INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RESEARCH AND INNOVATION IN SOCIAL SCIENCE (IJRISS)
ISSN No. 2454-6186 | DOI: 10.47772/IJRISS | Volume IX Issue XI November 2025
poor reading habits have been linked to weaker comprehension and lower academic performance among
secondary school students [36]. School is, therefore, a crucial location where such habits are set, although much
of the regular classroom work involves reading exercises and comprehension tasks [37-38], yet external factors
such as access to material and parental involvement remain highly influential in this matter [18].
A large number of studies found to have explored adolescents' attitudes towards reading, as well as both social
influences and developmental trends have been emphasized and highlighted. Adolescents encounter a wide range
of reading requirements, ranging from recreational reading to syllabus-based academic reading, and selections
are often determined by peer groups and family networks. Research discovered that many students rely and listen
more on friends than teachers in terms of book recommendations [39]. This highlights the role of peer networks.
Parents and environmental factors shape attitudes, too, with [18] emphasizing the combined power of
environmental, educational, and social conditions. Social dimensions of reading are revealed in studies showing
that adolescents enjoy sharing reading experiences, making recommendations, and discussing texts with family,
peers, and teachers [40-43], even though some students report feeling they have little opportunity to voice their
own views in peer reading groups [44]. Large-scale surveys across the United States reported declining attitudes
toward reading from primary into middle school, especially with respect to reading for academic purposes [45-
48]. Another research reported that adolescents read increasingly for utilitarian purposes, rather than for personal
development or enjoyment [49], and studies in Singapore and Europe also reported declines in reading enjoyment
and leisure reading among high-achieving students aged roughly 10 to 14 [50-51]. Motivation is central to these
patterns: intrinsically motivated adolescents are more likely to read in their free time and take pleasure in reading
[52; 41; 53]; meanwhile, many devote their limited free time primarily to reading associated with exams [44;
40].
Gender often emerges as a significant factor in adolescent reading research. Many studies have found that girls
are generally more open to reading activities, show more enjoyment of reading, and read at a greater frequency
than boys [54; 40; 55; 56]. Research [57] posited that reading is at times perceived as more "feminine," with
girls having an advantage when it comes to concentrating for reads. The more recent work also reveals that boys
report lower motivation to read [58-60], even when they do read, which may involve social or group reading
activities. Given these findings, it is reasonable to suggest that gender differences in reading attitudes and habits
are both persistent and nuanced, influenced by cultural expectations, school practices, and the kinds of texts
made available to students.
Finally, it points to significant changes in the type of materials adolescents read and how they conceptualize
“reading.” Adolescents read a range of materials: books and newspapers as well as digital texts, blogs, and social
media content [59]. Most of them have greater preferences for magazines, newspapers, and online materials than
for traditional printed books [61; 40; 62]. They report enjoying reading on digital platforms and valuing the
interactivity and immediacy of online environments [63-64]. Yet, both adolescents and adults rarely or do not
consider digital practices such as emailing, texting, browsing websites, or participating in online discussions as
“real” reading [65; 66; 43]. Studies also show that there is a tendency to spend more time on non-academic
digital content rather than spending that on books or academic reading [67; 5].
Taken together, the literature reviewed here reflects a convergence of cognitive, behavioural, and sociocultural
influences that act on adolescents' reading attitudes in English. Cognitive models highlight how readers draw
upon linguistic knowledge, strategy awareness, and background experience to make sense of texts [12–15], while
the behavioural theories, such as TPB, identify beliefs, norms, and perceived control as key antecedents for
reading intention and behaviour [21–25]. These strains of scholarship together suggest that reading in L2 is not
just a technical ability but rather one influenced by their assessment of its utility, their self-efficacy in performing
it, and how strongly they perceive teacher, peer, and family expectations. By the same token, however, the
literature indicates that reading practice and attitude are unevenly developed, with convincing evidence
documenting declining motivation and enjoyment as students go deeper into schooling [45–51], and that digital
reading practices complicate the traditional understanding of literacy because adolescents increasingly expand
what counts as reading [59; 63–66]. Notwithstanding a raft of initiatives toward promoting reading in Malaysia—
be they NILAM efforts, school-based initiatives, or NGO-driven projects—the pattern of limited leisure reading
and preference for non-academic digital content continues unbroken [5; 27; 67], which points to gaps between
institutional aspirations and actual student reading engagement.
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