INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RESEARCH AND INNOVATION IN SOCIAL SCIENCE (IJRISS)

ISSN No. 2454-6186 | DOI: 10.47772/IJRISS | Volume IX Issue XI November 2025

Psychosocial Vulnerabilities and Support Needs of Child Victims in

Kete Krachi, Lake Volta: Implications for Child Protection Practice

Dominic Garibah Mensah

Atebubu College of Education, Bono East Region, Accra

DOI: https://dx.doi.org/10.47772/IJRISS.2025.91100304

Received: 27 November 2025; Accepted: 01 December 2025; Published: 08 December 2025

ABSTRACT

Child victimization in the fishing industry has become a global humanitarian concern, as children across regions

are increasingly subjected to exploitative practices that threaten their physical, emotional, and social well-being.

In Ghana, Kete Krachi on Lake Volta is a major hub of child victims in artisanal fisheries, where children face

harsh working conditions, long hours, and severe abuses, often resulting in profound psychosocial problems.

Despite international attention, limited scholarship has examined the psychosocial consequences of child victims

in Ghana’s fishing industry, particularly regarding their rehabilitation. This study, grounded in Social Capital

Theory, explores the psychosocial problems experienced by child victims in Kete Krachi and demonstrates the

role of physical education and sports (PES) as a psychosocial tool for reintegration. Using a qualitative case

study design, data were gathered through purposive and snowball sampling, including interviews with ten former

child victims and two focus group discussions with community leaders and NGO rescuers. Thematic analysis

revealed psychosocial consequences as worthlessness, emotional regulation struggles, and self-isolation,

stemming from their emotional, physical, and sexual abuses. However, participation in team-based sports

activities helped victims to rebuild trust, confidence, and social networks. The study concludes that PES offers

a culturally adaptable and effective approach to psychosocial rehabilitation, while also contributing to the

literature on child victims, sport-for-development, and social reintegration.

Keywords: Child victims, psychosocial problems, child victimization, Lake Volta, Ghana, physical education,

sports rehabilitation

INTRODUCTION

The fishing industry plays a crucial role in sustaining livelihoods, food security, and economic development

across the globe. Millions of people depend directly on fisheries and aquaculture for subsistence and income,

while many more rely on fish as a primary source of dietary protein (FAO, 2010; Lam et al., 2012; Pauly &

Zeller, 2017). Yet, beneath its socio-economic contributions lies a troubling reality: fisheries are among the

industries most associated with work exploitation, human trafficking, and human rights abuses (ILO, 2012;

Derks, 2010). One of the most disturbing dimensions of this exploitation is child labour activities.

Globally, the International Labour Organization (ILO, 2013) estimates that millions of children are engaged in

hazardous work, including in fisheries, where they are deprived of education and exposed to abuses, injuries,

and long-term developmental harm. In the fishing sector, children are often trafficked, coerced, or socially

pressured into roles that undermine their basic rights. Tasks typically involve casting and hauling nets, sorting

fish, diving to untangle traps, salting and smoking and processing fish, and transporting loads in dangerous

conditions. For many, work begins before the age of ten, and it often extends into adolescence, robbing them of

childhood and opportunities for formal education (Adeborna & Johnson, 2015).

Universally, the phenomenon is not confined to a single region but manifests globally in diverse forms. In Latin

America, particularly in El Salvador, children are found harvesting shellfish in small-scale family enterprises,

where boys and girls alike contribute from a very young age. Girls often supplement this work by selling the

catch in local markets, thus combining labour-intensive harvesting with economic responsibilities (Iversen,

2006). In the Philippines, the infamous Muro Ami fishing system deploys children as swimmers and divers,

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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RESEARCH AND INNOVATION IN SOCIAL SCIENCE (IJRISS)

ISSN No. 2454-6186 | DOI: 10.47772/IJRISS | Volume IX Issue XI November 2025

forcing them to chase fish into nets in hazardous waters, frequently at the cost of serious injury or death (Bonnet

& Schlemmer, 2009; Olofson et al., 2000). Similar patterns emerge in southern Thailand, where children serve

as factory workers, fish sorters, or crew members on deep-sea vessels that remain offshore for months. Their

duties range from net repair to food preparation under harsh supervision, with some children subjected to

confinement and physical punishment (Pearson et al., 2006; Morin, 2012).

In Africa, child victims in fisheries are also prevalent. In Uganda, children work long hours alongside adult

fishers, frequently without safety equipment and with little to no compensation. Younger children (under 14) are

typically relegated to supporting tasks, such as preparing bait or assisting in processing, but even these roles

place them at risk of physical injury and emotional trauma (Walakira, 2010). Reports from Nigeria and Sierra

Leone further reveal that children are commonly engaged in artisanal fishing, often compelled by poverty to

contribute to household income at the expense of schooling (Agbesi, 2016; Margaret, 2009). These patterns

underscore the pervasiveness of child victims in fisheries worldwide, linking the problem to structural poverty,

sociocultural practices, and weak enforcement of labour rights.

In Ghana, while known for its vibrant fisheries sector, it has also become a site of severe child exploitation,

particularly on Lake Volta, the world’s largest man-made lake. Estimates suggest that between 4,000 and 10,000

children are trafficked annually into fisheries along the Lake Volta (Briffett, 2019; Hamenoo et al., 2015; Ratner,

2014). Employers, primarily boat owners, actively seek child workers due to their vulnerability, physical agility,

tiny fingers, and low bargaining power. Many are recruited under pretenses, with promises of food, education,

and wages that are rarely fulfilled (Cornell University, 2011).

The socio-economic context of Kete Krachi, a key town situated on a peninsula along Lake Volta, exacerbates

this problem. Poverty, unemployment, and lack of social protection systems push families into desperate trade-

offs, often accepting as little as fifty U.S. dollars from traffickers in exchange for their children’s work (Adeborna

& Johnson, 2015). Cultural traditions also reinforce the practice. Among Tongu households, fishing skills are

considered an essential part of socialization, and children are expected to inherit their parents’ trade. What begins

as “light work” within the family is often distorted by outsiders into full-scale exploitation, where children are

subjected to forced work, long hours, and abusive conditions (Novignon et al., 2012). Debt bondage compounds

the problem, as parents’ financial obligations are transferred onto children, binding them to exploitative masters.

Children working on Lake Volta face harrowing conditions. They dive into deep waters to untangle nets,

exposing themselves to drowning, waterborne diseases, and attacks by reptiles. Others haul heavy loads, mend

nets, or engage in fish smoking under hazardous environments. Girls, in particular, are vulnerable to sexual

abuse, coercion, and harassment from masters and their sons (Solidarity Centre, 2008). These abuses create not

only immediate harm but also long-term psychosocial scars.

The psychosocial problems or the consequences of child victims are not only physical but also deeply

psychological and sexual. Victims often report worthlessness, stemming from constant verbal abuse,

humiliation, and the internalization of inferiority (Ahuja, 2018). Emotional regulation struggles and self-isolation

are common, as children avoid peers or public spaces out of shame, fear, or stigmatization. Many also struggle

with depression, anxiety, and hopelessness, unable to envision a future beyond exploitation (Ahad et al., 2021).

Physical abuse-slapping, beating, or inflicting injuries-creates trauma that manifests in aggression, fear, and

mistrust. Emotional abuse, such as insults and constant belittlement, strips children of their dignity, fostering

alienation and despair. Sexual abuse is particularly devastating; female victims often recount experiences of

coercion, molestation, and forced intimacy, leading to feelings of worthlessness, unwanted pregnancies, and

lifelong distrust of men (Audu, Geidam & Jarma, 2009; Parcesepe et al., 2016). These psychosocial

consequences persist well into adulthood if left unaddressed, creating cycles of trauma that affect victims,

families, and communities.

The reality in Kete Krachi illustrates how child victims are entrapped in cycles of vulnerability, with exploitation

undermining their education, health, and psychosocial development. What is striking, however, is the relative

paucity of scholarly focus on the psychosocial dimensions of child victims. While economic and legal aspects

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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RESEARCH AND INNOVATION IN SOCIAL SCIENCE (IJRISS)

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have received significant attention, the lived emotional and social consequences of victims remain

underexplored, especially in the Ghanaian fishing industry.

In spite of these challenges, physical education and sports (PES) as a psychosocial tool emerged as a promising

pathway for psychosocial rehabilitation. Play and physical activity are central to child development, fostering

cooperation, resilience, and self-confidence. Studies have shown that structured participation in sports

contributes to emotional stability, cognitive development, and social integration (Bailey, 2006; Henley et al.,

2007; Sibley & Etnier, 2003). Team sports, in particular, cultivate trust, reciprocity, and solidarity, enabling

victims of trauma to rebuild fractured social networks (Coakley, 2011; Svenson & Levin, 2017).

For child victims in Kete Krachi, who have endured self-isolation, emotional regulation struggles, sexual abuse,

and loss of trust, PES offers a space for recovery. Through cooperative activities, they rediscover self-worth,

learn to trust peers and mentors, and develop resilience against psychosocial stressors. Far from being mere

recreation, PES functions as a psychosocial tool that transforms vulnerability into empowerment, making it

central to rehabilitation and reintegration strategies.

Theory

To analyze how PES contributes to psychosocial recovery, this study draws on Social Capital Theory. This

framework emphasizes the value of social networks, trust, and reciprocity as resources for individual and

collective well-being.

Pierre Bourdieu (1986) conceptualized social capital as the aggregate of actual or potential resources linked to

networks of mutual acquaintance and recognition. For Bourdieu, social capital is inseparable from power and

inequality: it reflects the benefits derived from group membership, but also the exclusions it creates. Coleman

(1990) shifted the focus to the functions of social capital, emphasizing obligations, expectations, and

trustworthiness as the foundations for cooperative behaviour. His formulation highlights how social capital

facilitates action within a social structure.

Lin (2001) elaborated on this perspective by defining social capital as “resources embedded in social networks,

accessed and mobilized for purposive action.” Lin underscores the instrumental role of social capital, stressing

how networks enable access to resources unavailable to isolated individuals. Putnam (1993, 2000) popularized

the civic dimension of social capital, describing how trust, reciprocity, and networks improve the efficiency of

societies by facilitating coordination and cooperation.

Within Social Capital Theory, two dimensions are particularly relevant: bonding social capital and bridging

social capital. Bonding capital arises from strong ties within homogeneous groups, such as family or close

friends, fostering solidarity, identity, and emotional support (Putnam, 2000). Bridging capital, by contrast,

emerges from weaker ties across diverse groups, expanding access to new resources, opportunities, and

perspectives (Woodcock, 2001). Both are essential for the psychosocial recovery of child victims. Bonding

capital provides the emotional foundation, support, care, and trust, while bridging capital creates pathways to

reintegration into broader social networks, including schools, communities, and institutions.

Critiques of social capital theory caution against its limitations. Bourdieu (1986) noted that social capital can

reinforce inequalities, as networks may exclude outsiders. Putnam (2000) also recognized that strong bonding

capital, while supportive, can foster conformity and exclusion. Yet, these critiques highlight rather than diminish

the potential of PES. By creating inclusive, structured environments where children participate in sports

irrespective of background, PES nurtures both bonding and bridging capital, countering isolation and exclusion.

For child victims in Kete Krachi, participation in PES rebuilds trust, reciprocity, and solidarity. Team sports

encourage cooperation, shared responsibility, and mutual respect. Coaches and mentors serve as bridging agents,

connecting victims to new opportunities and support systems. As Glanville and Bienenstock (2009) argue, social

capital can be conceptualized through network density, trust or reciprocity, and resource mobilization. Applied

here, PES enhances network density through repeated interaction, strengthens trust through cooperative play,

and provides psychosocial resources such as resilience, confidence, and social skills.

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Empirical studies reinforce this application. Bailey (2006) observed that PES contributes significantly to

cognitive, affective, and social development, while Dubey (2017) demonstrated the rehabilitative potential of

martial arts (Taekwondo) for marginalized children. Henley et al. (2007) similarly found that sports participation

aids trauma recovery, building resilience and social reintegration. By fostering both bonding and bridging social

capital, PES provides a structured means of transforming psychosocial deficits into psychosocial assets,

facilitating the rehabilitation and reintegration of child victims.

LITERATURE REVIEW

Child victims have long been recognized as a global challenge, particularly in developing countries where

poverty, unemployment, and cultural practices intersect to drive children into exploitative work. The ILO (2012)

estimates that more than 160 million children worldwide are engaged in child work, with over half of them in

hazardous conditions. Among these, fisheries rank among the most dangerous sectors, exposing children to long

hours, harsh environments, and frequent abuse.

Psychosocial consequences of child victims are significant but have historically received less scholarly attention

than economic or legal aspects. Research indicates that children in exploitative work are more likely to suffer

from depression, low self-esteem, and anxiety disorders (Gelles & Straus, 1979; Nopembri & Sugiyama, 2015).

In Indonesia, for example, child domestic workers reported persistent fear, humiliation, and withdrawal due to

maltreatment by employers (Kumar & Fonagy, 2013). Similarly, in South Asia, trafficked children in fishing

and brick kilns reported feelings of helplessness, worthlessness, hopelessness, and despair (Parcesepe et al.,

2016).

This study also highlights long-term effects, including intergenerational cycles of poverty and trauma. Basu and

Van (1998) observed that child victims lead to underinvestment in education, perpetuating low human capital

and reinforcing poverty across generations. Emotional scars from abuse, particularly sexual and physical,

translate into long-term behavioural disorders, relationship difficulties, and chronic mental health conditions

(Audu, Geidam & Jarma, 2009; Abdalla et al., 2018).

In Africa, child victims in fisheries have been documented across Uganda, Nigeria, and Ghana. Walakira (2010)

noted that Ugandan children often worked for long hours without safety equipment, exposing them to drowning,

injury, and exhaustion. Margaret (2009) reported similar conditions in Nigeria, where children contributed to

artisanal fishing while being denied education. These findings reveal how child victims in fisheries across Africa

are closely linked to structural poverty, lack of educational opportunities, and sociocultural norms.

Psychosocial problems are evident in these contexts. Alem (2020) found that African child victims frequently

experience trauma, isolation, and depression. Emotional abuse, often through verbal humiliation or neglect,

compounds the physical dangers of fishing tasks. Girls are especially vulnerable to sexual harassment and abuse,

leading to early pregnancies, social stigmatization, and rejection from family or community structures (Fawole

& Dagunduro, 2014).

Ghana’s Lake Volta is emblematic of child victims' exploitation. Research suggests that thousands of children,

some as young as six, are trafficked annually to work in fisheries around Kete Krachi (Briffett, 2019; Reid Maki,

2013). Poverty remains the principal driver, with families accepting payments from traffickers to relieve

immediate economic pressures (Adeborna & Johnson, 2015). However, cultural practices also play a role.

Among Tongu communities in Ghana, fishing skills are considered essential for socialization, but this tradition

is often exploited by traffickers who promise training while subjecting children to abuse (Novignon et al., 2012).

Psychosocial effects in Ghana mirror global findings but are exacerbated by the specific conditions of Lake

Volta. Children are routinely exposed to life-threatening tasks such as diving to untangle nets. Many experience

beatings, insults, and verbal abuse, leading to feelings of worthlessness and despair. Girls often suffer sexual

harassment from boat owners and their sons, resulting in trauma, pregnancies, HIV/AIDS, and rejection

(Solidarity Centre, 2008). Emotional regulation struggles, worthlessness, emotional withdrawal, fear and

mistrust, and isolation are common outcomes (Ahad et al., 2021).

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Scholars increasingly emphasize the role of physical education and sports (PES) in psychosocial rehabilitation.

Bailey (2006) argued that PES contributes to children’s cognitive, affective, and social development, promoting

resilience and confidence. Henley et al. (2007) found that sports participation helps trauma survivors rebuild

social trust and emotional stability. Dubey (2017), in a study on Taekwondo, demonstrated that sports can

function as a “hook” for engaging disadvantaged children, fostering cooperation and resilience.

In Ghana, while PES is widely practiced, its potential as a deliberate psychosocial tool for child victims has not

been fully explored. This gap underscores the relevance of the current study, which examines how PES can

transform the psychosocial experiences of child victims in Kete Krachi from isolation and despair to confidence

and social reintegration.

Study Design

Kete Krachi, a town situated on Lake Volta, was the location of the study. Fishing is a significant activity in the

Municipality due to its location near the Volta Lake and the Oti River in Ghana and its immediate villages, as

Ehiamankyene, Osramani, and Kate Krachi, the Municipal Capital. Krachi was chosen as the research site

because of its primary role in Ghana’s inland fisheries, the high prevalence of child victims, and its reputation

as a transit hub for trafficked children. The Municipal Capital, where Krachi is located as the capital, has a

population of over 61,128 people (GSS, 2021), with fishing and farming as the dominant economic activities.

Poverty rates remain high, social protection systems are weak, and children are frequently engaged in fishing-

related work to supplement family income. These structural conditions make Krachi and its surrounding

communities an ideal setting for exploring the psychosocial problems of child victims.

Figure 1: Source: Adapted from Krachi West District Assembly 2010

The study adopted a qualitative case study design, consistent with Yin’s (2003) view that case studies are

appropriate for investigating contemporary social phenomena within a real-life context. Child victims on Lake

Volta are deeply embedded in the socioeconomic and cultural life of fishing communities, making it difficult to

separate the phenomenon from its context. A case study design was therefore well-suited to capture the complex

lived experiences of child victims, their psychosocial challenges, and the role of physical education and sports

(PES) in rehabilitation.

To strengthen validity and depth, a collective case study approach was used (Stake, 2008). This enabled the

study to draw insights from multiple groups: ex-child victims, local community leaders, and NGO, creating a

broader picture of the problem.

The study relied on snowball sampling to recruit child victims, as this group was difficult to access due to the

sensitivity of child victims and the risks associated with disclosure. Initial contact was made with three ex-child

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victims who had a personal rapport with the researcher. These three equally led me to others, which finally made

me recruit 14 more child victims. Out of these 14 ex-child victims, 10 of them were finally interviewed in-depth

due to data saturation, as there were no new themes or perspectives that emerged from subsequent interviews

(Guest et al., 2006; Boddy, 2016).

Below was the demographic background of these 10 ex-child victims who were rescued by the International

Justice Mission (IJM) Ghana and housed in their Shelter.

Table 1.: The Demographics of Rescued Ex-Child Victims (Ex-CV) on Lake Volta at Kete Krachi

Ex-Child Victims Gender Age/

Hometown

Parents Status

Years at Drop

the Shelter Out of

School

Participants

Year

Ex-Child Victim-1

Ex-Child Victim-2

Ex-Child Victim-3

Ex-Child Victim-4

Ex-Child Victim-5

Ex-Child Victim-6

Ex-Child Victim-7

Ex-Child Victim-8

Ex-Child Victim-9

Ex-Child Victim-10

M

F

15

17

15

14

13

15

14

15

18

Salpong

Battor

Father-Dead & Mother-Dead

Father-Dead & Mother-Alive

Father-Alive & Mother-Alive

Father-Dead & Mother-Alive

Father-Dead & Mother-Dead

Father-Dead & Mother-Alive

9 months

5 months

12 months

9 months

6 months

13 months

12 months

7 months

11 months

P-4

P-6

P-5

P-4

P-5

M

F

Senya Breku

Battor

Apam

F

Battor

M

F

Senya Breku

Salpong

Senya Breku

Big Ada

M

10months JHS-1

(Source: Interview Guide-Section 1)

The range of participants was between 13 and 18 years, with almost all of them coming from the coastal

communities such as Senya Breku, Battor, Salpong, and Battor. A significant number of them were semi-

orphans, with two apiece having either father or mother dead or alive. Several of them were dropouts at the

primary level, with only one at the Junior High level before their rescue.

In addition to the ex-child victims, two focus group discussions (FGDs) were organized, based on purposive

sampling. Research participants were deliberately selected based on their knowledge and experiences with child

victims on the peninsula of Lake Volta at Krachi.

Data collection occurred between February and May 2024. Semi-structured, face-to-face interviews were

conducted with the 10 ex-child victims. The interviews were guided by an interview protocol that allowed

flexibility for probing while maintaining consistency across participants. Questions explored children’s

backgrounds, experiences of work on the lake, psychosocial challenges, and coping strategies. Each interview

lasted between forty minutes and one hour. The interview was conducted at a safe location chosen by the research

participants themselves (shelter grounds, playing fields, or place of stay).

Two FGDs were conducted, with each lasting between one and one and a half hours. Discussions were structured

into two segments: FGDs were moderated by the researcher, with assistants managing recordings and note-

taking. Open-ended questions encouraged interaction among participants, while probes drew out deeper insights

(Krueger & Casey, 2000).

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The first of the two FGDs was made up of stakeholders in the community and some local leaders. This FGD

consisted of 5 research participants, which included an Omanhene, an assemblyman, a parent, a community

secretary, and a teacher. The second set of FGDs conducted was with the International Justice Mission, Ghana,

which has its head office in Accra. Five research participants took part in the discussion, comprising a social

worker, an instructor/coach, a health worker, a police officer, and a legal officer who normally assist in rescuing

these child victims on Lake Volta.

Table 2: The Demographics of FGD-1 at Ehiamankyene on Lake Volta at Kete Krachi

FGD-1 (Ehiamankyene) Sex/Gender

Participants

Age (Years) Work Experience Role/Responsibility in the

Study Area

FGD-E1

FGD-E2

FGD-E3

FGD-E4

FGD-E5

M

F

56

46

45

32

30

20

10

8

Omanhene

Assemblyman

Parent

M

F

Teacher

F

7

Community Secretary

(Source: Interview Guide-Section 2)

The research participants for focus group two (2) are workers at the Shelter. They were selected based on their

experiences working on the challenges of rescued child victims on the Lake Volta.

Table 3: The Demographics of Focus Group Discussion 2 (FGD-2) at the International Justice Mission (IJM)

Ghana

FGD-2 (International Justice Mission- Sex/Gender

IJM) Participants

Age/

Years

Work

Experience

Role/Responsibility

in the Study Area

FGD-E1

FGD-E2

FGD-E3

FGD-E4

FGD-E5

F

4yrs

9yrs

5yrs

0yrs

6yrs

5yrs

6yrs

3yrs

7yrs

Social Worker

Instructor/Coach

Health Worker

Police Officer

Legal Officer

F

M

(Source: Interview Guide-Section 3)

These groups provided complementary perspectives at the community level, operational insights from rescuers,

and psychosocial observations from caregivers working daily with rescued children.

Given the vulnerability of child participants, strict ethical standards guided the study. Informed consent was

obtained from the quasi-parents and the research participants themselves. Names and identifying details were

anonymized to protect confidentiality. Sensitive questions were handled with empathy, and participants showing

signs of distress were referred to NGO counselors for follow-up support. The study complied with the ethical

principles of the Ghana Social Sciences Research Ethics Committee.

Interviews were conducted in Twi/Fanti and Ewe, the two dominant languages spoken in Kete Krachi, besides

the local dialect and the participants’ home communities. They were later translated and transcribed into English.

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With participants’ consent, interviews were audio and video-recorded, supplemented with field notes capturing

non-verbal cues and context during the interview.

Data Management

Data management in qualitative research is a process of gathering and arranging while keeping and protecting

the information collected from the field so as to be easily retrieved for the intended purpose for which the data

was collected (Cypress, 2018). This is done to ensure the confidentiality, integrity, and trustworthiness of the

data. Interviews and FGDs were transcribed verbatim, anonymized, and stored in password-protected digital

folders. Hard copies of the notes were stored in a secure location accessible only to the researcher. The data of

the study were analyzed using the thematic analysis described by Braun and Clarke (2006). Using the thematic

analysis helped in identifying the findings that pertain to the research questions as:

i. Psychosocial challenges (social behaviour, health consequences).

ii. The role of PES as a psychosocial tool for rehabilitation.

The conclusions were themes highlighting the impact of child victims on the social behaviour and health of

children, and the impact of physical education and sports as a psychosocial tool addressing the psychosocial

problems of child victims on the peninsula of Lake Volta at Kete Krachi in the Oti Region of Ghana. The

following process was adhered to in identifying the themes (Braun & Clarke, 2006). The study employed

thematic analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2006), a method well-suited for the identification of patterns across

qualitative data. The process involved measures to enhance the credibility, dependability, and confirmability of

the findings (Lincoln & Guba, 1985).

FINDINGS

Child victims on Lake Volta, particularly at Kete Krachi, are a deeply embedded phenomenon that goes beyond

economic exploitation to reveal the harrowing psychosocial experiences of the children involved. Through

interviews with ex-child victims and discussions with community leaders and rescuers, a consistent picture

emerged and is, and the lives of these children were characterized by physical, sexual, and emotional abuses that

left them traumatized, socially isolated, emotionally regulated struggles, and stripped of self-worth. Yet amidst

these devastating realities, resilience mechanisms were also evident, particularly through physical education and

sports (PES), which enabled some victims to regain confidence, trust, and a sense of social belonging. This

section discusses the key psychosocial problems faced by child victims, their coping strategies, and the

transformative role of PES, situating these findings within the framework of Social Capital Theory and relevant

literature.

The narratives of the children reveal the brutality of their experiences. Physical abuse was a pervasive theme.

Children described being whipped with wires, paddles, and fishing hooks when they failed to meet their masters’

demands. Below are their excerpts validating the abuses suffered:

One 15-year-old ex-child victim recounted in Ewe:

“Nye dͻtͻ kple hatinyewo fiaa fu nye ŋutilӑ ale gbegbe. Abi kakεwo wͻ ɖe nye agbalẽ me eye nye ƒuwo hӑ ŋena

ɖe ale si wonͻ alanuwo tsͻm (wayaka, gakpokͻnuwo, gakpowo) tsͻm nͻ xaxlӑm ɖem la ta. Eye woƒoam nenye

be nyemewͻ ɖe woƒe gbe dzi o la ta alo nyemewͻ ɖe ale si tututu wobe mawͻ o la ta alo nyemete ŋu ɖe nu me

tso nu si ta nyemewͻ nane o la ta. Togbͻ be mevɔna na wo hӑ la, woƒe fuwͻme la va mam eye medzea agla ɖe

᷉

nye veliawo ŋu. Nu sia va tena ɖe dzinye ya. Ɖe esia ta la. Esesẽna nam be magaɖo dze kpli wo eye nyemeganͻa

kadodo nyui me kpli wo o. Nyemegawͻa hadome naneke kpli wo o.”

(“I was abused physically by my employer and older colleagues. I sustained multiple bruises and bone fractures

because they hit me with sharp objects such as wire, winch, and paddles. Even though I was afraid of them, I

became used to their abusive behaviour and acted aggressively toward my friends, which I later regretted. This

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made it difficult to interact or maintain healthy relationships, and I could not actively participate in social

activities.”)

Accounts like this demonstrate the psychosocial toll of violence, where fear and trauma translate into aggression,

withdrawal, and mistrust. These findings resonate with Gelles and Straus (1979) and Oluremi (2015), who

emphasize that physical maltreatment in childhood often manifests in long-term psychological disorders,

including aggression, anxiety, and self-isolation. The children’s experiences also mirror WHO’s (2020) findings

that globally, one child dies every five minutes due to physical abuse.

Sexual abuse emerged as perhaps the most devastating psychosocial experience. Girls were especially

vulnerable, suffering molestation from masters and even the sons of their employers.

A 17-year-old ex-child victim explained in Ewe:

“Nye aƒetͻ dͻa gbͻnye akpasesẽtͻe eye wòdoa ŋͻdzi nam be nenye be megblͻe na dzinyelawo alo ame bubu

aɖe la, yeawum. Eyi edzi nͻa gbͻnye dͻm akpasesẽtͻe eye wòdoa fum heɖenε nam. Enye ŋͻdzinya kple

nukpekeame nam. Dzi ɖe le ƒonye eye meɖea ɖokuinye ɖe aga. Tso ema dzi la, melé fu ŋutsuwo eye meɖe

adzͻgbe be nyemaɖe srɔ akpͻ o.”

(“My master forcibly slept with me and threatened to kill me if I told my parents or anyone. He continued to

abuse me and got me pregnant, which he later forced me to abort. I was devastated, lost my confidence, and

lived in isolation. Since then, I hated everything about men and vowed not to marry.”)

Such testimonies highlight the extreme trauma and long-lasting psychosocial scars of sexual exploitation. Girls

described nightmares, withdrawal from relationships, and even same-sex intimacy as a protective response. The

stigma of pregnancies and forced abortions reinforced feelings of worthlessness. This aligns with UNICEF

(1997) and Fawole and Dagunduro (2014), who stress that sexual abuse in child work settings often leads to

deep psychological wounds, early motherhood, and life-long trauma. The narratives also reflect Parcesepe et al.

(2016) finding that trafficked children often suffer depression, worthlessness, shame, and isolation.

Emotional abuse was equally destructive. Children were constantly insulted, called “useless/worthless” or “good

for nothing,” and told that their parents were beggars.

A 14-year-old boy recalled in Twi:

“M’adwumawura taa ka kyerɛɛ me sɛ meyɛ ɔkwasea, mennsɔ adwuma, na me papa yɛ onipã a ɔnyɛ onyinasofo

sɛ ɔbɛwo mma a mfaso nni wɔn ho. Saa ayayade yi nyinaa yɛɛ sɛ me kra ne m’anidasoɔ a mewɔ wɔ daakye no

butuw fam, na ɛmaa meyɛɛ sɛ ɔkwasea wɔ m’adamfo ne me kunufo anim. Eyi maa me koraa tɛw me ho fi

nnɔmmarima ne mmerewa a yɛyɛ adanfo no ho, na mepɔn koraa fii amammerɛ ne nnwuma a yɛyɛ bom nyinaa

ho.”

“My employer constantly told me that I was stupid, not fit to work, and that my father was irresponsible for

producing worthless children. These abuses not only dampened my spirit and hope for the future, but also made

me look stupid before my peers. I avoided social activities and withdrew from my friends because of my worthless

nature”.

This constant verbal humiliation reinforced worthlessness, emotionally regulated struggles, low self-esteem and

social withdrawal, and isolation. Such patterns are well documented in Ahad et al. (2021) and Al-Gamal et al.

(2013), who found that emotional abuse erodes children’s confidence, fosters timidity, and triggers depressive

disorders. Emotional degradation, more than physical punishment, often lingers as an invisible scar.

Across these experiences, the psychosocial consequences were stark: worthlessness, low self-esteem, emotional

regulation struggles, social withdrawal, mistrust of others, aggression, depression, isolation, and hopelessness.

Some children expressed suicidal ideation or vowed never to marry, fearing intimacy after sexual abuse. These

findings corroborate Alem (2020) and Abdalla et al. (2018), who highlighted the prevalence of psychosocial

problems among child victims in low-income settings.

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Yet amidst the devastation, coping mechanisms emerged. For many, coping meant silence and withdrawal.

Children described avoiding friendships, isolating themselves, or mistrusting men. Others coped through

aggression, transferring anger onto peers or strangers as a defensive strategy. These behaviours, while

maladaptive, reflect attempts at psychological survival in environments devoid of safety.

Significantly, the study revealed the transformative role of PES in rebuilding psychosocial well-being. At the

International Justice Mission, Ghana, rescued children participated in football and cooperative games. Through

these activities, they discovered solidarity, teamwork, and trust.

One of the FGD members explained:

“When the children join group exercises, you see their faces light up. They laugh, they share, they trust again.

Through teamwork in sports, they slowly begin to talk about their past without fear.”

Children themselves echoed this. A 14-year-old boy described how playing football with peers gave him “a

reason to smile again,” while another female explained that “running together made me feel strong, not weak

like on the Lake.” Such testimonies affirm Bailey’s (2006) assertion that PES contributes to children’s affective

and social development, and Henley et al. (2007) observation that sports help trauma survivors rebuild trust.

From a theoretical point of view, these findings align strongly with Social Capital Theory. Participation in PES

fostered bonding social capital (Putnam, 2000) by building solidarity among children with similar backgrounds

of trauma. At the same time, it generated bridging social capital, as children integrated into broader networks

with the coach/instructor and community members. Trust, reciprocity, and cooperation are core constructs of

social capital (Lin, 2001; Bourdieu, 1986), and were evident in how PES helped victims move from isolation,

emotionally regulated struggles, and worthlessness to participation.

Moreover, PES provided both emotional support (companionship, encouragement) and instrumental support

(structured activities, mentorship), echoing Caplan et al. (1976) distinction. This dual role illustrates how PES

serves as a psychosocial tool, restoring children’s self-confidence, resilience, and social integration. The

children’s recovery stories mirror Dubey’s (2017) study of Taekwondo as a means of psychosocial rehabilitation,

but extend the evidence by showing how PES works within the Ghanaian fishing context.

DISCUSSION

In discussing these findings, it has become increasingly evident that experiences of child victims on Lake Volta

transcend the boundaries of economic hardship and cultural practice. Rather, they represent a deep-seated

psychosocial emergency that affects children’s emotional stability, social functioning, and long-term

development trajectories. The abuses suffered by children destroy their sense of self and fracture their social ties.

Yet the resilience demonstrated through PES participation provides hope for rehabilitation. This suggests that

interventions should go beyond rescue operations to incorporate structured physical education and sports

programmes as integral to child reintegration. By doing so, stakeholders, policymakers, NGOs, and community

leaders can transform the despair of victims into pathways of healing, trust, and social capital.

CONCLUSION, IMPLICATIONS, LIMITATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS

The evidence presented in this study confirms that child victims on Lake Volta, particularly in Kete Krachi

Municipality, show a devastating one. A worrying one that calls for urgent action to salvage the situation. The

testimonies of ex-child victims demonstrate how physical, sexual, and emotional abuse left them with lasting

scars of self-isolation, emotional regulation struggles, worthlessness, mistrust, and deep trauma. These

psychosocial wounds manifest in silence, aggression, and hopelessness, threatening to perpetuate cycles of abuse

and exploitation across generations. However, the same narratives also reveal the resilience of children when

given opportunities to participate in structured physical education and sports (PES), where laughter, teamwork,

and trust offer a pathway to healing. Within this context, Social Capital Theory offers a powerful lens for

understanding how participation in physical education and sports group-based activities rebuilds solidarity,

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reciprocity, and confidence, transforming isolated individuals into empowered ones capable of reconnecting with

society.

The conclusion that emerges from this study is therefore twofold. First, child victims on Lake Volta should be

understood as both a human rights violation and a psychosocial emergency. Rescue operations, while crucial,

cannot by themselves address the invisible scars left on victims. Secondly, rehabilitation must incorporate

psychosocial interventions that prioritize structured engagement in PES, since this study demonstrates that sports

are not merely recreational activities but vehicles for rebuilding self-worth, fostering resilience, and creating

networks of support. This dual recognition has implications not only for policy but also for practice and research.

The implications of the study span multiple levels. For policymakers in Ghana and beyond, the findings

emphasize that laws criminalizing child victims and trafficking must be accompanied by investment in

psychosocial rehabilitation. Current interventions often focus on the legal and economic dimensions of child

victims, removing children from exploitative contexts, prosecuting offenders, or providing livelihood support to

families. While these measures are vital, they fail to address the emotional, psychological, and social dimensions

of the problem. The integration of PES into child protection policies and rehabilitation programmes can bridge

this gap. By providing structured opportunities for play, recreation, and teamwork, children are not only

physically re-energized but also enabled to rebuild trust and confidence, essential for their reintegration into

communities.

For practitioners, particularly NGOs and social workers, the study underscores the importance of designing

holistic programmes. Interventions that combine counselling, shelter, and PES activities are more likely to

achieve sustainable outcomes than those that focus narrowly on removal from abusive environments. The

narratives from the International Justice Mission, Ghana, illustrate this point. Children who participated in

football and group games showed marked improvements in self-expression, confidence, and trust. Such

outcomes confirm Bailey’s (2006) argument that PES contributes to affective and social development, and they

extend Henley et al. (2007) evidence that sports can rehabilitate trauma survivors. Practitioners must therefore

move beyond perceiving PES as optional or recreational, recognizing it instead as a core therapeutic tool in

psychosocial recovery.

For academic research, the implications are equally significant. The study contributes to a growing body of

literature on the intersection of child victims, psychosocial well-being, and sports, but it also opens new areas

for inquiry. While much of the existing scholarship focuses on the economic determinants of child victims, this

study demonstrates that psychosocial dimensions are equally critical. The findings invite further exploration of

how different forms of sports-individual versus team-based, competitive versus recreational-impact psychosocial

recovery. They also suggest the need for longitudinal studies to track the long-term outcomes of PES-based

rehabilitation, asking whether such interventions not only heal immediate trauma but also improve educational

attainment, employability, and social integration in adulthood.

The study is not without its limitations, which must be acknowledged. The qualitative design, while rich in depth

and detail, relies on a relatively small sample of participants. Ten ex-child victims and two focus group

discussions cannot capture the full diversity of experiences across the vast Lake Volta region. Moreover, the

reliance on snowball and purposive sampling may have introduced bias, since participants were often

recommended by gatekeepers and may not represent the most hidden or marginalized victims. Language and

cultural dynamics may also have influenced data collection, as interviews conducted in Twi/Fante and Ewe were

later translated into English, risking subtle loss of meaning. Finally, the study’s focus on PES as a psychosocial

tool, while justified by the findings, may have limited the exploration of other potentially valuable interventions

such as art therapy, drama, or community-based rituals of healing.

These limitations point to opportunities for future research. Larger studies that incorporate quantitative surveys

alongside qualitative interviews could provide more generalizable insights into the prevalence and psychosocial

consequences of child victims. Comparative research across different regions of Ghana or other countries in sub-

Saharan Africa would also help to situate the case at Kete Krachi Municipality within broader patterns,

identifying both unique cultural dynamics and shared structural drivers. Importantly, future studies should

evaluate the long-term impact of PES-based interventions, asking whether the gains in confidence, trust, and

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social participation observed in shelters persist once children return to their communities or transition into

adulthood. Research should also expand to include the voices of parents, masters, and community members, not

only to understand the perpetuation of child victims but also to identify potential allies in its eradication.

From the evidence, several recommendations emerge. First, the Ghanaian government and child protection

agencies must integrate PES into formal rehabilitation frameworks for trafficked and exploited children. Just as

counselling and shelter are considered essential, so too should sports-based activities be institutionalized as part

of psychosocial support. Second, NGOs and international organizations working on child victims should invest

in training coaches, instructors, and social workers in trauma-sensitive approaches to PES, ensuring that

activities are not only recreational but also deliberately structured to rebuild trust, cooperation, and resilience.

Third, schools in communities around Lake Volta should be supported to expand access to physical education

and sports with playing fields, recognizing that education itself cannot serve as prevention by providing safe

spaces for children to learn, play, and grow. Fourth, community sensitization campaigns should highlight not

only the illegality of child victims but also the psychosocial harm it causes, shifting cultural norms that see

children’s work as harmless training for adulthood. Fifth, the Government should consider making child labour

a course and a subject at both the Colleges of Education and at the Primary and Junior High Schools levels.

Finally, researchers and policymakers should collaborate to monitor and evaluate PES-based interventions,

building a robust evidence base that can inform policy at national and international levels.

In conclusion, this study demonstrates that the fight against child victims must extend beyond economic and

legal interventions to address the deep psychosocial scars left on victims. The narratives of children in Kete

Krachi show that abuse erodes self-worth, confidence, and self-dependency, fractures social bonds, and breeds

mistrust, but also that resilience is possible when children are given opportunities to reconnect through physical

education and sports. Grounded in Social Capital Theory, the study shows how bonding and bridging

relationships created through sports foster trust, reciprocity, and solidarity, transforming victims from isolated

individuals into members of supportive communities. By integrating PES into rehabilitation programmes,

policymakers and practitioners can provide child victims not only with freedom from exploitation but also with

the tools to heal, belong, and thrive. This is the promise that lies at the heart of true reintegration and not merely

rescuing children from the Lake Volta, but rescuing their dignity, their confidence, and their future.

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