constituency

development funds offices available in every constituency, county government information centres available in

some counties be made available to any potential candidates with access issues.

Stage three: Medical & physical fitness test

In this stage, candidates are to attend assessment centres where they are met by the recruitment panel, that is,

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primarily the aforesaid co-opted members of the Commission. Here, a medical evaluation and physical fitness

test are conducted to assess the suitability of the candidates. The difference compared to how this evaluation is

done currently is that candidates will be assessed against pre-determined standards and assessment tools. As

explained before, because these co-opted members do not have voting powers as the actual members of the

NPSC, their role will merely be to assess candidates against required standards and advise the NPSC of the

candidates’ results. All candidates found suitable following assessment at this stage should be progressed to the

next stage.

Stage four: panel interview & referee checks

As discussed before, the significance of a one-on-one interview with the candidates cannot to be overstated. It

is inconceivable to think of any organisation in Kenya private or public that fills formal positions without

interviewing candidates. KNPS should not be an exception in this regard and its recruitment model should

consider incorporating this crucial stage. It is suggested that behavioural interviewing techniques should be

considered where candidates’ suitability to the role can be assessed through past experiences rather than

traditional interview questioning where answers can be scripted to tell a story that the recruiters want to hear.

Another salient feature proposed in this stage is setting up a minimum score (say 70%) required for a candidate

to be deemed suitable to be considered for selection. All candidates’ performances should be scored, and those

that score 70% and above (subject to the outcome of referee checks) should be progressed to the next stage.

The rationale and/or utility of this suggestion will be highlighted in the following stage.

Candidates that attain the established standard are then subjected to referee checks where further personal and

or professional background checks as to their suitability for the role is conducted. Following assessment of

referee checks, successful candidates are progressed to the next stage.

Stage five: Selection

This is the final stage of the recruitment process and perhaps the most important for this research project, as it

forms the basis of the research. As this section sought to suggest a

recruitment model to promote meritorious recruitment and selection of recruits into the KNPS, it would be

expected that the best candidates that duly make it to stage four and score better (in order of ranking) will be

selected based on available vacancies e.g., if there were 20 slots available, then the best 20 performing

candidates will ‘make the cut’. Such a kind of selection will be considered merit based.

The deep-rooted mistrust as to the merit of KNPS recruitment exercise within the public domain (albeit for the

right reasons) however calls for an additional layer of transparency to gain this trust back. In fact, the 2009

Kenya National Task Force on Police reforms noted that Kenyans have come to associate unethical practices

with police recruitment and recommended that a new recruitment process that will, among other things, be

competitive and demand ‘a greater transparency and accountability’ be established (Gastrow 2009, p. 8). So

bad is the tainted image of the exercise such that if (say) a superintendent’s son was to be genuinely selected

having meritoriously undergone through the processes, none of the candidates and or average Kenyans would

believe that he was selected purely on merit, yet he deserves an equal chance just like any other Kenyan. It is

therefore suggested here that an innovative solution eliminating human element in the final selection of recruits

could meet this ‘greater transparency’ to improve the credibility of the exercise as being meritorious and

devoid of any undue influence.

During the 2015 KNPS recruitment exercise at Iten playground, a recruiting officer, Ambrose Oloo was

presented with a highly unusual case where two candidates had tied in every task yet there was only one

position available between the two. The recruiting officer came up with a simple but noble idea to break the tie

in a manner that shall be considered fair and transparent. The said officer wrote two ballots one with yes and

the other no, and it was agreed that whoever picked the yes ballot will ‘carry the day.’ Ultimately one

candidate won the slot much to the contentment of the losing candidate and to all those that watched this

unusual occurrence. At the time, the recruiting officer stated, ‘this was the only option to display fairness

without locking out anybody and the public were there to witness the two picking the ballot and the one who

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picked ‘No’ disqualified himself’ (Oloo 2015 cited in Kibor et al 2015, para. 4). It can be noted that the two

candidates who were both deemed suitable for the role had an equal chance at selection and whoever was

disqualified didn’t feel hard done-by as the decision was reached transparently and fairly.

Randomising merit

In a similar vein, but with a rather refined concept that will be dubbed here as ‘randomising merit’, it is

suggested that all candidates that meet the threshold following the Stage 4 assessment should be progressed to

the selection stage where they will be allocated a number and randomly selected by a computer software in a

‘lottery-like’ open exercise. Through merit, candidates that would have made it to the selection stage will be

considered suitable to perform the role. Randomised selection will ensure that each suitable candidate will

have an equal chance of selection thus meeting the ‘greater transparency’ threshold in a merit-based

recruitment and selection process. It is worth noting that this suggestion of ‘randomised merit’ is consistent

with a well-accepted and similar model applied to the selection of members for Peoples Panels or Citizens

Juries such as those used by local and state governments in advanced democracies like Australia and elsewhere

to involve the community in the democratic process (Christiansen 2014).

Utility of this proposed model

Application of this model should be overseen with care to ensure that the current framework considering

diversity and a representation of the society within the service is not lost. This can be done by engendering and

grouping the candidates and dealing with their applications per sub county. For example, if there are 10

allocations for a certain subcounty (say 6 males and 4 females) and 200 applications are received, applications

are sorted and dealt with separately (say 130 males and 70 female applicants respectively). Application of this

model selectively as described will yield (say) 40 male candidates and 30 female candidates for selection,

which ensures that randomised selection will still yield 6 male recruits and 4 female recruits as intended.

Again, drawing recruits from each subcounty will ensure the diversity of the service making it a representation

of the society.

Additionally, unsuccessful candidates at whatever stage should be advised of the outcome and be prohibited

from re-applying for a period of 12/24 months. This will help address the issue of unnecessary volumes of

applicants for subsequent recruitment exercises. For practical reasons, it is also recommended that it should not

be necessary to disclose details of the decision unless it can be demonstrated (proof of which is the candidate’s

burden) that the candidate was unfairly dismissed or discriminated against.

To sum up, the utility of this proposed model, compared to the current KNPS recruitment model, is that it

restores the power of recruitment and appointment of recruits to the NPSC as envisioned by the supreme law of

the land, it provides a structure where the recruitment exercise can be treated with the seriousness it deserves

(e.g. branding the recruitment function, exploring diverse avenues of reaching candidates, offering all relevant

information to candidates to attract the best candidates and/or for self-evaluation), and it provides a structured

role-relevant process of assessing recruits to ensure merit of the exercise. Finally, it gives all suitable

candidates an equal chance of serving their country without prejudice. As has been shown in Chapter 4,

addressing the aforesaid issues as this proposal has, is the first step in dealing with the issue of lack of merit in

recruitment and selection in the KNPS.

It is conceded that the application of this model might, in the first use of it, be considered tedious, plus it is

accepted that the additional layers may impact costings. However, having an ongoing phased recruitment,

instead of a one-day national exercise will likely offset this initial cumbersomeness, by attracting better

candidates, and yielding better recruitment which promises better outcomes as earlier discussed. In any event,

it is argued here that it is a worthy price for improving the legitimacy of KNPS, and it will add to the safety of

both the officers as well as to every Kenyan. And as the pan-Africanist and Marxist revolutionist, Thomas

Sankara once said ‘you cannot carry out fundamental change without a certain amount of madness. In this case,

it comes from nonconformity, the courage to turn your back on the old formulas, the courage to invent the

future. Besides, it took the madmen of yesterday for us to be able to act with extreme clarity today. I want to be

one of those madmen,’ this proposal is part of re-imagining the better future of KNPS police recruitment.

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CONCLUSION

This chapter provides a summary of key points, acknowledges the main limitations of the research project, and

offers suggestions for future research.

The broad objective of this study was to outline possible alternative practices to address the issue of

malpractices in recruitment and selection of police recruits into Kenya’s National Police Service (KNPS). As

previously discussed, legal and organisational ideals require that recruitment and promotion of public servants

be anchored in merit to provide for impartial selection of individuals who are best suited for the job. In line

with the Constitutional provisions therefore, and pursuant to Article 4 (a) of Public Service (Values and

Principles) Act 2015, KNPS is bound by the aforesaid legal requirements. This requires it to adhere to those

ideals not only for efficiency and/or effectiveness of the organisation but for the safety and wellbeing of

Kenyans. Simply put, and aside from complying with legal obligations, it is intellectually conceivable to

speculate that if the Agency lacks the right people for the job, poor service delivery is to be expected.

Similarly, officers recruited and selected unethically cannot be expected to serve with integrity aside from

bringing questions of legitimacy to the said Agency.

Thus, this paper has consistently and strongly argued that the structural setting of the KNPS recruitment model

requires re-engineering if the issue is to be addressed. In fact, this was an area of further research as proposed

by Wasike (2005, p. 68) who suggested a need for research that shall culminate in a ‘competent recruitment’

model for KNPS. By comparing KNPS recruitment model to that of NTPF, lessons have been drawn

constituting the foundation for recommendation of an applicable model for the KNPS following the strengths

and limitations of either model.

The analysis, backed by credible academic and other literature, has shown a combination of both structural and

procedural factors having a hand in influencing merit - or lack of it - in the recruitment and selection of police

recruits. Accordingly, reverting the recruitment power to the IG coupled by other crucial factors, namely

shortcomings in recruiters, inadequate fit-for- purpose processes, lack of recruitment procedures and

assessment manuals have worked to undermine meritorious recruitment and selection of police recruits in

KNPS. In contrast, the absence of the aforesaid factors aided meritorious recruitment and selection in the

NTPF and perhaps explains the contentment that seems to elude the Kenyan situation.

In dealing with the penultimate task of this research project, the researcher has an overall recommendation to

eliminate the one-day nationwide KNPS recruitment as currently constituted, and further proposes structural

and process reforms in a phased recruitment model encompassing five stages, each of which has been

described in detail above.

LIMITATIONS

This research had limitations that can be addressed in future. First, owing to time constraints and the

bureaucratic nature of the agencies involved, it was not feasible to use a triangulation strategy i.e., use other

methods such as interviews or surveys to improve external validity. It is therefore conceded that crucial

information that could have impacted on results and analysis thereof may have been missed if such information

is not publicly available.

Second, the research project mostly focussed on the agencies’ internal structural setting relating to recruitment

and selection of recruits. Expanding, the research to include other crucial actors, particularly candidates that

have been subject to the recruitment of both models including recruiters, could yield information that may be

interesting for results and analysis thereof.

Further areas of research

The research project raises two areas of further research which are to first, to study the proposed recruitment

model to ascertain its efficacy in promoting meritorious recruitment and selection of recruits in KNPS, and

second, to undertake an expanded repeat research that utilises triangulation to collect data directly from both

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recruiters and/or candidates who have been exposed to either/both models. This follows the aforesaid

possibility of having missed relevant data in this research project owing to its design and methods, particularly

where such information is not publicly available.

Summing up

‘Everybody has a stake in the story of policing’ (Cenac 2018 cited in Parham, 2018). If the proposed model is

adopted in part or fully, if the results and/or analysis helps in making changes that help in reimagining KNPS

recruitment model for the better and ultimately improves the Agency’s reputation, and most importantly

improve the safety and wellbeing of

Kenyans, then this paper will have taken its own share of the stake in the story of Kenyan policing.

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