INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RESEARCH AND INNOVATION IN SOCIAL SCIENCE (IJRISS)

ISSN No. 2454-6186 | DOI: 10.47772/IJRISS | Volume IX Issue XI November 2025

‘A Stream of Law Enforcement Has Been Polluted at the Source’: In

Pursuit of Meritorious Selection of Police Recruits in Kenya

¹Charles Shambi., ²Dr. Valarie Sands

¹PhD candidate at Flinders University

²Senior lecturer Flinders University

DOI: https://dx.doi.org/10.47772/IJRISS.2025.91100352

Received: 27 November 2025; Accepted: 03 December 2025; Published: 11 December 2025

ABSTRACT

Just as with other international police agencies, Kenya’s National Police Service (KNPS) represents the face of

bureaucracy. Its officers are entrusted with the State’s power to maintain peace and order, enforce laws, lawfully

deprive people of their liberty (as in the case of arrest), and use force, to mention but a few. This position of

privilege that potentially harbours serious ramifications, calls for a competent recruitment function to yield

quality officers joining the rank and files of the organisation. However, recruitment of police in Kenya continues

to be a wicked problem that has demonstrated durability of time, with claims of unethical misadministration

causing it to be seen as unequal, unfair, and therefore illegitimate in the eyes of the public. Recommendations to

address this contemporary issue have been suggested in the past, with implementation of some reforms, yet the

problem persists. The present study argues that the prescriptions suggested so far lack the robustness to address

the issue, which in part explains the persistence of the problem. This study adopts a different approach by

revisiting the KNPS recruitment model to heed to the call for further research that shall culminate in suggesting

a ‘competent recruitment’ model embedding merit in recruitment and selection of entry-level police officers in

Kenya.

Keywords: Police, Merit, Police recruitment, Police selection, Meritocracy, Police hiring, Kenya National

Police Service, Northern Territory Police Force, Equality, Fairness, Legitimacy

INTRODUCTION

Unlike the private sector, public sector hiring remains a matter of intense scrutiny, public interest, and debate.

This is likely to explain the rejection of the spoils system, which was characterised by patronage in allocation of

public jobs, in favour of merit-based hiring nearly a century ago (Ibrayeva et al., 2017; Stancetic, 2020). Tracing

back to the classic justice discourse, public jobs were seen as a ‘national cake’, whereby every citizen, by the

mere virtue of being a citizen were able to claim their just desert, or to a piece of it (Leventhal, 1980). Thus,

favouritism, cronyism, nepotism, patronage etc in accessing public service is not only considered unfair, unjust,

or illegitimate but it is also considered ‘a huge public evil’ (Stancetic, 2020, p. 420). Accordingly, merit-based

hiring practices have since permeated bureaucracies around the world as it is thought to be a fair system

subjecting all that lay claim to just desert to an open, competitive process (Mulligan, 2018; Mulaphong, 2023;

Prijanto & Juwono, 2022; Nkgapele & Mofokeng, 2024; Dahlstrom et al., 2015; Mushtaque et al., 2021; Oliveira

et al., 2024; Zaman, 2015; Haider, 2019).

Considering police agencies exemplify the being of bureaucracy, wield state’s legitimate coercive force, bears

heavy initial costs in recruitment and selection, and risks serious ramifications including vicarious liability in

case of bad hires, merit-based hiring is especially important to them for two reasons (Hilal et al., 2017; Ra’oof,

2014; Sweeting & Cole, 2023). First, is to meet the key priority of selecting high quality candidates that will

assure safety of the community and yield return on investment, and secondly to ensure that such candidates are

selected in an open, and fair process that legitimises the outcome of such process (Hilal et al., 2017; Nkgapele

& Mofokeng, 2024; Stubbs, 2023).

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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RESEARCH AND INNOVATION IN SOCIAL SCIENCE (IJRISS)

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Whereas KNPS ascribes to merit-based recruitment per their regulatory frameworks, the hiring of entry-level

officers has always been problematic (Gastrow, 2009). Claims of unethical practices including political

interference, bribery, nepotism, favouritism, corruption and other misadministration have continued to cloud the

recruitment exercises resulting in discontent among candidates, stakeholders and the public in general (Wasike,

2005; Gommans & Musumbu, 2014; Keti, 2016; Kibor et al., 2015; Hope, 2017; Kinoti, 2017; Kipkirui &

Rotich, 2023). For example, in 2005, the then KNPS Police Commissioner, Maj. Rtd. Hussein Ali cancelled

police recruitment following sustained pressure from disgruntled candidates and stakeholders (BBC News, 2005;

Nation, 2005). At the time, the now-defunct Kenya Anti-Corruption Commission (KACC) suggested that 80%

of the exercise lacked legitimacy, with its chairperson Justice Aaron Ringera controversially remarking ‘a stream

of law enforcement has been polluted at the source’ (BBC 2005, para. 11). Similarly, the High Court of Kenya

nullified the 2014 KNPS recruitment on grounds of massive irregularities including but not limited to corruption,

bribery and nepotism (Hope, 2018; Kinoti, 2017). This comes against the backdrop of supposed police reforms

brought by the Kenya’s 2010 constitution meant to professionalise police and by extension address this topical

issue.

There have been a few attempts to suggest solutions both from empirical research (e.g., Wasike, 2005; Gommans

& Musumbu, 2014; Hope, 2015; Hope, 2019; Nyamu, 2019; Rotich & Kiboro, 2023) besides national task forces

like the 2009 Kenya National Task Force on Police Reforms (Ransley report) and the 2023 Task force on Police

Reforms (Maraga report). To KNPS’ credit, some ideas have been implemented, but the problem persists. For

instance, police vetting to weed out rogue officers was completed in 2015 (culminating in the sacking of 125

officers, thirteen of whom were later reinstated), a watchdog civilian body dubbed Independent Policing

Oversight Authority (IPOA) and the National Police Service Commission (NPSC) to oversee the running of the

agency duly established, Internal Affairs Unit (IAU) created among other key reforms (Gommans & Musumbu,

2014; Hope, 2015; Hope, 2019). Perhaps, KNPS may have succumbed to the classic Goldstein (1979, p. 238)

diagnosis of ‘means over ends syndrome’ by placing emphasis on improving internal processes without paying

attention to the outcomes of those internal process to see if they are achieving what the public expects them to.

While these suggestions and their implementation thereof are a step in the right direction, this paper argues that

existing empirical research has predominantly problematised the issue from a rather ‘diagnostic’ as opposed to

‘design’ perspective (Van Thiel 2014, pp. 17-18), such that a lot is left to be desired in terms of finding solutions.

By implication, existing research has been conservative almost falling short of telling, albeit empirically, what

is already public knowledge i.e., the problem exists, has serious ramifications, and needs addressing. Generic

recommendations like eliminating biases and promoting fairness in recruit-selection (Wasike, 2005), ensuring

free and fair selection by reducing malpractices in KNPS recruitment particularly corruption and political

interference (Nyamu, 2019) etc without candidly nuancing the ‘how’ is regrettable because it could be the kind

of information that KNPS needs to address the issue. Da Vinha (2024) argues that such recommendations fall

into the category of criticism of social science research - particularly in political science and public

administration-, where it is considered unusable in integrating theory to policy. As Van Thiel (2014) advises, the

challenge for applied research in public administration is to link theory to practice, where researchers propose

solutions to topical issues based on study findings, but only if such findings are practicable in an everyday

context. Because after all, ‘practitioners have tasks to carry out and problems to solve and can and will draw on

whatever works in order to do those things’ (Hughes 2017, p.353).

To this end, this paper adopts a design approach in problematising the issue and pursues a further line of enquiry

posed by Wasike (2005, p. 68) calling for research that culminates in suggesting a ‘competent recruitment model’

for KNPS to inspire merit in recruitment and selection of recruits. To aid this endeavour, the paper engages the

logic of comparison advanced by Bartlett and Vavrus (2017, p.1) where two scales are traced simultaneously to

allow for ‘process discovery and problem solving’. Hence, in pursuit of a feasible applicable model for recruit-

hiring in Kenya, the KNPS recruitment model was compared to a similar agency from an advanced democracy

with the same recruitment ideals.

Based on the size of the organisation in terms of police to citizen ratio, the regulatory framework guiding recruit-

selection, the general contentment in entry-level police hiring, but from an advanced democracy, the Northern

Territory Police Force (NTPF) was considered the most comparable Australian police agency to Kenya and thus

suitable for this comparison. This paper therefore sought to answer the questions: ‘Was the NTPF recruitment

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model better than KNPS in promoting merit-based recruitment and selection of recruits between 2002-2022?

And if there are any differences, what lessons -if any- can be drawn from this comparison to suggest a model

that can be applied to KNPS to promote meritorious recruit and selection of recruits?

Building the conceptual puzzle: a scoping review

To build a concise and systematic conceptual puzzle, this paper sought to, first, paint a picture of the state of

knowledge relating to merit-based hiring in police recruitment by conducting a scoping review. This was

primarily geared towards providing a snapshot of the extent, nature, and range of evidence base on the topic

culminating in summarising findings from heterogenous body of knowledge (Munns et al., 2018). In doing so,

it would contextualise the Kenyan case within the broader global experience. Drawing from Arksey and

O’Malley (2005) and Levac et al., (2010) ideas on scoping studies, this review involved developing the research

question, spotting appropriate articles, selecting studies, documenting data, and finally, synthesising, ordering,

and writing the results. Reported results in this review follow the 2018 Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic

Reviews and Meta-Analyses (PRISMA-ScR) guideline extension for scoping reviews.

Search strategy and selection

Following a pilot search, two electronic data bases were searched on 2^ndJune 2025 using a combination of key

words (some of which were truncated) namely, "merit*" AND "police*" OR "law enforcement" AND "recruit*"

OR "selection" OR "hiring" OR "employ*". The two data bases searched were ProQuest and the Web of Science

(WoS). This was based on their elaborate assortment of relevant multidisciplinary journals like law, social

sciences, psychology and policing. Whereas the search could have been broadened, searching two leading

databases was deemed to suffice the objective of this review. To draw on the most up to date knowledge on the

topic, the search was limited to the last two decades (2005 and 2025). Having excluding books, article reviews,

as well as editorial material, 79 articles were extracted from WoS. Similar search protocol limited to peer

reviewed articles and published in English on ProQuest database returned 75 articles. These articles were

imported to Covidence where 28 duplicates, 27 (automatically) and one (manually) were removed leaving 126

articles for title and abstract screening. 107 articles were removed after title and abstract screening leaving 19

articles for full text review. Six articles were excluded for not meeting inclusion criteria during full text review,

leaving 13 articles for inclusion. This is captured in the PRISMA flowchart diagram below.

PRISMA Flowchart diagram: Merit and police recruitment; the state of knowledge

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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RESEARCH AND INNOVATION IN SOCIAL SCIENCE (IJRISS)

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Review question

This review posed the question: what is the state of knowledge on merit-based hiring in entry level police

recruitment and selection? The eligibility for this question was evaluated using Population, Concept and Context

(PPC) drawn from JBI guideline. See table I below.

Table I: Eligibility framework

S/No.

1.

Eligibility framework for the review question

Population

Concept

Candidates seeking to join police.

2.

Merit-based police recruitment and selection processes in the last two decades (2005-

2025).

3.

Context

Entry-level police recruitment and selection process(es).

Inclusion & exclusion criteria

The following inclusion criteria was used:

1. Articles relating to recruitment and selection of entry level police candidates;

2. Articles reporting empirical findings on merit-based recruitment and selection of entry-level police

candidates;

3. Articles covering a significant content on merit-based recruitment and selection of police recruits; and

4. Articles written in English and published between 2005 and 2025.

Articles not meeting the above inclusion criteria were excluded. In addition, review articles, books, and book

reviews were excluded. Table II below shows the list of all included articles.

Table II: A full list of included articles

No

Author (s)

Title

Journal

Year

1.

Cambareri, J. F.; Perceptions and Perceived Challenges Associated Police quarterly

2018

Kuhns, JB

With a Hypothetical Career in Law Enforcement:

Differences Among Male and Female College

Students

2.

3.

4.

Ibrayeva,

Seifullina,

AS; Applying New Management Principles to the Academic

AB; Activities of Law Enforcement Agencies in the Conferences

2017

Kassymzhan, AA; Republic of Kazakhstan as a Basis for Strengthening International

Otynshiyeva, AA

the Legal Culture of Kazakhstani Society

Limited

Probolus, K

"Drawn from Alice in Wonderland": Expert and Journal

public debates over merit, race, and testing in history

of

the 2018

the

Massachusetts police officer selection, 1967-1979

behavioural

sciences

Vejnovic,

Lalic, V

D; Community Policing in a Changing World: A Case Police

practice 2005

Study of Bosnia and Herzegovina

and research

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5.

6.

Farrell, C; Barao, Police officer perceptions of diversity efforts: a Police

practice 2023

L

disconnect between the quaffs and the methods

and research

Quah, J.S.T

Curbing police corruption in Singapore: lessons for Asian

education 2014

other Asian countries

and development

studies

7.

Stubbs, G

"Whenever big changes come, big talks don't"- An International

examination of the police experience of recruitment journal of

crime and justice

2023

law

and promotion positive action processes

8.

Quah, J.S.T

Davenport-

Combating police corruption in five Asian countries: Asian

education 2020b

a comparative analysis

and development

studies

9.

Combating police corruption in Indonesia: cleansing Asian

the buaya (crocodile)

education 2020a

and development

studies

10.

The language of belonging: The role of symbolic Australian journal 2025

Klunder, K; Hine, language in shaping social identity and public of social issues

K; Fleet, R

perceptions of police gender targets

11.

12.

Skendaj, E

International Insulation from Politics and the Global

Challenge of State Building: Learning from Kosovo governance

2014

2023

Samar

B.

R; Beyond

Reputation

Management:

An

Auto- Societies

Babineau, A.

Ethnographic Examination of Diversity, Equity, and

Inclusion in Canadian Policing

13.

Pehlman, N

Patrimonialism

through

Reform:

Public Harvard

2020

Participation in Police Reform, Institutional Capture, Ukrainian studies

and Bureaucratic Independence in Ukraine

Results: key themes

Included articles provide a snapshot on merit and police recruitment revealed through the following themes.

Conceptualisation of merit in police hiring

Like other public sector agencies, police conceptualise merit in the context of demonstratable ability to perform

the role (Stubbs, 2023) gauged by an objective selection process (Ibrayeva et al., 2017; Pehlman, 2020). This

carries two intrinsic connotations of not just ‘candidate quality’ but also fairness in selection that ultimately

legitimises the outcome of such selection process (Stubbs, 2023). Typically, police agencies blend a mesh of

four key domains in operationalising merit including formal, physical, medical, and personality elements

(Ibrayeva et al., 2017; Skendaj, 2014; Farrell & Barao, 2023; Cambareri & Kuhns, 2018; Stubbs, 2023). Thus,

aspects like citizenship, age, education qualifications, physical and medical fitness as well as personality aspects

are considered in meritorious selection of entry-level police (Quah, 2014; Probolus, 2018; Quah, 2020b; Farrell

& Barao, 2023). The growing knowledge on representative bureaucracy (Stubbs, 2023; Romdhane & Babineau,

2023), has seen an underlying theme of diversity and inclusion superimposing itself in both conceptualising and

operationalising merit within police (Vejnovic & Lalic, 2005; Farrell & Barao, 2023; Davenport‐Klunder et al.,

2025). By implication, affirmative actions intended to address disparate impact in police recruitment have shaped

how merit is defined and practiced to an extent (Probulus, 2018; Romdhane & Babineau, 2023; Farrell & Barao,

2023). For example, it is now a common phenomenon in police recruitment to have different assessment

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standards for an aspect like physical fitness between male and female candidates, to account for physiological

differences between them (Cambareri & Kuhns, 2018).

Recruitment policies and procedures

Expectedly, merit-based hiring is enshrined in regulatory frameworks of police agencies consistent with the

practice in the broader public administration (Ibrayeva et al., 2017; Quah, 2014; Quah, 2020b; Romdhane &

Babineau, 2023). In practice, law enforcement agencies have laws, regulations, policy memoranda etc which

anchors and guides the operationalisation of merit in selection of entry-level officers. For instance, the new

system based on ‘competency approach’ adopted in selection, attestation and placement of Kazakhstan Police in

2015 is one such regulatory framework (Ibrayeva et al., 2017, p. 179). Often, these regulations are partly in

furtherance of or work in tandem with related policies aimed at dissipating barriers in accessing employment

like fair and equal opportunity, diversity etc (Romdhane & Babineau, 2023; Cambareri & Kuhns, 2018; Farell

& Barao, 2023; Stubbs, 2023). As a result, concepts like quotas, ‘employment equity’, affirmative or positive

action among others, though controversial, are predominant both conceptually and within the practice of the

aforesaid regulatory framework (Romdhane & Babineau, 2023, p. 4; Stubbs, 2023). Critics however argue that

interventions like quotas or positive actions, in sum, have dichotomised workers as beneficiaries of preferential

treatment and those that access employment because they are meritoriously qualified (Romdhane & Babineau,

2023; Stubbs, 2023). And as Stubbs (2023) observed, where such interventions are not well communicated and

or managed effectively may result in serious internal ramifications like eroding legitimacy of underrepresented

officers among the ranks and files. Even more interesting is the recent Davenport‐Klunder et al., (2025) finding

that an affirmative action to improve women in policing like gender targets attracted an even split (for and

against) among the wider public which is a contradistinction to 1990s literature (e.g., Leger, 1997 cited in

Davenport‐Klunder et al., 2025) that reported a general support for female officers. Perhaps this reflects a shift

in societal perceptions on women in male-dominated fields like policing or the evolving nature of gender roles

in the society (Davenport‐Klunder et al., 2025).

Recruitment challenges

The practice of merit in police hiring has not been without challenges. Whereas merit, at least in normative

terms, is expected to provide a level playing field for everyone to thrive, its practice within policing has not

yielded this ideal. For instance, Cambareri and Kuhns (2018) found that females perceived themselves to be less

successful compared to their male counterparts in a potential law enforcement career. The same study also

reported that females perceived more difficulties in receiving acceptance, opportunities and respect in policing

career than men, the sum of which made them less interested in law enforcement career. Studies (e.g., Probolus,

2018; Romdhane & Babineau, 2023) have consistently highlighted concerns in operationalising merit, first,

because of difficulties in defining and measuring it especially in the context of its interactions with inclusivity

and diversity quest. As a result, whereas progress has been made, for example, to improve minority groups like

females in policing (Farrell & Barao, 2023), they continuously lag their male counterparts, a fit that only gets

worse when it comes to police leadership (Cambareri & Kuhns, 2018). This finding is consistent with literature

elsewhere, e.g., Thorton (2018) which posits that merit as traditionally practiced by police agencies favours

white male candidates, not harnessing other competencies brought by other candidates of diverse background.

For example, Probolus (2018) observed how written tests could, and have been culturally biased, disadvantaging

racial minorities who might not share the dominant white culture and or language. Additionally, deep-lying

issues like systemic discrimination and biases challenges the operationalisation of merit by undermining its

underlying values of equity, fairness and legitimacy (Romdhane & Babineau, 2023). Studies have shown issues

like racial biases, sexism etc that impede merit in selection of police recruits, casting doubt into the efficacy of

current recruitment practices in terms of inclusivity and fairness (Probolus, 2018; Romdhane & Babineau, 2023;

Pehlman, 2020; Cambareri & Kuhns, 2018). Contextual differences have made the situation worse in weak

democracies (e.g., Indonesia, Philippines, Ukraine etc) where outright vices like corruption, nepotism, political

interference and patrimonialism have been documented as stumbling blocks to merit in practice of police

selection (Quah, 2020a; Quah, 2020b; Pehlman, 2020).

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The merit of meritorious recruitment for police agencies

There is a link between the practice and or lack of merit in police recruitment to police effectiveness and

corruption (Quah, 2014; Skendaj, 2014; Pehlman, 2020; Quah, 2020a; Quah, 2020b). Alongside other factors,

meritorious selection is credited with more effective police agencies and less police corruption (Quah, 2014;

Skendaj, 2014; Pehlman, 2020; Quah, 2020a; Quah, 2020b). If we take merit to be ‘the best people for the job’

(Stubbs 2023, p. 6), it will logically follow that police performance will be enhanced thereby improving police

effectiveness (Ibrayeva et al., 2017). For instance, a comparative study of five Asian countries by Quah (2020b)

attributed the serious police corruption in Indonesia and Philippines to among other things, lack of meritorious

selection compared to countries like Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan that practiced merit in police recruitment.

Similarly, the effectiveness of Kosovo and the contemporary Singapore Police as well as the success of the

former in addressing police corruption is attributed by among other interventions meritorious recruitment and

selection (Skendaj, 2014; Quah, 2014). Also, the gains made in transforming Bosnia and Herzegovina police

from ‘soldiers with police badges sewn to their uniform’ to democratic policing post-war are partly a result of

personnel reforms anchored on merit (Vejnovic & Lali 2005, p. 364). These findings are broadly vindicated

elsewhere, where Zaman (2015), Egeberg et al. (2019) and Oliveira et al. (2023) for example, found that

bureaucracies that practice merit-based recruitment have better governance and less corruption tendencies.

Summary: a snapshot of the state of knowledge on merit and police recruitment

Scoping literature on the concept of merit within the context of entry-level police recruitment offers candid

insights on conceptualisation, operationalisation, and criticisms thereof in police hiring practice. It reveals that

merit is a contextual and evolving concept, well enshrined in police-hiring through regulatory framework, and

conceptualised through the prisms of formal, physical, medical, and personality elements that are central to the

hiring process (Ibrayeva et al., 2017; Skendaj, 2014; Farrell & Barao, 2023; Cambareri & Kuhns, 2018; Stubbs,

2023). Within these parameters lies the intersecting tension about diversity and inclusivity that superimpose in

application of merit, with a few critics calling for caution in exercising this growing need (Vejnovic & Lalic,

2005; Farrell & Barao, 2023; Davenport‐Klunder et al., 2025). Whereas merit is widely accepted and enshrined

in police recruitment, operationalising matters have challenged its use with questions of misadministration e.g.,

racial bias, and in worst cases corruption, patronage etc. undermining its underlying value of promoting fairness

and legitimacy of selection process (Probolus, 2018; Romdhane & Babineau, 2023; Quah, 2020a; Quah, 2020b;

Pehlman, 2020; Cambareri & Kuhns, 2018). There is therefore a glaring need to focus research on ways to define

and practice merit, first, to enhance effectiveness of police agencies, but in a way that supports the underlying

value of fairness and therefore legitimacy in selection. Future research can also benefit from assessing the link

and or implications of police recruitment reforms to key issues of performance and legitimacy especially within

the context of addressing the challenges of operationalising merit.

Having situated the tapestry within which merit is conceptualised and practised in policing globally, attention

will now turn to the Kenyan case to juxtapose its nexus within the existing knowledge.

Police recruitment: the Kenyan case

The Public Service (Values and Principles) Act of 2015 as read together with the supreme law of Kenya in

Article 232 provides that the recruitment and promotion of civil servants be based on merit. Also important,

article 232 1(e) of the 2010 Kenyan Constitution holds both levels of government as well as corporation and

state organs accountable for all their administrative acts in executing their mandate. As a state organ, KNPS is

therefore bound by this regulatory framework to conduct meritorious selection and is further held

administratively liable for such function. And being an agency of the law, mandated to enforce the same law, it

would generally be expected that it will adhere to these regulations or otherwise risk exemplifying the popular

axiom ‘preaching water and drinking wine’. To this end, it is accepted that merit-based hiring is a non-negotiable

requirement for KNPS.

Remarkably, the conceptualisation of merit in hiring of recruits in KNPS is largely consistent, at least in

normative terms, with policing global experiences. For example, key parameters as revealed in the scoping

review do exist in the KNPS recruitment model. To illustrate this, KNPS does have regulatory framework

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anchoring merit-based hiring. It also embeds key police recruitment issues like formal (citizenship, age,

education), physical (physical fitness, medical fitness) and personality elements (e.g., integrity say, nil criminal

record or pending charges) as well as diversity and affirmative requirements (e.g., gender, ethnic and regional

balance considered in selection) which is in tandem with global police experience on application of merit.

KNPS recruitment in practice however has been clouded with endemic challenges e.g., bribery, corruption,

nepotism etc such that Kenyans have come to associate it with unethical practices (Gastrow, 2009). A recent

quote from the 2023 Maraga report paints a damning picture of the issue and the growing frustration from all

concerned quarters as follows.

‘The public, other stakeholders and even members of NPS stated that corruption in the Service remains endemic

and is now deeply embedded in the institutional culture and psyche of NPS. Despite institutional policies and

strategies specifically targeted at addressing corruption in NPS, and existence of guidelines and policies that

seek to enhance integrity in critical processes such as recruitment, most police jobs are sold to those who can

afford or only offered to relatives of the powerful and politically connected. The Taskforce heard from literally

all 47 counties of rampant corruption, cronyism, nepotism, favouritism, tribalism and political influence peddling

during police recruitment exercises. Further reports indicated that slots were being sold for up to KSh600,000 if

not more.’

There are grave consequences for the flawed KNPS recruit-hiring. The below sensational quote by the former

Kenya anticorruption Czar, Justice Aaron Ringera following the 2005 KNPS botched recruitment highlights the

serious ramifications therein.

‘Kenyans cannot expect officers recruited in such a manner to uphold any ethics and integrity in their future

careers. A stream of law enforcement has been polluted at the source’ (Daily Nation, 2005, para. 4).

Sure enough, Wasike (2005) found increased corruption, poor service delivery, widespread negative public

perception of KNPS and consequent poor relations, as well as dissatisfaction among serving officers as an

implication of past recruitments. Recent commentary from Mutahi et al., (2021) reinforced this finding and

reported that serving officers associated poor service delivery and public relations with maladministration in

recruitment and appointment. Other studies (e.g., Gommans & Musumbu, 2010; Kinoti, 2017; Hope, 2018;

Nyamu, 2019; Rotich & Kiboro, 2023) have among other things associated wrongful patterns of KNPS

recruitment with the negative perception of the agency by the public. These empirical findings are vindicated by

stakeholder reports e.g., International Police Science Association (IPSA), Ethics and Anti-Corruption

Commission (EACC), Transparency International (TI) and IPOA which divulge similar issues. For example,

when four parameters i.e., outcomes, effectiveness, legitimacy and capacity to measure countries’ ability to

respond to internal security threats were used, IPSA (2016) ranked the Kenya third worst performer of the 127

States with a score of 0.298 out of 1. Likewise, the 2013 IPOA survey found that 30% of respondents suffered

malpractices including fabrication of evidence, police cruelty/assault, bribery and threats of being incarcerated

at the hands of police within a year preceding the survey. In the same survey, 53% of police officers revealed

having witnessed police malpractices including falsification of evidence, assaults, unwarranted shootings,

bribery, excessive use of force and bribery (Hope, 2018). Backing this up, the 2015 TI study showed that 75%

of the public viewed KNPS as the highest corrupt organisation in Kenya (Hope 2018, p. 92). This finding is also

corroborated by the (EACC) surveys (e.g., 2011, 2012, 2015 and 2016) which consistently placed KNPS as the

most corrupt public agency in Kenya.

Summing up

To the extent of this analysis, it is evident that recruit-hiring is one of the key priority areas for police agencies

(White & Escobar, 2008; Orrick, 2008; Ra’oof, 2014; Wilson et al., 2010; Wilson, 2012), with merit-based

selection the preferred modus operandi in achieving this priority. This is anchored in the notion of settling for

the best candidates but underpinned by fairness in a competitive process that legitimises its outcome (Zaman,

2015; Prijanto & Juwono, 2022; Nkgapele & Mofokeng, 2024; Stubbs, 2023). In the face of evidence on negative

ramifications associated with wrong recruitment and selection in KNPS e.g., loss in costs like in the case of

cancelled recruitment drives, risk of harm to the public and vicarious liability thereof in the case of bad hires,

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reputational damage and decreased legitimacy of the process etc, KNPS should certainly endeavour to address

the aforesaid priority.

METHODOLOGY

This qualitative study adopted a cross-sectional research design employing case study strategy and desk research

method to collect data. This qualitative approach was preferred because, unlike quantitative studies, it provides

for ‘emic’ in-depth insights on a unit of analysis (Kalof et al. 2008, p.79) rendering it superior in understanding

interpretive research questions. Also, the applied nature of case studies and their benefit in examining research

questions geared towards addressing a real-life topical issue made case study strategy suitable for this project.

Thus, the KNPS recruitment model was compared to NTPF’s (n=2) with the assumption that there is an intrinsic

relationship between recruitment models and perceptions of meritorious selection of candidates.

To ‘case bound’ the research (Yin 2011 cited in Bartlett & Vavrus, 2017, p. 6), and aid greater certainty in

deducing the correlation between the recruitment models and their effectiveness in enhancing meritorious

selection of recruits, these varied independent variables were studied between 2002 and 2022. The strengths and

drawbacks of each model in promoting merit-based hiring of recruits was considered in depth, revealing insights

that were integral in addressing the purpose of the study.

Both primary and secondary data was considered in the desk research; where primary data referred to information

collected by researchers themselves and not previously used for research. Whereas secondary data was material

from previous study findings on related topics (Van Thiel 2017, p.103). Thus, the study sourced available data

from several sources including journal articles, KNPS and NTPF published documents, statistical results, legal

documents, policy memoranda, news articles, books, and media reports to answer the research questions. A

random approach, as advanced by Van Thiel (2017) was used to select data where keywords and phrases (e.g.,

merit, police recruitment in Kenya, Northern Territory police recruitment) relating to police recruitment and

selection in Kenya and the Northern Territory were used to generate information from which a relevant dataset

was compiled. For example, this included searching databases like Google Scholar, and Emerald Insights as well

as both the NTPF and KNPS websites.

FINDINGS

Meta analysis of available information relating to KNPS and NTPF recruitment models revealed key insights

which have been organised in four themes. These themes are recruitment criteria, recruitment process, recruiting

agents, and recruitment guidelines and manuals. Each theme reports what was found on each model before

finalising with a comparison analysis of those findings. Ultimately, the models were rated subjectively by the

researchers based on global best practice before reaching a verdict that answers the research question.

Recruitment criteria

KNPS

NTPF

As the body charged with the responsibility of hiring Pursuant to the NT Police Administration Act (PAA)

police recruits, the NPSC through its Recruitment and 1978, the NTPF is composed of the Commissioner

Appointment regulation (2015) enshrines merit-based and officers appointed by dint of the Act. Appointed

selection consistent with constitutional and public by the Administrator, the Commissioner of police is

service (Values and Principles) Act 2015. Preliminary charged with the administration and management of

matters in the aforesaid regulation conceptualise merit NTPF including constitution of the agency in terms

as meeting the criteria as advertised, educational of ranks and number of members holding those

qualifications, skills, aptitude, abilities, personal ranks. Section 15A of the Act establishes merit as the

qualities, and experience required for the role, integrity, basis of appointment and promotion in the NTPF.

and

development

potential.

With

regards

to This is conceived in the context of individual’s

qualifications, skills, experience,

operationalisation of merit in selection of constables knowledge,

aptitude, good conduct, quality of service, diligence

and the potential for future development. For the

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specifically, Clause 9 of the same regulation provides office of the constable, the requirements are (NTPF

recruitment criteria as follows:

2020, p. 17):

‘All candidates shall be required to meet the minimum

requirements which includes-

 ‘Be

at

least

18

years

old

at

the

commencement of training.

(a) be a citizen of Kenya;

 be an Australian Citizen or have permanent

residency, be a New Zealand Citizen or be a

New Zealand Citizen eligible for a Special

Category Visa.

(b) hold a Kenya National Identity Card

(c) possess the required academic qualifications as

shall, from time to time, be determined by the

Commission for purposes of recruitment;

 have Year 12 or equivalent education level, a

completed trade certificate or be able to

demonstrate

experience and life skills.

considerable

employment

(d) be aged between eighteen to twenty-eight years for

holders of Kenya Certificate of Secondary Education or

its equivalent and up to thirty years for university

graduates;

 have a current provisional or open licence to

drive a manual vehicle. If successful

applicants will be assessed on their ability to

drive a manual vehicle at the NTPFES

Training College. Any applicant found to be

unable to drive a manual vehicle may be

removed from the training program.

(e) be physically and medically fit; and

(f) have no criminal record or pending criminal

charges.’

This is however an upgrade of the KNPS model

following reforms brought about by the 2010

Constitution. Previously, the 1969 Constitution vested

all recruitment powers of all officers, other than the

Commissioner, to the then Police Commissioner with

no structure guiding the process. The police standing

orders at the time left the process at the discretion of the

Commissioner, vaguely summing up the requirements

‘as determined by the commissioner of police’ (Wasike

2005, p.13).

 be physically fit and healthy. The medical

questionnaire must be completed and

submitted with the application.’

 Possess a first aid qualification equivalent to

the national "Provide First Aid" standard also

known as Apply First Aid/Senior First Aid.

This certificate must be current and not

expire during the training period.

 have an ability to swim 200 metres

uninterrupted, if successful applicants will be

assessed on their ability to swim 200 metres

uninterrupted at the NTPFES Training

College. Any applicant found to be unable to

swim may be removed from the training

program.

 have demonstrated general computing skills

including the use of Microsoft Word, email

internet and typing proficiency. A certificate

verifying computer/typing skills evidenced

by an employer or training provider may be

required to be produced.

 pass all medical tests and provide supporting

documentation where necessary.’

Summary comparison

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Both models inculcate merit in their regulatory frameworks regarding recruitment and selection with

similarities in its conceptualisations consistent with world practice. For instance, key leitmotifs like formal

(age, education, citizenship), physical (medical, physical fitness), personality (criminal checks) requirements

besides the question of inclusivity and diversity are highlighted, at least to an extent, in each model. What is

not clear, and perhaps the biggest departure point in this theme, is whether social and personality traits are at

all considered in the case of KNPS. It appears that the KNPS model is founded on a traditionalist ‘masculine’-

oriented conceptualisation of policing, hence the emphasis on physical at the expense of social skills. It can

therefore be seen as the traditional screen-out process of eliminating undesirable candidates rather than a

screen-in process that considers candidates with desirable qualities (Sanders, 2003; Terpstra, White, &

Fradella., 2022). On the contrary, whereas physical elements are considered in the NTPF model, social skills

are part of the recruitment process to screen-in candidates of desirable traits. This has an implication

particularly in view of the evolving police role (Wilson, 2012) towards models such as community policing,

policing by consent, democratic policing etc all of which makes social and personality traits integral in

contemporary policing (Bloksgaard, 2021; Hilal, Densley, & Jones, 2017).

Recruitment process

KNPS

NTPF

Article 10 (3) of the NPSC (Recruitment and The NTPF recruit hiring involves a five-stage

Appointment) Regulation 2015 establishes a three-tier process broken down in ten progressive steps. These

process for selecting recruits. This includes, first, include initial application, integrity and criminal

advertisement, initial application to the NPSC, and history checks, driving and traffic checks, written

shortlisting of candidates by the commission. The assessment, panel interviews, fitness assessment,

commission shortlists at least three times the number of pre-employment

medical

examination,

referee

vacancies per each recruiting centre. Other than gender, reports, selection and notification (NTPF 2020, p.

ethnic, and regional balancing as provided for in part 12 17). Important for this theme, written assessment

(5) of the regulation, it is unclear how the commission involves an online time-based assessment on six

settles on the short-list. Shortlisted candidates proceed leitmotifs namely numeracy, reading, aptitude,

to the second phase where they meet recruiting panels problem-solving, personality tests and writing

at established recruitment centres for verification of assessments meant to determine suitability of

documents, as well as physical, medical and aptitude candidates to perform duties attached to the role.

tests. Recruiting panels are then expected to submit a This is done through an external service provider. On

list of shortlisted candidates, at least twice the number the other hand, panel interviews are a one-hour face-

of vacancies in each recruitment centre. For instance, if to-face interviews where candidates’ attitude,

there are ten available vacancies in a recruiting centre, thought processes and behaviour is put to the test

then the panel is expected to shortlist at least 20 normally through behavioural interviewing. Also,

candidates who will proceed to the third stage. The third referee reports are used to dig into the professional

stage involves NPSC selecting successful candidates and personal characters of candidates. This involves

from the list submitted, who are then informed to report checks with one character, and two professional

to respective police colleges. This model is however yet referees which have been provided by the candidate.

to be practiced as KNPS has always resorted to the one-

day countrywide recruitment drives. In this traditional

model, the NPSC pursuant to Article 3 (2) of the

aforesaid regulation, delegates its recruitment powers to

the IG who advertises the vacancies in the local

newspapers. Candidates attend recruitment centres with

their filled application forms as well as other required

documents. Verification of documents follows, before

candidates are subjected to physical and medical

examinations with successful candidates ultimately

being selected on the same day.

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Summary comparison

The one-day recruitment process raises concerns as to the merit of processes and exposes it to questions of

equality, fairness and legitimacy. For example, determining all facets of a candidate’s quality involves time

and a structured, resource-based systematic process based on international best practice. It is therefore

impractical to expect an effective assessment of quality candidates in a single day. For instance, how would

formal elements, aptitude, physical and medical fitness and so on be assessed from a pool of many candidates

in a matter of hours? Besides, the focus on ‘screen-out’ process anchored on physicality at the expense of

personality and social traits essential for soft skills, challenges the efficacy of the KNPS model to recruit

suitable candidates for contemporary policing (Bloksgaard, 2021; Terpstra et al., 2022; Hilal et al., 2017).

Similarly, whereas the three-stage model is an upgrade, the opaqueness of some processes leaves a lacuna that

challenges its fairness and equality. For example, with basic requirements, what parameters are used to shortlist

candidates after submitting the initial application? And how will successful candidates be determined given

that the panels are meant to submit twice the number of required applicants following completion of Phase

Two? Similar questions could be raised in ultimately determining the selected candidates in stage three.

The NTPF model on the other hand has a structured systematic process encompassing ten steps which takes

months to complete. Whereas the process may be costly in terms of time and resources, it provides for a

measured process to determine the quality of candidates which is consistent with international best practice.

For instance, other than the straightforward screen-out processes like physical and medical fitness, integrity

and criminal checks, the written assessment, panel interviews, and referee checks are integral in determining

the all-round quality of candidates. This means screening-in those qualities e.g., social skills that are highly

important for contemporary policing (Bloksgaard, 2021; Terpstra et al., 2022).

Recruiting agents

KNPS

NTPF

In the yet-to-be trialled three-phased recruitment, the In comparison, the NTPF has a dedicated ongoing

NPSC receives initial applications, shortlists recruitment section specifically responsible for the

candidates, and selects successful ones upon receiving hiring process. This comprises fulltime

a shortlist compiled by the recruiting panel in Stage professionals, supported by administrative staff, and

Two. It is however unclear who in the Commission fully funded (e.g., offices, vehicles, administration

shortlists and selects successful candidates. For amenities etc) to execute the hiring function of the

instance, is it the Commissioners, the Secretariat or staff agency.

This

dedicated

department

of

the

of the Commission? Also, whereas the supreme law of Organisation spearheads all matters of police

the land vested recruitment power to the NPSC, the recruitment including branding and publicising the

Commission delegates this authority back to the role, maintaining a digital presence e.g., social

Inspector General who further delegates it to the media, website, organising and participating in

recruiting panels at the established recruitment centres information sessions, radio talk shows, in-field visits

in phase two of the exercise. As established in Part 13 alongside the actual recruitment and selection. While

(1) of Recruitment and appointment Regulation (2015), the appointment authority remains with the

recruitment panels comprise officers of the rank of a Commissioner, the whole recruitment and selection

superintendent or above (who chairs the panel), a process is detached from his/her office and run by

medical officer, education officer, two officers of the professionals.

rank of Chief Inspector or above (who form joint

secretaries) and any other officers that the Commission

may deem necessary. These teams are formed in an ad

hoc manner i.e., when KNPS announces the nationwide

recruitment drive, and the qualifications or repertoire

need for the role remains blurry. Also, the regulation is

not lucid about capacity building members to perform

the role, merely stating that they will receive ‘briefing

or training sessions’ as provided in Part 18 (c).

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Turning back to the traditional one-day recruitment that

KNPS continue to practice, the IG extends his delegated

authority to recruiting officers at the recruitment centres

nationwide. However, there is no standing force orders

and / or regulations detailing who or how the

recruitment panels ought to be formed and or what

credentials are required for the role. As such, these

temporary panels are constituted shortly before the

exercise comprising selected officers and headed by

senior members like the County Commanders. KNPS

explains the rationale behind the ad hoc nature of

constituting these panels is to minimise the chances of

collusion, interfering with the process and or corruption

(Ransley et al., 2009). For instance, in the 2014 KNPS

recruitment drive, panels were comprised of sub-county

recruitment committees made up of selected officers,

senior

county

police

members

and

national

administration officials at the sub county level.

Summary comparison

Orrick (2014) posits that police agencies need to formally assign dedicated recruiting teams to execute specific

hiring functions if they are to be effective in their recruitment quest. This includes ‘a thorough process of

identifying, selecting, training, and evaluating recruiters should be completed’ to ensure that they have the

knowhow and social astuteness to assess candidates that will meet departmental standards (Orrick 2008, p. 89).

The KNPS’s lack of clarity surrounding the selection of recruiting officers and or their credentials attributable

to the role, the ad hoc nature of their appointment, as well as the lack of training and evaluation thereof

challenges meritorious hiring. For example, Wasike (2005) finding that recruiters neither had the knowledge

nor skills required for the role, nor did they understand their role or follow procedures vindicates this assertion.

Again, the temporary nature of the selection panels presents a missed opportunity to set standards and review

performance as would have been the case with permanent terms.

In comparison, the NTPF can be regarded as the classic example of Orrick’s (2014) suggestion above. It has

dedicated a department formally charged with its recruitment function. This has implications on the quality of

recruitment processes owing to the quality of recruiting officers and implied benefits of their ongoing nature

of operation e.g., trainings, performance reviews, institutional memory and so on(Orrick, 2008). It would be

logical to think that if the recruitment is administered by skilled professionals with the knowhow for the role,

and who are subject to performance reviews, then the process stands a higher chance of meeting the threshold

of merit and fairness (Sanders, 2003 & Orrick, 2008).

Recruitment guidelines and manuals

KNPS

NTPF

The KNPS recruitment model has limited information Recruitment guidelines informing the NTPF entry-

available on recruitment guidelines and / or manuals to level police hiring are a public knowledge. To begin

outline how to streamline the recruitment and selection with, the NTPF recruitment section maintains digital

process. For instance, Wasike (2005) found insufficient presence both in traditional spaces (e.g., websites) as

information underpinned KNPS recruitment which well as contemporary platforms like social media.

compromised the effectiveness of the exercise by Recruitment materials and guidelines are publicly

among other things, limiting the potential of attracting available, and candidates can reasonably be

high quality candidates.

Most recently, the informed on the role and what to expect in each stage

Commission on Administrative Justice (CAJ) found the of recruitment. For instance, the recruitment website

KNPS (2022) police hiring exercise lacked adequate details all the requirements, stages of recruitment

information, which impacted on it negatively. For (i.e., background checks, cognitive assessment,

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example, much information was missing in the fitness assessment, panel interview, referee checks,

recruitment advertisement, yet the same information pre-employment medical, as well as probity checks)

was used in eliminating candidates. To illustrate this, and the expectations of each phase (NTPF, 2022).

the recruitment tool as used in the 2022 recruitment had Similarly, all assessable items are provided such that

four parts i.e., physical (25%) and medical fitness candidates can be informed and prepare as required.

(25%), personal particulars, academic credentials For example, the fitness test as described in

(40%) and period after secondary school education recruitment video shows 5 assessable items i.e., 10

(10%) (CAJ, 2022). However, the accompanying tool push ups in 2-seconds cadence, 90 seconds probe-

assessing physical and medical fitness had no scores, hold, 100 meters farmers carry holding 20 Kgs in

meaning candidates would have had to score the each hand, minimum 6.1 MSFT 20 meters test, and

maximum points for each facet to progress. For context, a 100 meters forward stroke swimming component.

the physical examination had items like flat foot, knock

knees, bowlegs, permanent scars, eyes (i.e., whether a

candidate can wink with each eye/wears spectacles)

among others, with Yes and No option in the assessment

section. Similarly, physical fitness had a running

component for men (6 kms) and women (4 kms) with

Yes and No options for the assessment section. For

medicals,

gender

(checking

genitals),

eyesight

(short/longsighted), blood pressure (ranging 120/80 to

145/90) and urine (pregnancy, sexually transmitted

diseases, and protein percentage) were checked, again

with Yes or No options provided for assessment.

Interestingly, while these assessment items were

supposedly integral in the hiring process, they were

neither included in the advertisement nor laid out

publicly in recruitment materials or guidelines.

Summary comparison

Adequate recruitment information is important to define and attract high-quality candidates (Wilson, 2012;

Orrick, 2008; Wasike, 2005) as well as aid self-selection and improve the efficiency of the exercise. For

example, lack of adequate information in the case of KNPS resulted in unnecessary higher volumes of

candidates who would have otherwise self-eliminated (CAJ, 2022). In contrast, detailed guidelines and manuals

that are publicly available as in the case of NTPF, effectually reduce the discretion in the application of

assessment, thereby increasing the transparency and credibility of meritorious selection. For example, if it is

public knowledge that candidates ought to complete a 100-meter swim unaided as part of their physical fitness

test, then it would be reasonably to think that a candidate eliminated for not meeting the criteria as a fair and

legitimate call. On the contrary, limited recruitment guidelines as in the case of KNPS invites a wide array of

discretion in selection; a lacuna that can and has been exploited to the detriment of a merit-based hiring process

(Kinoti, 2017). No wonder, candidates have been eliminated from KNPS recruitment process over whimsical

reasons like having yellow teeth (Kinoti, 2017).

Table III: Score card of comparison of KNPS and NTPF recruitment models

The table below shows the scores arrived at subjectively by the researchers, judging the findings on each item

against the global best practice. The scores were awarded between 1 and 10 (with 1 being the least score and 10

the highest score) which were ultimately expressed in percentage.

Theme

KNPS

NTPF

Snapshot Commentary

(Score)

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Recruitment

criteria

5

8

While the basic requirements are similar in both models (formal elements

like education, citizenship, and age requirements, physical fitness, medical

and physical fitness etc), NTPF was found to consider personality elements

and social skills that are crucial for modern policing. This was not the case

with KNPS that appears to overemphasise on physical elements at the

expense of soft skills that are required for contemporary policing models.

Similarly, KNPS model had no information relating to the role e.g., benefits,

opportunities etc. NTPF on the other hand provided such information

including, wages, opportunities for remote policing, diverse specialist units

etc.

Recruitment

process

4

3

8

Unlike the NTPF model that offers a systematic recruitment process

allowing reasonably measured assessment of candidates, the KNPS model

is practised haphazardly challenging its efficacy in attracting and selecting

high quality candidates.

Recruiting

agents

Whereas the NTPF has a dedicated recruiting team who work fulltime,

KNPS selection panels are formed in an ad hoc manner shortly before the

hiring exercise and work on a temporary basis. It is also not clear, what

credentials they bring to the role or what kind of training they undergo, if

any. By implication, it would be conceivable to perceive quality of

recruitment processes in the case of NTPF owing to the quality of recruiting

officers and implied benefits of their ongoing nature of operation e.g.,

trainings, performance reviews, institutional memory among others.

Recruitment

guidelines

and manuals

3

8

There is limited information guiding the selection process in KNPS as some

requirements and or assessments items are not communicated yet they are

used in the selection process. The dearth in recruitment guidelines open the

process to discretion which can and has been abused in the past. Similarly,

it hinders the application of a consistent process across the country that

promotes merit-based selection of the hiring process. On the other hand,

NTPF has detailed selection guidelines and manuals underpinning recruit-

selection. This information is also publicly available which makes for self-

elimination, helps candidates prepare for the same, and most importantly

promotes transparency and consistency in application of merit during the

hiring process.

15/40

32/40

80%

Total score

37.5%

Percentage

(%)

To sum up the discussion, the NTPF recruitment model was superior to that of KNPS in promoting merit-based

hiring of recruits scoring 80% compared to KNPS’ 37.5%. Though subjectively awarded, the contentment levels

with the recruitments of either model reflect the scores. In the period of analysis, for example, there was no

documented discontentment with NTPF recruit-selection for unethical practices or otherwise lack of merit. On

the contrary, the KNPS recruit-hiring was coloured by discontent over its lack of merit, unfairness, and therefore

illegitimacy, and as a matter of fact cancelled twice in 2005 and 2014 (Keti, 2016; Kibor et al., 2015; Hope,

2017; Kinoti, 2017; Kipkirui & Rotich, 2023; Ombaka, 2015; Osse, 2016). The findings indicated recruitment

models directly influenced merit-based hiring of recruits.

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Summary and recommendations: the better alternative?

This paper sought to compare KNPS recruitment model to that of a comparable police agency from a developed

nation i.e., NTPF to reveal strengths and weaknesses in promoting merit-based hiring of recruits. This was

ultimately meant to draw lessons that can shed light in proposing a ‘competent’ model for KNPS that shall

address this topical issue. In fact, this was a begging research endeavour suggested by Wasike (2005), a path

that this paper pursues. From the above discussion, the hypothesis that NTPF recruitment model was better at

promoting merit-based selection of recruits compared to the KNPS model was confirmed, leaving a trail of

lessons that inform our proposed model below.

Proposed KNPS recruitment model

As revealed above, the sum of structural and process deficiencies has created an enabling environment for

maladministration in KNPS recruitment to thrive at the expense of merit. Thus, structural, and process reforms

are required to arrest the situation as follows.

Structural reforms

The independent constitution that vested recruitment power with the then police commissioner -a presidential

appointee- resulted in among other recruitment challenges executive and political influence. Consequently, the

drafters of the 2010 constitution sought to remedy the situation by vesting recruitment powers to the newly

formed constitutional commission (NPSC) as opposed to an individual. By dint of this reform, the constitution

had conceived a streamlined process of selecting recruits as opposed to the traditional one-day recruitment

exercise. However, the commission in line with Article 3 (2) of the NPSC (Recruitment and Appointment)

Regulation 2015 delegates its recruitment powers back to (now) the Inspector General (IG) who reverts to the

traditional one-day hiring of police recruits. In fact, the question of NPSC delegating its power to the IG has

been subject to the court’s determination in the 2014 contested and nullified KNPS recruitment. And whereas

the court did not explicitly pronounce itself on the matter, it almost termed the supposed delegation an abdication

of duty by NPSC (Kinoti, 2017). For obvious reasons as envisioned by the 2010 constitution, it is therefore

recommended here that NPSC retains its recruitment mandate as part of the structural reform discussed here.

Following the above, NPSC should consider hiring police recruits in an ongoing framework which will

strengthen the pursuit of meritorious hiring as revealed above. While we take cognisance of implied practical

issues that may be raised especially considering the volume of applications vis-vis the size of the commission,

we argue that these practical matters can be addressed. For one, effective branding and marketing of the role will

mitigate the supposed pressure by attracting high-quality candidates and eliminating others by way of self-

evaluation following comprehensive information that will be available. Also, aligning hiring procedures in a

manner that manages the applications volume (elaborated in process reforms below) and co-opting members to

the commission at relevant stages should ease the burden on the commission. As a starting point, staff from

diverse personnel departments e.g., GSU, KPS, AP etc, and instructors from police colleges, for example, can

be co-opted to aid hiring process. Importantly, co-opted members should be fit-for-purpose with relevant

trainings offered so that they are up to the task expected of them. This is followed by establishing standards of

performance with concomitant performance reviews to ensure that the recruiting teams are meeting expectations.

For clarity, co-opted members can offer expert advice to the commission but do not have voting powers, per the

constitution, which essentially means that NPSC will retain the appointing authority.

Thirdly, NPSC needs to conduct an apt job analysis for the role that captures contemporary policing models

whilst remaining cognisant of contextual environment within which KNPS operates. This will culminate in

revising the requirements for the role and the assessment guidelines thereof, all of which should be made public

knowledge. These documents will then inform the recruitment process to promote transparency and consistency

across board.

Process reform

Following the above structural reforms, the recruitment process should be reinvented as follows.

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Stage 1: advertising, applications and background checks

KNPS’ recruitment team should consider rebranding and inventing a robust marketing campaign for the

constable role unlike the current standard that predominantly advertises the basic requirements only. Relevant

information including the benefits of the role, requirements, recruitment process and assessments standards

among others should be provided to allow meaningful self-evaluation and preparation among candidates. Both

traditional modes (e.g., newspapers, mainstream media, websites etc) and emerging platforms (e.g., social

media) should be utilised to advance wider reach. Applicants will then apply online or by post attaching certified

copies of the required documents. Important for this part, the current application form ought to be updated to

include relevant information like history of police involvement or criminal history, list of professional and

character referees etc. Received applications will then be sorted and suitable applicants subject to background

checks before progressing to the next stage.

Stage 2: cognitive assessment

Candidates that make it to this stage will undergo cognitive assessment to determine their suitability for the role.

It is proposed that this stage be outsourced to a service provider who will conduct and transmit results to NPSC.

This stage may potentially receive resistance especially in view of accessibility of internet that maybe perceived

to gerrymander some candidates particularly those from remote areas. However, it is submitted here that Huduma

centres (akin to Australia’s service centres) available in all counties, Constituency Development Fund (CDF)

offices open in all constituencies, as well as county information centres available in most counties will suffice

to assist candidates with access issues. All successful candidates will be progressed to stage three.

Stage 3: Medical and physical fitness test

Here, candidates attend assessment centres where they will meet recruitment panels made of co-opted members

of NPSC for recruitment purposes. As an advancement to the current practice, candidates’ medical and physical

fitness will be assessed consistently based on clear elucidated assessment tools that are publicly available.

Further, since the panels are made of co-opted members of NPSC, their role will be reduced to only assessing

candidates for their suitability to policing role and forwarding the list to NPSC which retains the appointing

authority.

Stage 4: panel interview and referee checks

The evolving police role and the consequent demands that comes with it makes it inconceivable that police can

recruit candidates to their rank and file without interviewing them. It is therefore suggested that this crucial stage

and in particular behavioural interviewing be considered to aid screening-in and complement the screen-out

processes. As an addition, there ought to be established a cutoff point, say, 70% minimum required to progress.

All candidates are scored and those that meet the minimum cut-off are then subjected to personal and professional

background checks through their referees. Following the outcome of reference checks, all suitable candidates

are advanced to stage five.

Stage 5: selection

While it can be argued that candidates that make it to this stage and are rank-ordered such that they are hired

against their scores depending on the available vacancies will be merit-based, it is argued here that a greater

layer of transparency is required. For example, since Kenyans have come to associate police recruitment with

malpractices (Gastrow, 2009), no average Kenyan can agree that, say, an Inspector’s son was hired meritoriously

even if he genuinely went through the process and emerged successful. Yet, that young person deserves an equal

chance like every other citizen. It would therefore follow that an innovative option is required to meet ‘greater

transparency and accountability’ threshold in selection as opined by Gastrow (2009, p.8).

The 2015 KNPS recruitment exercise witnessed an unusual occurrence at the Iten playground recruitment centre

where two candidates were deemed suitable for the role and tied in every facet of the recruitment against one

available vacancy. In a bid for transparency and fairness in selection, the recruiting officer, Ambrose Oloo, opted

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for a simple yet noble option to break the tie. He settled for two ballots, one with a ‘YES’ and the other ‘NO’

and both candidates as well as the public witnessing the exercise agreed whoever picked the ‘YES’ ballot would

have ‘won’ the vacancy. Eventually, one candidate ‘won’ the slot much to the contentment of the witnessing

public and the losing candidate as it being an open, fair and legitimate outcome. The recruiting agent was quoted:

‘this was the only option to display fairness without locking out anybody and the public were there to witness

the two picking the ballot and the one who picked ‘No’ disqualified himself’ (Oloo 2015 cited in Kibor et al

2015, para. 4).

Randomising merit

It is in the same but nuanced vein that we propose eliminating human element in the final selection of candidates.

In this model, all candidates progressed to the selection stage will be allocated a unique number where they will

be subjected to a computer-based lottery selection. Thus, the application of merit will yield suitable pool of

candidates with the concept of randomness galvanising the underlying value of fairness and shield the exercise

from grave misadministration.

To retain the regional representation and diversity in KNPS selection, this model ought to be engendered in

practice. For instance, if there are 14 vacancies (say 8 males and 6 females) to be filled in a certain Sub County,

then applications received from that sub county should be sorted and dealt with separately e.g., 150 males and

80 females. Application of this model will yield a pool of suitable candidates of say 60 males and 30 females,

such that random selection will still produce 8 males, and 6 female successful candidates as intended. It is also

proposed that candidates eliminated in the first four stages should be barred from reapplying for a period of say

one to two years to address unnecessary high volumes of applications.

Utility of the model

There are two key reasons why we think this is so far the better model in promoting merit-based hiring in KNPS.

For one, it provides a thorough systematic process for attracting and selecting quality candidates, an absolute

necessity for modern-day policing (Sanders, 2003; Orrick, 2008). Policing has evolved from the traditional

militaristic tendencies towards citizen-oriented models e.g., community policing that KNPS ascribes to (Annell

eta al., 2015; Bloksgaard & Prieur, 2021). Among other reforms that will yield this ideal policing is revisiting

the recruitment function to ensure quality personnel in the rank and file of the agency (Orrick, 2008; Wilson et

al., 2010; Wilson, 2012; Annell eta al., 2015; Bloksgaard & Prieur, 2021). We argue, this model provides for

both screen-out and screen-in processes that is critical in meeting the contemporary police hiring priority

(Sanders, 2003; Terpstra et al., 2022).

Secondly, the idea of eliminating human element in the final selection promises the potential of eliminating the

endemic vices e.g., nepotism, corruption, favouritism, corruption, bribery, political interference etc that

undermine merit and its underlying value of fairness in KNPS recruitment. With relatively basic entry

requirements, this model promises to afford each suitable candidates an equal chance at selection backed by

lottery-like randomness. This is also consistent with the NPSC regulation 2015 which anticipates more suitable

candidates than available vacancies and provides for the commission to replace a selected candidate who, for

example, rejects the offer from a pool of suitable candidates without necessarily recruiting afresh. The concept

of randomising merit is anchored on the growing literature on sortition and its utility in among other things

addressing corruption, improving fairness, and advancing democracy (Bagg, 2024). It is already widely accepted

in modern democracies (like Australia, Canada, Austria etc) e.g., in selection of citizen juries or otherwise people

panels to reach policy decisions of the community in local and state governments for example. In fact, it heeds

and in a nuanced way, to one of the Maraga report recommendations calling for digitising KNPS recruitment

processes to address malpractices. The same concept is also commonly used, albeit successfully in empanelling

juries to determine contested indictable criminal matters in court systems of all Australian jurisdictions (State

Library of New South Wales, n.d.).

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Challenges and objection of the proposed model

It is conceded that this model may be considered cumbersome in its first use with cost implications on the extra

stages. It is argued here that continuous phased recruitment will reduce this tediousness by attracting high-quality

candidates and deliver quality selection which ultimately offsets the cost by its implied beneficial outcomes.

Also, it is agreed that critics might charge against randomised selection on the basis that suitable candidates are

eliminated not on the grounds of demonstrable inadequacies, which might then be addressed, but rather on a

ballot for which there can be no future remedy. We however argue that since suitable candidates are not barred

from reapplying, subsequent applications provide some sense of future remedy demanded by critics. Again,

unlike the KNPS recruitment regulation 2015 that conceives more suitable candidates than the vacancies, but

with no clarity in determining successful ones, this model guarantees an equal chance at selection for all suitable

candidates thereby meeting the underlying fairness value of merit. In any event, the ballot has informally been

used once at a recruitment centre to the satisfaction of involved candidates and the third parties i.e., public and

stakeholders, a rare future to achieve in the current KNPS recruitment model. There is therefore cause for

measured enthusiasm in the utility of the idea based on evidence of its application in that rare case.

CONCLUSION

This paper answered a clarion call for research that shall culminate in suggesting a ‘competent recruitment’

model embedding merit in hiring of entry-level police officers in Kenya. By leveraging the logic of comparison,

the paper found NTPF recruitment model to be superior to that of KNPS in promoting merit-based hiring of

recruits revealing lessons that are integral in reimagining a better model for KNPS. Thus, the sum of structural

and process reforms to aid meritorious selection yielded a nuanced 5-staged recruitment system recommended

for KNPS. To our knowledge, this is the first study to address the aforesaid task based on explicit conclusions

drawn through strict scientific methodology. Future research should investigate the utility of this model in

achieving its objective and consider expanded research that generates views directly from candidates and

recruiters of both models. This follows the possibility of missed information owing to research design

particularly if such data is not publicly available.

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