INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RESEARCH AND INNOVATION IN SOCIAL SCIENCE (IJRISS)  
ISSN No. 2454-6186 | DOI: 10.47772/IJRISS | Volume IX Issue XI November 2025  
“Rule by Fear”: British Colonial Reconstruction of Political  
Authority in Acholiland, 1889-1962  
Kinyera Tony Apecu*  
University  
*Corresponding Author  
DOI: https://doi.org/10.47772/IJRISS.2025.91100409  
Received: 13 November 2025; Accepted: 19 November 2025; Published: 13 December 2025  
ABSTRACT  
The paper revisits how the British colonial state reconfigured the existing structure and institutions of political  
power and authority in Acholiland to organize and govern society as a way to entrench its extractive logic. This  
occurred in three major phases. First, by deploying missionaries, church education institutions (schools,  
catechism), and interpreters, the British attempted to transform the intellectual consciousness of Acholi society  
to construct an “educated” governable modernized native subject, constructed in the image of British logic of  
rule. Second, British rule introduced the institution of native law and custom into Acholi to ground indirect rule  
whereby colonial chiefs mediated state’s access to society. By fragmenting the institutions and offices of  
traditional Acholi power, represented by Rwodi kalam (educated chiefs) vis-à-vis Rwodi moo (anointed chiefs),  
British governance excised political authority of its chosen Rwodi kalam from the cultural component  
relegated to Rwodi moo and thereby vulgarized chiefly authority. Consequently, political chiefs were cut off  
from their social base and this made Native chiefs lose legitimacy, leading to the outbreak of social discontent  
and conflict. This was also manifested in the naming format whereby Acholi offices were renamed Ganda  
terms such as Mukungu, Muluka (parish chief), village chief, etcetera, which further fragmented society due to  
confusion of political and cultural roles. By creating new territorial offices where they did not exist before, the  
British reconfigured the spatial reach of Acholi hereditary institutions leading to a clash of roles, duties and  
responsibilities in restricted “homelands”.  
Keywords: Colonial Governance, Missionary Education, Chiefly authority, Acholiland. * PhD Candidate,  
MISR, Makerere University, Kampala.  
INTRODUCTION  
This paper presents the construction of Acholi customary authority by the British colonial governance between  
1889 to 1962. It argues that the British colonial state reconfigured the existing structure and institutions of  
power in Acholiland to organise and govern society so as to entrench its extractive logic. This occurred in three  
major phases. First, by deploying missionaries, church education institutions (schools, catechism), and  
interpreters, the British attempted to transform the intellectual consciousness of Acholi society to construct an  
“educated” governable modernized native subject, constructed in the image of British logic of rule. Second,  
British rule introduced the institution of native law and custom into Acholi to ground indirect rule whereby  
colonial chiefs mediated state’s access to society. By fragmenting the institutions and offices of traditional  
Acholi power, represented by Rwodi kalam (educated chiefs) vis-à-vis Rwodi moo (anointed chiefs), British  
governance excised political authority of its chosen Rwodi kalam from the cultural component relegated to  
Rwodi moo and thereby vulgarized chiefly authority. Consequently, political chiefs were cut off from their  
social base and this made Native chiefs lose legitimacy, leading to the outbreak of social discontent and  
conflict. This was also manifested in the naming format whereby Acholi offices were renamed Ganda terms  
such as Mukungu, Muluka (parish chief), village chief, etcetera, which further fragmented society due to  
confusion of political and cultural roles. By creating new territorial offices where they did not exist before, the  
British destabilized the spatial reach of Acholi hereditary institutions leading to a clash of roles, duties and  
responsibilities, in restricted “homelands”.  
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Third, confusion of political and cultural roles in various offices led to the outbreak of social discontent leading  
to resistance most symbolized by the Lamogi rebellion of 1911-12. Social discontent also revealed the  
deepening social divisions between an increasingly educated commoner stratum, anglicized educated elites,  
and an emerging petty bourgeoisie, all of whom struggled to and jostled for positions of influence to appear  
useful to the new British authorities.  
This paper also shows that whereas aspects of the micro sphere such as cultural rituals showed a disinterested  
colonial state, the purpose of the civilizing mission, however reveals that the macro sphere governed and  
influenced many practices of society including those that attempted to evade it. Episodes of resistance against  
British rule were not unique to Acholi but can be understood in the tension between the modernizing claims of  
the British colonial logic and its actual practice, which left unfulfilled hopes in many areas under colonial  
yoke. This paper, however, identifies the specific ways in which colonial contradictions presented themselves  
in Acholiland and the various efforts of the colonial state, interpreted as “colonial reform” to prevent imperial  
decline. I will show in this paper that colonial reform as a response to native resistance was only possible  
because the colonial structure had stabilized. In this consolidative phase, colonial rule relied mainly on  
disguized consent as opposed to naked violence to achieve its aims and therefore endear its logic to the masses.  
I hope to show that the earlier attempts to ethicize Acholi into a “tribe” allowed the British to enforce the idea  
of Acholi as a tribal homeland against the very logic of a diverse Acholi society in the precolonial period.  
This paper is organized into two major sections, the first section presents the actual British construction of  
customary authority anchored in an “ethnic’ and “trialist” image. I show here the transformation of Acholi  
society was first and foremost intellectual and epistemic because British forerunners such as missionary agents  
and church schools allowed a new form of modern values and sensibilities to enter Acholi society to inform the  
native behaviours and practices. Relatedly, the extension of Anglican version of Christianity as the ideology of  
official statecraft in Acholi allowed an educated Anglicized stratum to be chosen for colonial administration.  
Also, new offices were created, which affected the territorial organization of counties, which also created  
political confusion, leading to social strife. The second section discusses the nature of native responses,  
focusing on the unique issues in Acholi that spurred conflict. I also show here that the nature of native agency  
as resistance was produced by colonial structure. I highlight the aspects of colonial reform and emphasize that  
it continued the colonial logic because it merely changed tactics of coercive rule disguised as consent.  
Furthermore, the fact that Acholi actors joined political parties like DP and UPC merely continued political  
action as conceived in the image of imperial power in its foresight for the end of colonialism.  
I. British construction of Customary Authority in Acholiland  
a) The role of Missionary education and Anglicization  
It is important to state from the outset that colonial intervention in Acholi like in other parts of Africa was  
shaped by the ‘civilizing mission’ based on racial stereotypes deployed by the colonizing forces to justify their  
political and economic objectives in the protectorate. Missionary work and Anglicization played a critical role  
in introducing new cultural values that would form the basis of new forms of sociality to transform the Acholi  
colonial subject into a governable community. British administrators depicted the people of Acholi as  
uncivilized and  
immoral individuals who frequently went naked, highlighting their perceived lack of  
civilization1. Particularly, on the existing political system, they perceived the autonomy of the Acholi and the  
fragmented control of territories among chiefs who had limited authority over their subjects as inadequate to  
advance colonial interests in the region compared with that of Buganda kingdom systems2. Karuna Mantena  
has written that the British colonial state utilized its experiences in late colonial India to design a regime of  
subjectivity that was based on introducing values such as British education and Christianity termed as  
civilizing mission as an alibi for the colonization process.3  
1 Moorehead, Alan. "The White Nile." (1960), p.68; see also, Laruni, Elizabeth. From the Village to Entebbe: The Acholi of  
Northern Uganda and the Politics of Identity, 1950-1985. University of Exeter (United Kingdom), 2014, p.84. 2 Moorehead, Alan.  
"The White Nile." (1960), p.68. 3 Mantena, Karuna (2010), Alibis of Empire,  
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Once in Uganda, the British colonial state applied a template similar to its colonial experience in India by  
propping up missionary schools and Anglican values as beacons of its civilizing mission to work as the  
precursor to the formal colonization of the territory. The responsibility of influencing societal norms and  
practices fell largely on Anglican and Catholic missionaries who aimed to convert and assimilate the  
indigenous population. But the missionaries restricted their activities in ‘mission villages’ within the vicinity of  
established missionary stations in urban areas2 . Beyond these villages Acholi continued to worship Jok  
(Supreme being) and performed traditional rituals unrestrained.3  
Missionaries such as catechists and lay workers played a forerunner role to the colonial agents and were  
instrumental in aiding colonial powers in exerting control and influence over local systems of social  
consciousness and governance. Whereas Chapter two highlighted the fact that Acholi did not have a centralized  
belief system, but multiple deities, with each chiefdom having its own Jok (Supreme being), missionary  
education came to transform this fact and presented the idea of British cosmological order to displace the  
Acholi belief model. Christian missionaries introduced a standardized worship for all the Acholi, requiring  
them to worship only one Supreme being, the Christian God, instead of multiple deities. As discussed in  
chapter two, in the pre-colonial period every chiefdom in Acholi had a Jok kaka, as they are called. The  
missionaries begun by degrading the Acholi cosmology including portraying the Jok as evil beings and labelled  
the native priests (Ajwaka) as witch doctors and sorcerers, aligning them with Satan. This depiction was  
heavily criticized by Okot P'Bitek as inaccurate and misleading. Conversely, P’Bitek viewed the Ajwaka as a  
multifaceted figure, serving as a psychiatrist, healer, priest and provider of solutions for the Acholi people4.  
Importantly, in the process of discrediting the Jok, the missionaries undermined the chiefdoms and chiefly  
power, as the Acholi believed that the chiefdoms were sanctioned by the Jok and the chiefs were ordained by  
them, thus drawing spiritual authority from them to maintain social order and seek divine blessings such as  
health, fertility, and favourable weather, as outlined in Chapter two. This clash of belief systems between  
traditional Acholi structures and Christian missionaries significantly impacted the religious and socio-political  
landscape of the Acholi community. The missionaries, particularly the Verona Fathers and the British CMS,  
played a significant role in shaping Acholi society within the context of colonial indirect rule5. Their influence  
was so profound that they became instrumental in maintaining authority and control on behalf of the colonial  
administration. While Native Administration served as a prominent channel for colonial power, missionary  
institutions also exerted considerable influence through their actions mirroring colonial practices, such as tax  
collection and legal judgments6 . This alignment with the missionaries led to a transformation in power  
dynamics within Acholi society, as identification with the missionaries becoming a key aspect of acquiring  
influence and status. In most cases, being Anglican was the pre-requisite for becoming a chief. For example, in  
1913, of the thirty-six Acholi baptized, thirteen were appointed as native chiefs9.  
Relatedly, the missionaries strategically targeted sons of chiefs, taking them to separate missionary stations in  
Gulu and Kitgum towns. During the period between 1917 and 1962, various Christian groups such as the Mill  
Hill Fathers and the Verona Fathers established missionary stations in the Acholi region, attracting readers  
(Lokotyeno) from chiefdoms like Palaro, Paimol, Patongo, Adilang, and Palabek. These readers would undergo  
a period of three to six months of religious instruction at these stations before being baptized. Those from non-  
royal backgrounds who received missionary education used this opportunity to rise in Acholi society,  
becoming prominent figures like appointed chiefs and politicians in the District Council. In Lokotyeno  
schools/stations, Acholi learners were not only instructed in catechism but were also instilled with Western  
values like obedience and loyalty to authority while discouraging subjects that could build political  
2 Wild, John Vernon. "Early travelers in Acholi." (No Title) (1954), p.58.  
3 Solomon Oyat (Resurgence of Acholi Customary Authority), interviewed by Tony Apecu, July 2023, Nwoya District.  
4 p'Bitek, Okot. Song of Lawino. Vol. 2. East African Publishers, 1995.  
5 Wild, John Vernon. "Early travelers in Acholi." (No Title)(1954), p38.  
6 Laruni, Elizabeth. From the Village to Entebbe, p.79. 9  
Ibid.  
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consciousness and revolutions7. The Christian educational approach aimed to facilitate a mindset change  
conducive to smooth colonization.  
Additionally, Acholi students were taught their own history and culture to foster a sense of unity among the  
Acholi people. Books like Lok pa Acholi Macon (Acholi history) and The Lwo Language by Rev. Pellegrini  
and Rev. Crazzolara respectively were utilized in teaching Acholi learners, highlighting the role of missionary  
writings in shaping the educational curriculum and collective identity of the Acholi community. This resonates  
with the observation by Igham that ‘the education was designed to shape the character of the students and  
change their minds in preparation to colonial modernity8. To Mudoola the “colonial education domesticated its  
subject, at least in parts…the educated were domesticated to support missionary and later colonialists in their  
9
diverse activities” . This shift towards a collective Acholi identity over allegiance to specific chiefdoms  
reflects a broader goal of shaping character and preparing individuals for colonial modernity10, aligning with  
the missionaries' efforts to bring about social and cultural transformation within the Acholi community.  
The appointment of chiefs from missionary-educated Acholi elites led to destabilization in customary  
authority, with conflicts arising between the appointed chiefs (Rwodi Kalam) and the hereditary chiefs (Rwodi  
Moo). Girling observed that missionary mobilization activities weakened the traditional authority of chiefs,  
creating room for colonial authorities to restructure customary power more smoothly and with reduced  
resistance14. This shift between traditional leadership structures, missionary influence, and colonial interests  
within the Acholi community would later implicate the power relations in Acholi11.  
Furthermore, missionaries promoted a tribal consciousness in Acholi and neighbouring areas primarily by  
developing a written vernacular language and producing written accounts of local tribal history and customs.  
12  
Girling observed that history would be written to fit the “needs of the present social order”  
which was the  
creating of Acholi as a distinct tribe which did not exist in pre-colonial period due to multiple presence of  
different language speaking groups in the now Acholiland. Later missionary-educated elites like Rueben  
Anywar13 and Lacito Okech adopted the writing of Acholi histories and delved into the history of their people,  
but also facilitated an exchange of knowledge between missionaries, colonizers, and local scholars, shaping the  
historical narrative of Acholi society. Lacito Okech's contribution to missionary work through his writings even  
led to his appointment as the chief of Koch chiefdom14, emphasizing the significant role missionaries played in  
influencing not just governance but also intellectual and cultural pursuits within the Acholi community.  
Nonetheless, the missionary had direct influence and control only over the households (mission villages) living  
in the immediate vicinity of their churches, who were regarded as ‘the people of the mission.’ Beyond the  
mission homes, “non-Anglican” practices such as polygamy and traditional religious beliefs, were prevalent  
especially in areas where colonial influence had not reached. Moreover, missionary activities faced resistance,  
with some chiefs refusing to send their children to missionary schools due to the belief that Western education  
could undermine traditional leadership skills. Instead, they preferred their sons to undergo traditional training,  
resulting in a disparity in educational attainment between chiefly families and commoners. This resistance was  
however temporary because with time, many commoner families realized the need to attain western education  
and took it up with the fact that commoner families, whose children were more likely to attend missionary  
7 Odongkara Moses (Resurgence of Acholi Customary Authority), interviewed by Tony Apecu, May 2023, Kitgum District.  
8 Ingham, Kenneth. The making of modern Uganda. Routledge, 2023, p.125.  
9 Mudoola, Dan M. "Religion, ethnicity, and politics in Uganda." (No Title) (1996), p.75.  
10 Amone, Charles, “ Colonialism and the creation of Acholi ethnic identity in Uganda, 1894 to 1962", p.85. 14  
Girling, Frank. The Acholi of Uganda, p.202;  
11 Girling, Frank. The Acholi of Uganda. London: Her Majesty’s Stationary Offices (1960) , p.202; see Komujuni, Sophie. "To be a  
chief and to remain a chief: The Production of Customary Authority in Post-Post Conflict Northern Uganda." PhD diss., Ghent  
University, 2019, p.53-54.  
12 Girling, Frank. The Acholi of Uganda. London: Her Majesty’s Stationary Offices (1960), p.199.  
13 Anywar, Reuben Stephen. "The life of rwot Iburaim Awich." Uganda Journal 12, no. 1 (1948): 72-81.  
14 Otim, Patrick W. "Local Intellectuals: Lacito Okech and the Production of Knowledge in Colonial Acholiland." History in Africa  
45 (2018): 275-305.  
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schools, emerged as influential figures in the Acholi community and have played a significant role in shaping  
affairs in the region, surpassing the chiefly authorities in terms of Western education and influence.  
To conclude this section, it is noteworthy that Missionary education played a dual role in serving both colonial  
interests and local/national interests, as some of the educated intellectuals later became advocates for their  
community and nation. Initially, the colonial state needed interpreters, who must have either passed through  
the education system or been Arab interpreters. Acholi interpreters like Okello Mwaka, Obwona Shuli, and  
Omara Angamu played a crucial role in the British colonial administration by bridging the language barrier and  
facilitating communication between the colonialists and the Acholi people. Their fluency in both English and  
Arabic allowed for effective communication and negotiation, ultimately aiding in the extension and  
entrenchment of British rule in Acholi. This highlights the significance of local interpreters in colonial  
governance and their role in facilitating interactions between colonial powers and indigenous communities.  
Some of the interpreters were later integrated into the colonial administration. For example, Okello Mwaka  
was appointed as the chief of Puranga but was rejected and later killed for championing colonial policies  
against the interest of the indigenous. The Acholi interpreters, many of whom had previous experience working  
with Arabs, were more inclined towards supporting the establishment of British Administration in the hope of  
being integrated into the colonial system, rather than working within traditional chiefdoms. These interpreters  
sought to regain their positions of influence and power that they had enjoyed while working for the Arabs. This  
shows agency of the interpreters who through personal motivations and strategic calculations aligned  
themselves with the changing colonial powers to assert their own positions within the evolving power  
structures. The interpreters did more than mediate colonial power over the indigenous.  
b). Invention of Acholi society as a tribe  
British colonial officials intended to transform the nature of Acholi political organization, which they thought  
was unsuitable as a tool of British administration.15 With such hindsight, colonial officials went to Acholi with  
the perception that the past Acholi indigenous society lacked any real organization or continuity as expressed  
by Postlethwaite, the pioneer District Commissioner for East Acholi with its Headquarters in Kitgum:  
I was dealing with a tribe that had no system of ancient holdings, nothing that answered the Bataka of  
Buganda, whose life was at the tie of communal and who from force of circumstances, had perforce been in the  
habit of moving every few years of their own volition.16  
Commenting on colonial intervention in Acholi, Adam Branch observes that “the British created chiefs in  
Acholiland on the model that they imagined proper African chiefs would be and believed to help raise  
particularly the savage Acholi up the civilization ladder”17 . As highlighted in the above section, the  
configuration of customary power in Acholi like in other segmentary or ‘stateless’ society was shaped by  
colonial racial prejudice and  
misinterpretation of the existing political system as well as the need for  
administrative convenience, reduction on administrative costs and fear of possible violent resistances by the  
natives. But the absence of a chiefly structure was in some areas, as Postlehwaite noted in 1915, a “blessing in  
disguise” since no “hereditary chieftainships” could be recognized.22 This would give the British an  
opportunity to reconfigure Acholi political structure and culture in their own image because they could deny  
the pre-existing Acholi structure as suitable for their own needs and interests. They hence proceeded to  
construct their own tribal and ethnic idea of Acholi society.  
To begin with, historians and anthropologists on Acholi such as Bere18, Atkinson19 and Girling20 consider  
1898 as a pivotal moment in the modern administration of Northern Uganda. This date symbolizes a notable  
15 Bere, Rennie M. "An outline of Acholi history." Uganda Journal1 Vol 11, no. 1 (1947), p.58.  
16 Postlethwaite, John Rutherford Parkin (1947): I Look Back. London: T. V. Boardman, p.56-7.  
17 Branch, Adam. Displacing human rights: War and intervention in northern Uganda. Oxford University Press, 2011, p.49. 22  
Postlethwaite, John Rutherford Parkin (1947): I Look Back, p.56-7.  
18 Bere, Rennie M. "An outline of Acholi history.”, p. 4  
19 Atkinson, Ronald R. The Roots of Ethnicity: The Origins of the Acholi of Uganda Before 18. University of Pennsylvania Press,  
2015, p.262.  
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shift in the relationship of Acholi from its connection to Egypt and Sudan towards becoming integrated within  
the emerging Uganda Protectorate. Despite holding prejudiced views of the Acholi people as "naturally lazy"  
and their land as lacking economic potential competition from French and Belgian colonial interests in the  
region compelled the British to include Acholi within the political framework of the Uganda Protectorate21.  
The policy of indirect rule implemented by the British government in Acholi allowed for the preservation of  
certain traditional practices among the local population. By appointing chiefs, collecting taxes, facilitating  
conversion to Christianity, and promoting education, the colonial administration enforced certain changes  
while still maintaining a degree of continuity in the traditional ways of life for the Acholi peasants22. The  
policy of indirect rule in Acholi meant that the natives were expected to adopt specific changes mentioned  
above while preserving their traditional way of life. Beyond these specified adjustments, the local population  
was encouraged to continue with their traditional practices, showcasing the selective nature of colonial  
intervention in maintaining certain aspects of indigenous culture within the framework of colonial  
governance.23 This means that colonial structure intended to produce a colonial subject who was obedient to  
the colonial authorities but also disciplined and deattached to the social base of cultural customs and  
traditions.24  
Tribalization of social groups in Acholiland into one “tribal” group became a key component of colonial  
governance. The most outstanding impact that colonial production and reproduction of customary power which  
was mainly aimed at unifying Acholi as a tribal entity in tribal homeland has been achieved. Since then, Acholi  
ethnic card has been deployed to determine politics at the local and national level. In this connection, the  
colonial authorities effectively consolidated the diverse chiefdom boundaries in Acholi to establish a singular  
political identity of the "Acholi tribe" within a defined tribal homeland. This deliberate restructuring  
institutionalized a rigid categorization of "Acholiness," which subsequently became a determining factor for  
inclusion or exclusion during the colonial era and beyond. The imposition of this singular identity framework  
emphasized tribal affiliations over geographical residency, shaping social dynamics and power structures in the  
region under colonial rule. This territorial reorganization by the British further solidified the concept of the  
Acholi as a distinct and separate entity, reinforcing boundaries that had not been previously as pronounced and  
potentially disrupting the pre-existing social and economic interconnectedness among different chiefdoms in  
the region. In this connection, Girling notes:  
The whole of Acholi to a greater or lesser degree now forms one large group of persons, united by bonds which  
are a combination of kinship, territorial, political relationship and ritual, as well as by bonds of common  
subjection to alien rulers and of territorial and secular relationships.  
Another impact that can be derived from the above extract is the polarization between Acholi and other ethnic  
groups through colonial boundary demarcation, separating Acholi from neighbouring Alur and Madi  
communities. This resonates with Mamdani’s claim that every institution touched by the hand of the colonial  
state was given a pronounced regional or ethnic character. It became a truism that a soldier must be a  
northerner, a civil servant, a southerner, and merchant, an Asian. In northern Uganda, as a strategy of divide  
and rule the British discouraged inter -district networking and trading and instead encouraged internal  
development of each tribal district. The delineation of what later became known as Acholi territory was a  
colonial construct. The precolonial period, within the chieftaincies, there were instances where individuals of  
different ethnic origins lived together without discrimination, such as the Paracel people of Madi origin in the  
Palabek chiefdom. Neither the area nor the people who inhabited it were perceived as a unit, either by the  
people themselves or by neighbouring groups. This highlights the complex dynamics of pre-colonial social  
structures and interactions that were reshaped by colonial policies and administrative boundaries in the region.  
20 Girling, Frank. The Acholi of Uganda. London: Her Majesty’s Stationary Offices (1960), p.199.  
21 Laruni, Elizabeth. From the Village to Entebbe: The Acholi of Northern Uganda and the Politics of Identity, 1950-1985. University  
of Exeter (United Kingdom), 2014, p.68.  
22 Wild, John Vernon. "Early travelers in Acholi." (No Title) (1954), p.58.  
23 Ibid.  
24 Jean and John Comaroff (1992), ‘Home Made Hegemony: Modernity Domesticity and Colonialism in South Africa’, In Karen  
Hansen (ed.) African Encounter with Domesticity. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, pp. 37-74.  
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c). Redrawing administrative boundaries to create one Homeland for the Acholi people  
A new ethnic homeland was created by administrative fiat when the British colonial offices were set up in Gulu  
district in 1910, followed by the establishment of Chua district with its headquarters in Kitgum in 191425. By  
1913, East and West Acholi were designated as separate districts, each led by a District Commissioner,  
typically a white individual with Mr. Sullivan for Gulu district and Mr. J.P.R. Postlethwaite for Kitgum  
district26. This transition meant that numerous chieftaincies, which previously operated independently, were  
now governed by foreign administration. In 1937, the two districts were amalgamated into one Acholi District  
with its headquarters in Gulu district under a white District Commissioner. The amalgamation of the two  
districts came with the integration of chiefs into Acholi Council and the constitution of the Council which was  
formalized in ordinances issued in 1949. On 5th March 1938, the Provincial Commissioner, Northern Province  
in his Annual Report on the State of Native Authority stated how the amalgamation of Gulu and Chua districts  
to form one administrative unit head quatered in Gulu, became an “important landmark”27. This amalgamation  
meant that pre-colonial chiefly offices, roles, actors, and interests were reconfigured in the new British image  
of tribal homeland for the Acholi people, setting the stage for a politics of decentralized despotism against  
local forms of social democracy and diversified political power.  
During the re-organization process, the British established a hierarchical structure of chiefs at various levels;  
County, Sub- county/Division, Parish, and village. This system aimed at increasing efficiency and reducing  
costs in governance. In this process, local individuals who demonstrated influence over rural communities and  
supported colonial rule were selected and appointed as 'chiefs' by the Colonial Administration, incorporating  
them into the governmental framework. 28 This reconfiguration had a logic. As both early European  
anthropologists and colonial officials defined non-Bantu speakers like Acholi in terms of political institutions  
that they lacked but not in terms of how they organized their political life,29 which points to a choice to  
misrepresent Acholi segmentary political power as suggested by Karugire that “coming from a centralized  
government themselves, the British “could not make head nor tail of the segmentary societies of Uganda most  
of which were to be found in eastern and northern Uganda”30. In this connection, Hesketh Bell, cited by  
Girling referred to Acholi as:  
Unlike those of Uganda (Buganda) and Unyoro (Bunyoro), are apparently unwilling to submit to the  
domination by chiefs. There were no more powerful local authorities through which we may transmit our  
directions, and every group of families seems to live independently and to be more or less at various with their  
neighbours.31  
Against this backdrop and the British experience in Buganda, colonial administration sought to reshape Acholi  
political and administrative systems by imposing elements of the centralizing model and the British Local  
Government model through the indirect rule system. Key to this endeavour was the institution of chiefs, tribes,  
tribal homelands, and customary law, with tribes being invented based on administrative territorial cohesion.  
This process reflects the colonial administration's efforts to assert control and establish a hierarchical system  
that would serve their governance objectives, despite the diverse and intricate social structures already present  
in Acholi society. This resonates with Mamdani’s view that “often tribes were created based on administrative  
territorial contiguity as villages were brought together under a single administrative authority. Chiefship was  
similarly manufactured, and chiefs were imposed” 32 . Mamdani’s observation underscores the complex  
25 Karugire, Samwiri Rubaraza. "Roots of instability in Uganda.", p.21.  
26 Girling, Frank. The Acholi of Uganda, p.121.  
27 MUL/AS, Annual Report from Provincial Commissioner on Native Adminstration, Northern Province, 31st December 1937, p.30  
28 Ibid.  
29 Odoi-Tanga, Fredrick. "Politics, ethnicity and conflict in post independent Acholiland, Uganda 1962-2006." PhD diss., University  
of Pretoria, 2010, p.103.  
30 Karugire, Samwiri Rubaraza. "Roots of instability in Uganda." (No Title) (1996), p.21.  
31 Girling, Frank. The Acholi of Uganda, p.199.  
32 Mamdani, Mahmood. "Citizen and subject." In Citizen and Subject. Princeton University Press, 2018, p.41. see also Crowder,  
Michael. "Indirect rule—French and British style." Africa 34, no. 3 (1964): 197-205, p.178; Khapoya, V.B., The African Experience:  
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dynamics of colonial governance and the manipulation of traditional structures to serve colonial interests.  
Drawing on the relatively successful implementation of indirect rule in Buganda, the British were eager to  
introduce a similar system in Acholi. British officials were dispatched to the region to garner support from  
local chiefs, aiming for a seamless establishment of colonial authority. Treaties were swiftly prepared for chiefs  
to sign, described by Dwyer as meticulously worded documents with blank spaces for names and dates,  
primarily designed to preemptively assert British control over Acholi's foreign affairs.33  
In mid-1898, Major MacDonald moved from Kampala to northern Uganda with two intentions: First, was to  
clear the remnants of the Nubian mutineers from Buganda who migrated to the north. Second, sign treaties  
which he did with several local chiefs from several chiefdoms, save for Payira chiefdom where he failed to  
come to terms with chief Awich.34 Macdonald was replaced by Major Delme-Radcliff, who combined carrot  
and stick in his quest to subjugate Acholi under colonial administration. Writing in 1947, Bere who served as a  
District and Provincial Commissioner for Northern Uganda notes that Major Delme-Radcliff, “became a  
legendary figure in Acholi where he made useful contacts with many of the chiefs and his recommendations of  
identifying chiefs with the quality of colonial administration and making them part of the government  
organizations, shows his wisdom and foresight.”35 Major Delme-Radcliff, known as ‘Langa,’ by indigenous  
people gained a reputation for employing a military strategy to quell rebellious chiefs in Acholi during his  
expeditions36. The nickname ‘Langa Langa,’ referencing a lion that operates at night signifies his fierce and  
strategic approach to dealing with opposition and maintaining control in the region. This depiction highlights  
the use of force and intimidation by colonial authorities to assert dominance over resistant elements within  
Acholi society.42 The key administrative changes can be seen below:  
County chiefs: At the highest level of the administrative structure, six counties were established under County  
Chiefs who retained the traditional title of the Rwot (Acholi name for chief). These Counties were named after  
significant geographical features such as rivers and mountains, including Aswa, Kilak, Omoro, Chua, Agago,  
and Lamwo as opposed to the names of the major chiefdoms. The naming strategy was aimed at unifying  
disparate chiefdoms into a cohesive Acholi tribe and centralize the political system under the colonial  
governance framework. This deliberate effort to consolidate and organize the region's diverse entities reflects  
the colonial administration's approach to governance and its impact on local power structures in Uganda. To  
advance the goal of centralization and unification, non-hereditary leaders, referred to as Rwodi Kalam (loosely  
translated as chiefs of pens), were appointed at the county and lower levels in addition to the traditional  
hereditary chiefs known as Rwodi moo (loosely translated as anointed chiefs). In some instances, this led to  
the displacement of hereditary chiefs, causing tension between the two categories of leaders. This intentional  
restructuring of leadership roles from hereditary to appointed positions showcases the complexities and  
challenges inherent in blending traditional and colonial governance systems, highlighting the power dynamics  
that emerged during this period of transition in northern Uganda. For instance, it was only in Aswa, Lamwo  
and Agago Counties where the sons of Rwot Awich of Payira; Rwot Ogwok of Padibe and Odier Abar of  
Adilang lineage were recognized respectively. The County Chiefs of Kilak, Omoro and Chua were either  
strangers in their areas or the descendants of commoners37, implying that the ritual context in these areas were  
separate from the political authorities since the appointed chiefs did not have traditional legitimacy to perform  
An Introduction, Longman, 2010, p.10; Ranger, Terence. "The invention of tradition revisited: the case of colonial Africa." In  
Legitimacy and the State in Twentieth-century Africa, pp. 62-111. Palgrave Macmillan, London, 1993, p.63.  
33 Dwyer, John Orr. The Acholi of Uganda: Adjustment to Imperialism. Columbia University, 1972, p61-62.  
34 Anywar, Reuben Stephen. "The life of rwot Iburaim Awich." Uganda Journal 12, no. 1 (1948), p.72-81; see also Gray, John  
Milner.  
"Acholi history, 1860-1901." Uganda Journal 15 (1951): 121-143, p.41.  
35 Bere, Rennie M. "An outline of Acholi history.", p.7.  
36 Ibid.  
42 Ibid.  
37 Amone, Charles, "British colonialism and the creation of Acholi ethnic identity in Uganda, 1894 to 1962.”, PhD Dissertation, 2014,  
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any rituals in clans to which they did not belong. Gradually, appointments to chiefly official and administrative  
offices tended to be made from the emerging educated class irrespective of lineage background.38  
Division/Sub- County Chiefs: Under the County Chief in the administrative hierarchy, the position of Jago  
(plural: Jagi) Division or Sub- county chief was established39. This restructuring led to the reduction in status  
of the previously autonomous chiefdoms of the Acholi to Sub-counties; like Palabek Sub- county, Padibe Sub-  
county, and Puranga Sub- county. Although the Sub-counties were named after prominent chiefdoms,  
nonhereditary leaders were also appointed as Sub- county chiefs, indicating a deliberate shift towards a  
centralized administration that integrated traditional titles with colonial governance structures in Acholi.40  
Parish Chiefs: The colonial administration introduced the office of Parish chief, known locally as a Mukungu  
(plural Bakungu), within the newly reorganized administrative system. It is important to note that the term  
'Mukungu' was of Bantu origin and had no equivalent position in the traditional pre-colonial political structures  
of the region. This imposition of foreign administrative titles underscores the significant changes and  
influences brought about by colonial rule on local governance systems and leadership roles in Uganda. The  
Bakungu were chosen by the County Council. Each Mukungu would be responsible for between four hundred  
to seven hundred poll taxpayers.41 To avoid any conflict of interest, on assumption of power, Mukungu ceased  
to be the representative of his own clan, which is another fundamental change in the Acholi political system,  
which ensured that political action was bent and bound to a new political master. Underpinning this action was  
the imperious belief by the colonial officials that chiefs at all levels should act as unifying political figures to  
centralize the various clans into a larger tribal group that could be more easily administered.42 This was well  
observed by Bere who noted that “the urgent trend of modern administration has been to bring the clans  
together and to make Acholi conscious of their unity as a single people.”43 Building on the argument by Bere,  
Amone and Amuura claim that reorganization of customary power was aimed at creation of a bigger Acholi  
tribal identity and that was a reason that the villagers were encouraged not to attach too much importance to  
their clan identities.44 For the colonial authority to assume that chiefs would become a unifying political figure  
for the entire Acholi was to ignore the power of the clan system from below (clan heads, Rwodi Kweri, Dar  
ker, diviners, etcetera).  
Village chiefs: Within the Parish structure, there were typically three to five villages overseen by the Won  
Paco (father of the home), a role that was introduced under colonial rule and did not exist in traditional  
political systems. Additionally, the heads of commoner lineages, known as Ludito kaka, were not officially  
recognized by the colonial administration but held informal acknowledgment from chiefs. Despite their  
traditional role of overseeing village affairs, their involvement in governance was limited; only a few were  
selected by other Ludito kaka to serve on the sub-county council.45 The configuration of customary power in  
Acholi is summarized in the annual report of the Provincial Commissioner of the Northern Province to the  
General Governor that:  
All chiefs have been encouraged to engage their own clerks, who are Acholi educated at the local missions;  
practically every chief has his clerk now, and lately a considerable number have commenced to tackle Tax  
Registers. Houses of a more substantial and civilized type are being built by the chiefs, many of them own  
bicycles, they all possess chief’s robes, and their police are now organized46.  
38 Finnström, Sverker. Living with bad surroundings: War, history, and everyday moments in northern Uganda. Duke University  
Press, 2008, p.33.  
39 Bere, land chieftainship among the Acholi, p.50-52; see also Paine, Clare. "Ker Kwaro Acholi." A Re-Invention of Traditional  
Authority in Northern (2014), p.53.  
40 Ibid, p.52.  
41 Laruni, Elizabeth. From the Village to Entebbe, 2014, p.199.  
42 Ibid.  
43 Bere, Rennie M. "An outline of Acholi history.”, p. 4.  
44 Girling, Frank. The Acholi of Uganda, p.175.  
45 Bere, Rennie M. "An outline of Acholi history." Uganda Journal11, no. 1 (1947): 1-8, p.8.  
46 National Archives.A46/808 Secretary Minute Paper, no.2134. Northern province. Annual, Report, 1914-15.  
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The structure of colonial administration had also been tried in Teso and Lango where the British had imposed  
Baganda chiefs to preside over native administration before local headmen were appointed to replace them due  
to gross misconduct.47 Unlike in Teso and Lango, however, the British combined their appointed chiefs (Rwodi  
Kalam) with the anointed hereditary chiefs (Rwodi Moo) in Acholi.54 These chiefs operated under the authority  
of the British District Commissioner, illustrating the nuanced approaches taken by the British in utilizing  
traditional leadership structures within different regions of Uganda to facilitate indirect rule. Because of the  
unique governance structure of the Acholi and other segmentary ethnic groups in northern Uganda that set  
them apart from the ‘centralized’ kingdoms of southern Uganda, they were governed under the District Council  
institutionalized under the Native Authority Ordinance of 1949, rather than holding federal or semi-federal  
status granted to the former. This distinction shaped the organization and reorganization of Native  
Administrative structures in Acholi leading up to independence, reflecting the diverse governance systems  
existing within the region and the nuances of colonial administration in different cultural contexts. With  
stereotypes and misconception, the colonial authorities in Acholi implemented reforms that aimed at  
articulating and rearticulating the Acholi customary authority and power structure based on their own colonial  
logic.  
In terms of leadership, British officials circumscribed the chiefly authority and made it as the key symbol of  
Acholi political authority, leaving out other ingredients of the same customary authority. This centralization of  
chiefly power created opportunities for lower power holders like clan heads and elders to strengthen their  
influence from the grassroots level, leading to a situation where the significance of the chief as a symbol of  
customary authority dwindled. In this case, clan heads and elders instituted themselves as alternative center of  
power to the chiefs. More importantly, circumscription weakened the power of chiefs by being isolated from  
the network of customary actors (social bases) which they depended on in the pre-colonial period. It should be  
recalled that in the pre-colonial period, clan heads and elders were the advisers of the chief and spokesperson  
of their won clans in the chiefdom. The bondage between the chief and the lower power holders was broken by  
the colonial actions. Furthermore, in the colonial administration's approach to Acholi leadership, hereditary  
chiefs retained their ritual roles despite the centralization of power and integration into the native authority  
structure. This paved way for the chiefs to keep in touch with his subjects and maintained loyalty from the  
chiefdoms and clans. The hereditary chiefs, working with emerging Acholi elite took advantage of this gap to  
mobilize against appointed chiefs in various chiefdoms, protesting the marginalization of the latter.48 This  
created space for indigenous people to engage in grassroots politics, dealing with important issues like conflict  
resolution, marriage, land distribution, and spiritual/ritual matters that deeply impacted the Acholi community.  
The colonial authorities seemed more focused on macro-level politics at the district level, neglecting these  
micro-level concerns that were pivotal for the everyday lives of the Acholi people. This was problematic  
because in a diffused political space with multiple centers of power like in Acholi, segregating the chiefly  
authority meant weakening their social power base to perform efficiently. Indeed, colonial authorities were  
dissatisfied with the performance of some chiefs, especially the hereditary ones who used to depend on  
customary structures to perform their duties leading to their dismissal and suspension as well as replacing them  
with non-hereditary leaders49. This shows that despite identifying the weaknesses of the hereditary chiefs,  
colonial officers did not look at their action of reconfiguring customary authority as the problem for their poor  
performance. It was in 1938, when they resorted to follow the Acholi traditional system when chiefs started to  
perform satisfactorily. In this connection, the Provincial Commissioner for Northern region in his annual report  
reported that the policy adopted two years ago, of organizing the tribal administration on the basis of the  
47 Gartrell, Beverly. "British administrators, colonial chiefs, and the comfort of tradition: an example from Uganda." African Studies  
Review 26, no. 1 (1983): 1-24, p.3; See Also; Vincent, Joan. "Colonial chiefs and the making of class: a case study from Teso, eastern  
Uganda." Africa 47, no. 2 (1977): 140-159, p. 150.See also, Tignor, Robert L. "Clan Leaders and Colonial Chiefs in Lango: The  
Political History of an East African Stateless Society, c. 1800-1939." (1980): 130-133, p.131; Tosh, John. "Colonial chiefs in a  
54  
stateless society: a case-study from Northern Uganda1." The Journal of African History14, no. 3 (1973): 473-490, p.140-41.  
Mamdani, Mahmood. Define and rule, 2012, p.9.  
48 Girling, Frank. The Acholi of Uganda. London: Her Majesty’s Stationary Offices (1960), p. 198.  
49 Laruni, Elizabeth. From the Village to Entebbe, p. 68. See also National Archives.A46/808 Secretary Minute Paper, no.2134.  
Northern Province Annual Report, 1914-15.  
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Acholi clan system, and the hereditary influence of the headmen, has been followed and developed, with  
results reported to be satisfactory50. The limitation of colonial intervention is also seen from the lack of  
uniform system of local government in Uganda51 and in the contradictory and conflicting actions and positions  
of colonial officials in Acholi. Whereas some colonial officials desired to introduce a completely new  
administrative system devoid of traditional systems, others such as Bere the District Commissioner preferred a  
hybrid of the two. He was also opposed to the creation of the paramount chief and the ideal of transferring  
chiefs outside their lineage roots. In 1943, Protesting the plan to abandon the traditional systems in native  
administration, Bere noted that:  
With any African tribe, full understanding of the indigenous system is of fundamental importance if a  
successful reconstruction of its administrative machine is to be achieved; even a modern local government  
should be designed to keep in touch with tradition.52  
The above extract resonates with Sir Henry Maine’s critics of the British officials in India for failure to  
understand the customs of the natives and govern them according to these customs and traditions. To him the  
Sepoy Mutiny of 1857 was due to lack of understanding and knowledge of the logic of the native institutions  
found in customs and traditions and how they could be utilized in colonial administration53. Maine, therefore,  
suggested that the natives should be governed according to their customs. Consequently, officials appointed to  
serve in the colonial offices overseas were trained in the doctrine of indirect rule before they were deployed.  
Perhaps Bere was an apologist of Maine to whom Mamdani traces the origin of Indirect Rule54. Underpinning  
Bere’s argument was the claim that “the position of the traditional chief is one of the great complexities, for he  
must be a representative as well as a ruler of his people, not only the authority but also it is of vital importance  
to any African administration and the welfare of the other people that this link should have not been broken.”55  
The limitation of the colonial system is also seen in the failure to contain clan identities and rivalries that  
dominated the District council during the colonial period. Clan identities and clan rivalries continued to play a  
significant role in the election of District council representatives in Acholi, as politicians often relied on their  
clan affiliations to garner support. This underscored the influence of the clan system within the colonial  
administration and highlighted the enduring importance of pre-colonial clan identities as a crucial aspect of  
social and political life for many Acholi people. The ability to mobilize support based on clan allegiances  
demonstrated how deeply entrenched these traditional social structures remained in the face of colonial  
interventions. As Leys observed, the “sentiments for the thirty or so ‘old chiefdoms’, which the British tried to  
undermine by imposing an administrative structure of six counties, was kept alive through competition for  
‘status in the modern political system.”56 However, the above articulation has been critiqued by scholars such  
as Karugire and Kabwegyere who emphasize the transformative character of the colonial structure in Uganda.  
Karugire and Kabwegyere argue that the concept of indirect rule did not mean a total reliance on indigenous  
institutions. To Karugire, indirect rule rested on a flawed premise as it depended on the assumption that  
colonies could be governed through their pre-existing indigenous institutions and norms, even though  
colonialism had systematically weakened these structures to facilitate the establishment of a new colonial  
order57. In brief, he argues that, even though indirect rule sought to govern colonies through indigenous  
institutions, the underlying colonial influence remained hidden within these so-called native spaces. The facade  
of autonomy and self-governance often masked the continued manipulation and control exerted by colonial  
powers.65 Kabwegyere agrees with Karugire and observes that despite colonial administrative roles being filled  
at the intermediate level by Africans, it should not be taken to mean that these Africans were performing these  
50 MUL/AS, Annual Report from Provincial Commissioner on Native Adminstration, Northern Province, 31st December 1938, p.27.  
51 Karugire, Samwiri Rubaraza. "Roots of instability in Uganda." (No Title) (1996), p.25.  
52 Bere, Land and chieftainship among the Acholi, p.52.  
53 Maine, Henry Sumner. The effects of observation of India on modern European thought: the Rede lecture delivered before the  
University of Cambridge on May 22, 1875. John Murray, 1875, 216-217.  
54 Mamdani, Mahmood. Define and rule: Native as political identity. Harvard University Press, 2012, p.9.  
55 Bere, Rennie M. "An outline of Acholi history.", p.9.  
56 Leys, Colin. "Politicians and policies: an essay on politics in Acholi, Uganda, 1962-65." (No Title) (1967), p.16.  
57 Karugire, Samwiri Rubaraza. "Roots of instability in Uganda." (No Title) (1996), p.25. 65  
Ibid.  
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roles through pre-existing indigenous institutions. In many cases, Kabwegyere argues, “the quasi-traditional  
institutions were in fact created by the British colonialists, and this involved a process of social and political  
re-organization”58. In this case, colonial state structure produced and influenced the agency of the native actors.  
Colonial structure conditioned the parameters in which both new and old chiefs jostled for political influence,  
and thereby influenced the contestation by which customary hierarchies were co-produced. The history of  
Acholi is intricately intertwined with the agency of chiefs who played significant roles in aiding the colonial  
project in the region. Many Acholi chiefs who served the colonial system were honored and those who  
critiqued the British were dishonoured.  
II. Acholi native contestations and responses to British colonial governance a). Native contestations  
The structure of Acholi customary authority imagined by the British was despotic and it laid the foundation for  
native resistance. This is because the colonial system strengthened the authority of non-hereditary chiefs within  
the colonial administration. The construction of customary authorities in Acholiland altered the nature of  
customary roles and powers of customary chiefs. By reconfiguring the holders of power and the balance of  
power between hereditary and non-hereditary chiefs who were reduced to cultural content, British colonial rule  
opened up opportunity for native resistance. Under indirect rule, the roles of colonial chiefs in Acholi shifted  
from traditional ritualistic functions practiced in the precolonial period to colonial-sanctioned roles. The Native  
Authority Ordinance of 1919 institutionalized the authority of colonial-appointed chiefs, positioning them as  
key figures in the colonial administration's control and governance of indigenous populations. By  
consolidating judicial, legislative, and executive powers in the hands of these chiefs, the ordinance perpetuated  
a system that upheld colonial interests and subjugated subject populations.  
Such a despotic legal framework highlights the intricate mechanisms through which colonial powers  
maintained dominance and exploited resources in colonized territories, ultimately shaping the social and  
political dynamics of the time.59 The specific roles included: presiding over customary courts, collecting taxes,  
and overseeing administrative tasks such as mobilizing labour for public works, largely serving colonial  
interests.60 This transformation altered the nature of leadership in Acholi society, aligning the chiefs more  
closely with the colonial administration and its objectives rather than solely focusing on upholding traditional  
customs and practices. This resulted in isolation of hereditary chiefs from the community, weakening their  
traditional legitimacy which has persisted in the contemporary moment. The configuration of customary  
authorities also brought changes in the power of chiefs. However, the distribution of power was not uniform  
but varied between hereditary and non-hereditary chiefs, with the latter granted excessive powers while the  
former lost significant levels of power despite being allowed to perform their ritual functions. The despotic  
nature of Acholi chiefs was documented by a number of scholars and alluded to by a number of informants,  
agreeing to the fact that colonial chiefs were autocratic in their offices and tended to favour friends and close  
kin with or without the knowledge or consent of the British officials.69 For example, Girling who conducted  
research at the courts during the colonial rule quoted an appointed Acholi chief as saying:  
You see, we must rule by fear. The people are lazy, they do not realize what good things the government is  
doing for them. How can we Acholi progress unless we grow cotton, pay our taxes and dig latrines as the  
government wants us to do.61  
Similarly, Branch argues that it was such unqualified British support for colonial appointed chiefs who had no  
customary rights to their offices, that made the colonial administration the target of resistance in Acholi,62 It  
58 Kabwegyere, Tarsis B. "The politics of state formation and destruction in Uganda." (No Title) (1995), p.74-75.  
59 Mamdani, Mahmood. "Citizen and subject.", p.87; also see Branch, Adam. Displacing human rights: War and intervention in  
northern Uganda. Oxford University Press, 2011, p.49.  
60 Hopwood, Julian. "Elephants abroad and in the room: explicit and implicit security, justice and protection issues on the Uganda/S  
Sudan border." London: London School of Economics, Justice and Security Research Programme Paper22 (2015), p.4. 69 Okot Billy,  
Resurgence of Acholi Customary Authority), interviewed by Tony Apecu, June 2023, Pader District.  
61 Girling, Frank. The Acholi of Uganda. London, p.185.  
62 Branch, Adam. Displacing human rights: War and intervention in northern Uganda. Oxford University Press, 2011, p.49.  
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must be emphasized that at every level of the colonial structure of the native administration in Acholi District,  
there was a wide chasm between the government appointed chiefs and the traditional/ritual chiefs of the past  
political power. Generally, the appointed chiefs ruled through instilling fear in their subjects while hereditary  
chiefs tended to uphold the pre-colonial non-violence approach. Configuration of customary authority also led  
to a change in the nature of customary chiefs. There was a shift towards salaried colonial chiefs in Acholi  
which was a departure from the traditional practice of hereditary leadership and the strict association of chiefs  
with specific chiefdoms. This allowed for the transfer of chiefs like Eriya Aliker and Okello Mwaka to  
different administrative units regardless of their lineage background. However, their relocation to Labongo and  
Puranga chiefdoms respectively was met with resistance from the local population, highlighting the importance  
of traditional legitimacy in performing ritual functions and the inherent challenges of imposing colonial-  
appointed chiefs in a deeply rooted traditional society.63  
Another fundamental change in the native administration was the bringing on board youth mostly from  
missionary educated elite to the helm of leadership. Younger individuals were given administrative roles due to  
education requirements.64 This shift created tension between the traditional elders, many of whom did not have  
formal education, and the emerging educated class.65 The clash between the old guard and the new generation  
highlighted the complexities and challenges that arose from the changing dynamics within the leadership  
hierarchy in Acholi under colonial rule.  
The creation of the Lawirwodi (Paramount chief) marked a turning point as a form of resistance from below.  
The Uganda African Local Government Ordinance of 1949 marked a significant shift in governance structure  
by allowing one of the County Chiefs to become the chairperson of the District Councils instead of the District  
Commissioner. This change presented challenges in appointing a Secretary General or President, particularly  
considering the clan rivalries among the royal ancestral lineages of the County chiefs. Consequently, in 1950,  
with the influence of Acholi elite in the District council, two positions were created; Lawirwodi (Paramount  
chief) is the first among equals and Langolkop Madit (Chief Judge of the District Courts). The Lawirwodi,  
who was to chair the District Council and acted as the Senior Executive Officer, was associated with the  
concept of paramountcy, causing tension with the colonial administration as they specifically opposed the  
appointment of leaders from the major rivalling chiefdoms of Payira and Padibe to this influential role66. As a  
result, district councillors from among the County chiefs instead elected Matayo Lamot, the chief of Agago as  
Lawirwodi and Yona Odida, Chief of Aswa as Langolkop Madit. There was increasing competition for the  
Lawirwodi post, which aroused ‘considerable’ chiefdom rivalries67. In 1953, Mateo Lamot lost the position to  
Phillip Adonga, County Chief of Chua, and the chief of Palwo Pajule.  
The District Council was not, however, satisfied with the Lawirwodi post and still sought an executive district  
head who would then be able to meet with the Kabaka of Buganda on an equal footing. Similarly, The District  
Commissioner, R.M Bere, was also opposed to the idea of a paramount chief stating in 1949 that: “It will not  
be permitted to try and make a sort of hereditary king whose family would become rulers. This would not be at  
all in accordance with modern ideas and the intention of giving the people more say in their own  
government.”68 Consequently, in 1959, after much debate between the Protectorate Government, the Ministry  
of Local Government and the District Council, the Lawirwodi position was abolished and a ceremonial head,  
entitled Laloyo Maber (good ruler), was created69. The establishment of the Laloyo Maber position was  
motivated by several factors. Firstly, it was a response to the constitutional requirement by the colonial  
administration for each region to have a Constitutional Head in anticipation of independence, akin to the  
creation of the Won Nyaci in Lango. Secondly, concerns within the District Council over the potential  
hereditary nature of the Lawirwodi title prompted the change. Additionally, the election of Phillip Adonga, a  
63 Okidi Ladwar (Resurgence of Acholi Customary Authority), interviewed by Tony Apecu, July 2023, Gulu City.  
64 Ibid.  
65 Ibid.  
66 Ibid, p.32.  
67 Behrend, Heike. "Lakwena, Alice." In Oxford Research Encyclopedia of African History. 2020, p.18.  
68 Bere, Rennie M. "An outline of Acholi history.", p.8.  
69 Okidi Ladwar (Resurgence of Acholi Customary Authority), interviewed by Tony Apecu, July 2023, Gulu City.  
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central figure from Pajule, aimed to address these rivalry concerns by positioning someone from a central  
location between east and west of Acholi, potentially alleviating tensions between chiefdoms in these regions.  
It should be emphasized that the position of the Laloyo maber transcended the conventional roles of the chiefs  
in Acholi, as the position holder was elevated to a cultural and political figurehead with centralized political  
powers that far surpassed those of a native chief.  
However, the intention for Laloyo Maber to transcend clan rivalries did not fully succeed in doing so. Chiefly  
power and clan loyalties were still an essential part of Acholi polity. Public support and clan ties meant that  
chiefs could not simply be dismissed and contained politically to the periphery. Similarly, the Laloyo Maber  
post, although non-executive, once again sparked considerable rivalry, particularly amongst the major clan  
heads. It is noteworthy that the creation of constitutional district heads in Uganda reflected a desire to emulate  
Buganda's administrative autonomy and political system, particularly the institution of the Kabaka.70 Leys  
observed that Buganda's dominant position had sparked envy among other regions in the country, leading them  
to aspire to a comparable level of self-governance and traditional leadership structure.71 Furthermore, Councils  
known as Lukiiko (Bantu term for council or parliament) introduced in various regions of Uganda to facilitate  
regular meetings among chiefs, with gatherings in Gulu scheduled for the first Monday of each month, aiming  
to guarantee the efficient communication of directives from colonial administrations72. However, the Lukiiko  
lacked legislative authority and could not solely modify native traditions and laws. This was contingent upon  
approval from the Governor, implying their influence was constrained in terms of power and jurisdiction.73  
This trend highlights the influence of Buganda's political arrangements on the broader aspirations of other  
regions within Uganda.74  
B). Resistance By Some Chiefdoms  
It is important to state from the outset that the nature of colonial rule shaped the nature of native resistance. In  
Acholi, colonization was marked by a combination of violent and passive resistance strategies. The resistance  
put up by the Acholi was a response to the specific challenges and disruptions brought about by colonial rule,  
particularly the restructuring of customary authorities and attempts to disarm the population. The Lamogi  
rebellion during 1911-1912 underlined the depth of this resistance, reflecting the complexities and difficulties  
faced by colonizers in trying to subdue traditional societies. The people of Lamogi chiefdom objected to the  
planned disarmament exercise to rid Acholi of guns acquired from Arab slave and ivory traders. They  
perceived the disarmament as depriving them of instruments of power and making them vulnerable to external  
attacks. In another development, Chief Awich of Payira defiantly resisted British attempts to subjugate his  
chiefdom by refusing to sign treaties. This was compounded by the British action of signing a treaty with his  
rival chief Ogwok of Padibe. Awich's staunch opposition led to him mobilizing 5000 men to combat British  
troops, resulting in his capture and subsequent exile in 190175.  
The restructuring of Acholi customary authority under colonial rule which involved the disbandment of non-  
collaborative chiefdoms, the arrest of rebellious chiefs, the dismissal of chiefs deemed detrimental to the new  
order, and the appointment of non-hereditary chiefs to replace them was key trigger of resistance as indicated  
below. Indeed, chiefs Eriya Aliker from Payira chiefdom and Okello Mwaka who were transferred to Labongo  
and Puranga chiefdoms respectively were rejected by the people, on the account that no chief rules over other  
chiefdoms where he had no traditional legitimacy of performing ritual functions76. Okello Mwaka who was a  
very close ally of colonial officials was eventually killed by the people of Puranga. The people of Labongo  
rejected Chief Eriya who hailed from the rivalling chiefdom of Payira. His presence was perceived as  
70 Ibid.  
71 Apter, David E. The political kingdom in Uganda: a study in bureaucratic nationalism. Routledge, 2013, p.  
72 Gertzel, Cherry J. "Party and locality in Northern Uganda, 1945-1962." (No Title) (1974), p.19.  
73 Bere, Rennie M. "Land and Chieftainship among the Acholi." Uganda Journal 19, no. 1 (1955): 49-5, p.50-52.  
74 Paine, Clare. "Ker Kwaro Acholi." A Re-Invention of Traditional Authority in Northern (2014), p.46.  
75 Laruni, Elizabeth. From the Village to Entebbe:, p.69.  
76 Odoi-Tanga, Fredrick. "Politics, ethnicity and conflict in post independent Acholiland, 2010, p.108. 86  
Girling, Frank. The Acholi of Uganda, p. 198.  
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promoting the Payira paramountcy over them86. For example, working with the District Commissioner Wright,  
chief Aliker ordered for the confiscation of cattle belonging to the Labongo people and forced them to provide  
forced labour on public roads. Early on, Payira auxiliaries working with British army officer Wagstaff attacked,  
killed and confiscated Labongo cattle77.  
Other chiefdoms that resisted administrative re-organization include Alero which resisted merger with Koch  
chiefdom. The people of Paimol in eastern Acholi also resisted British imposition of leaders over them leading  
to the ‘Paimol uprising’ of 1918, following the killing of chief Lakidi and replacing him with Amet, the chief  
of the neighbouring Lira, Amiel78. Amet’s appointment drew outrage in Acholi for two reasons: being an  
outsider from the chiefdom and being a leper. To the Acholi a leper is an outcast in society and appointing one  
as a leader was perceived as bringing a curse into the society. Other affected chiefs include the chief of Atiak  
who was deposed in 1927 for failure to carry out government orders, and was replaced by Zakariya Atoyo from  
Patiko chiefdom, rendering the lineage leadership to end at that time. In some instances, some humiliating  
punishments were handed out to these traditional rulers for trivial offences79. For example, the ruler of Pajule  
chiefdom called Aliker was put in latrine pit by the District Commissioner, and he died soon after80.  
The resistance to colonial rule in Acholi and other parts of Uganda was also attributed to the character/agency  
of individuals, especially the appointed chiefs who held excessive power and became autocratic and despotic  
in their administration. In Acholi and Karamoja, chief Okello Mwaka of Puranga 81 and chief Achia of  
Nabilatuk elders82. were killed by the locals respectively. Achia and other chiefs became unpopular for making  
petty by-laws and using their power to impose imprisonment for long time and going against personalized  
authority of clan elders. Chief Okello Mwaka was a close ally of British officials in Acholi and was viewed by  
the locals as an imposter. Commenting on the killing of Okello Mwaka, the District Commissioner  
Postlethwaite wrote:  
“our warrant chief Okello Mwaka became very unpopular and was murdered by his enemies… I tried these  
murderers sentencing four for long imprisonment and four to death” .  
Generally, the imposition of non-hereditary chiefs among the Acholi was not well-received, especially by the  
hereditary chiefs and their clans. The giving of guns as rewards for chiefs who cooperated with British  
administrators allowed for a new form of coercion that helped strengthen not only their own authority but also  
the authority of the parties they represented. This resonates with Branch’s claim that it was such unqualified  
British support for colonial appointed chiefs who had no customary rights to their offices, would eventually  
make the colonial administration the target of resistance in Acholi.  
The provision of guns provided a means for these intermediaries to assert control and influence in their  
interactions with both the British officials and the communities they served, displaying the complex dynamics  
at play within these power structures. The foregoing paragraph speaks to the claim by Tosh and Vincent that  
contestations and the resistance were triggered by the ways in which colonial authorities reconfigured  
customary power, giving appointed chiefs excessive power over other elements of the same customary  
authority. In this connection, Tosh refers to this configuration of chiefly power as a fiction, self-deception and  
misperception on the part of colonial administrators. This resonates with the exposition of Vincent that  
“colonial officials did not recognize the nature of the indigenous political power, misinterpreted local  
institutions and found in them a generalized uniformity”. Such configurations of power made resistance from  
below inevitable because it was not based on traditional legitimacy. They failed to recognize clan elders were  
77 Dwyer, John Orr. The Acholi of Uganda, 1972, p.164; See also Odoi-Tanga, Fredrick. "Politics, ethnicity and conflict in post  
independent Acholiland, Uganda 1962-2006."p.107.  
78 Dwyer, John Orr. The Acholi of Uganda: Adjustment to Imperialism. Columbia University, 1972, p.108.  
79 Karugire, Samwiri Rubaraza. "A political history of Uganda." (2010), p.125.  
80 Ibid.  
81 Kabwegyere, Tarsis B. The politics of state formation and destruction in Uganda, p. 5.  
82 Mamdani, M., P. M. B. Kasoma, and A. B. Katende. "Karamoja: Ecology and History. Centre for Basic Research Working Paper  
No.  
22." Kampala: CBR Publications (1992), p.30.  
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the ‘true representative of the local people, deriving their authority from traditional social organization’ rather  
than the appointed chiefs.  
Moreover, instances of abuse within the new system were documented, with chiefs engaging in nepotism and  
showing favouritism towards specific clans in appointments and service delivery. These actions often led to  
conflicts and contestations between the chiefs and their subjects. The Acholi displayed a keen awareness in  
distinguishing between Rwodi kalam and Rwodi moo. These two categories of chiefs were distinctly separated  
within the colonial administrative framework, with the latter (Rwodi moo) maintaining authority based on  
lineage rituals and historical political power within their communities. It is noteworthy, that whereas the non-  
hereditary chiefs gained excessive power in colonial indirect rule, the hereditary chiefs significantly lost power  
despite being allowed to continue with ritual functions. In this regard, Girling observes by 1937, “the  
privileges and the power of the chiefs had declined too far to be revived.” In response to colonial suppression  
and the imposition of despotic state-appointed chiefs, hereditary chiefs in alliance with the emerging petty  
bourgeoisie sought to challenge this power dynamic by joining political parties (DP and UPC) as a means to  
unify their collective interests and increase Acholi representation in national politics. This alliance aimed to  
address the marginalization of traditional chiefs and rural Acholi by strategically leveraging political power  
and advocating for a more inclusive and representative governance structure within the Acholi community.  
At the grassroot level, with the separation of chiefly power from other traditional leaders, lineage heads and  
elders formed a parallel power centre and marginalized the colonial chiefs as a counter measure. This dynamic  
has persisted into the contemporary moment with clan leaders and elders increasingly assuming more authority  
and influence, effectively supplanting the role of the chiefs. This shift highlights the adaptation and resilience  
of Acholi societal structures in response to external pressures and attempts at manipulation by colonial and  
post-colonial authorities. There was also resistance at the District Council in which councillors with the  
support of some colonial officials, particularly Bere objected to the institution of the Lawirwodi (paramount  
chiefs) as the Constitutional Head of Acholi District. They instead pushed for the creation of the Laloyo Maber  
(good leader) with no strict adherence to traditional hereditary leadership. The District Commissioner, R.M  
83  
Bere, was also opposed to the idea of a paramount chief stating in 1949  
Resistance against the colonial establishment of chiefly power was also evident among non-chiefly groups  
including the emerging class of mission-educated youth who sought representation in local government  
structures. The Young Acholi Association (YAA), formed in 1921, echoed the calls for reform made by other  
youth associations like Young Baganda Youth Association. The YAA's quest for political change and inclusion  
within the Native Administration highlighted the youth's aspiration for recognition as a separate political entity.  
Viewing the District Council as a platform to address grievances against the traditional gerontocratic social  
order, the Acholi youth aimed to challenge societal hierarchies based on age, marital status, and gender. This  
resonates with the view of Laruni that in considering chiefs for appointment, colonial authorities gave priority  
to missionary educated elite and this created contestations between the educated group and uneducated  
traditional leaders.  
III. Colonial reform  
Whereas colonial reform came to represent a more consensual form of rule than coercion, it was conceived as a  
resistance to colonial contradictions. Nevertheless, reform occurred in the context of colonial stability. It is  
crucial to recognize that while resistance efforts in Acholi did not hinder colonial projects significantly, there  
were some reforms and adaptations made in response to the resistance. For instance, colonial administrators  
were compelled to make frequent configurations and reconfigurations of the Native Administration not only to  
promote efficiency and reduce cost but also making the administration acceptable to the indigenous people. To  
avoid further resistance, in 1936, the British opted to implement a completely hereditary system of clan chiefs  
within the Acholi Native Authority by giving chiefs areas that roughly coincided with pre-colonial clan  
boundaries, resulting in around fifty such divisions. This is seen in the Annual provincial report in 1930 that:  
83 Bere, Rennie M. "Land and Chieftainship among the Acholi." Uganda Journal 19, no. 1 (1955): 49-5, p.50-52. 95  
Annual Provincial Report, 1930.  
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“with amalgamation of the two Districts, an opportunity was taken to reorganize the native administration on  
lines more approximating to the Acholi tribal system of hereditary and less on the Baganda system of a  
bureaucratic civil service”95. District Commissioners could now turn to District Council for advice on all tribal  
matters. It is interesting to note that colonial authorities were now not only getting advice from the people they  
originally despised but also appreciating that the traditional political system was effective as noted by the same  
annual provincial report. It states that “the policy adopted two years ago, of organizing the tribal administration  
on the basis of the Acholi clan system, and the hereditary influence of the headmen, has been followed and  
developed, with results reported to be satisfactory”84.  
Critically, we can interpret this change as a matter of colonial political strategy because such tribalization was  
meant to orient an emerging native political elite into a tribal consciousness that would resonate with the  
nationalist project. The deployment of tribal identity by the Acholi elite at a national level, particularly in  
response to the emergence of political parties like the Democratic Party (DP) and Uganda People's Congress  
(UPC), reflects a strategic tool used to advance their agenda and assert their influence. In a bid to compete with  
Buganda's privileged position, the Acholi elite positioned themselves within the national political landscape by  
asserting tribal claims to counter existing power structures and challenge the dominance of other regions.  
CONCLUSION  
Colonial reconfiguration of Acholi customary authority culminated into its instability with a strong legacy in  
the contemporary moment. Since the configuration of customary authority in the colonial period, the  
institutions of customary authority in Acholi have been unstable characterized by resistance, instability and  
significant decline in political power and influence of chiefs. Many of the implications from this legacy can be  
teased from the creation of a new elite class. By reconfiguring customary power, colonial authority created  
space for the rise of a new class of Acholi individuals primarily from commoner backgrounds. These  
individuals referred by Laruni as petty bourgeoisies manifested both a social and economic consequence  
arising from the colonial constructs. This class was socially and economically empowered, and they found  
themselves increasingly detached from the traditional societal values and structures. This shift highlights the  
profound impact of colonial rule on social dynamics within the Acholi community, leading to the emergence of  
a distinct class with altered perspectives and connections to traditional norms and systems. It is this class that  
championed the Acholi ethnic interest at the district and national levels. It is important to note that the colonial  
politics of ethnicization was also avenue for anti-colonialism as the Acholi mobilized the same created tribal  
identity to demand for its interest at the national levels. On the whole, the foregoing chapter has highlighted  
critical aspects that resonate with the central claim of this thesis. Colonial reconfiguration of Acholi social,  
cultural, economic, and political spaces concretized into social fabric and significantly altered the existing  
forms of sociality and political culture. Through the ethnicization of a restricted homeland, the colonial state  
ensured that chiefly positions became contestations both from society and above, yet the idea of the homeland  
spoke to an already curtailed political field. Consequently, the colonial politics of define, divide and rule  
continued to manifest in social spaces, leading to conflict and social strife, morphing into political  
constituencies.  
REFERENCES  
1. Primary Sources:  
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3. Annual Provincial Report, 1930.  
4. MUL/AS, Annual Report from Provincial Commissioner on Native Administration, Northern  
Province, 31st December 1938, p.27  
5. MUL/AS, Annual Report from Provincial Commissioner on Native Administration, Northern  
Province, 31st December 1937.  
6. National Archives.A46/808 Secretary Minute Paper, no.2134. Northern province. Annual, Report,  
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7. Interviews  
84 96 Ibid.  
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8. Interview with OM, May 2023, Kitgum District.  
9. Interview with OB, June 2023, Pader District.  
10. Interview with OL, July 2023, Gulu City.  
11. Interview with SO, July 2023, Nwoya District.  
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2. Anywar, Reuben Stephen. "The life of rwot Iburaim Awich." Uganda Journal 12, no. 1 (1948): 72-81.  
3. Apter, David E. The political kingdom in Uganda: a study in bureaucratic nationalism. Routledge,  
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APPENDIX: Note on Research approaches.  
This article is the outcome of a mixed methods research approach. Field work, involving interviews, focused  
group discussions, participant observation, visits to archives and other libraries, was conducted between  
January to December 2023. Archival visits were done at the District and missionary archives located in Gulu  
city. In Kampala, I visited the archive of Makerere University (Africana section) and the National archive in  
Wandegeya. This archival research was intended to highlight the logic that informed historical constructions of  
customary power and authority in Acholi. The reports on the communications between colonial officials and  
the customary chiefs revealed rich insights into the nature and character of the relationship between both  
domains. Missionary archives also proved useful in highlighting how first European contacts imagined Luo  
communities. Local government archives in Gulu city and in Kampala archives proved critical in revealing the  
internal discussions about the formation of Ker Kwaro Acholi (KKA) as a cultural institution of the Acholi  
people and their subsequent relationships with the local government structures and other humanitarian agencies  
and NGOs operating in Acholiland.  
Interviews conducted in the course of the year 2023 amounted to forty-five (45). Discussions with respondents  
purposely chosen from different categories of people whose work had a close relationship with the chiefly  
authorities in the eight (8) districts constituting Acholiland. Interviews were conducted with chiefs representing  
the chiefdoms of Pagak, Lamogi, Pabbo, Parabongo, Paibona, Patiko Pageya, Aria, Alero and Koch Goma in  
western Acholi and chiefdoms of Agoro Tee Got, Ogole, Labongo Amida , Koyo, Adilang and Pajule  
chiefdoms in eastern Acholi. The inclusion of various chiefs from different chiefdoms was intended to provide  
a rich understanding of the historical migration patterns into Acholi region and to also ensure an inclusive  
interpretation of the internal differentiations in customs and traditional practices. The interviews was organized  
to target both those chiefs involved with Ker Kwaro Acholi and those who contest the institution; only this  
inclusion would provide alternative opinions about the true perceptions surrounding the institution. Other  
interviews were conducted with civil servants, politicians, elders councils, media talk show hosts, NGO  
representatives, officials from the ministry of gender, academicians, and some leaders of social civil society  
organizations.  
Focused group discussions were also conducted with different categories of people including: clan heads,  
women, rwodi Kweri, and youth groups. Respondents in the FGD were sampled using the snowball approach  
and participants identified purposefully. Participant observation was also important during the field work  
exercise. Important observations were made when I participated in two events to bury two chiefs who passed  
away. During this occasion, I observed some changes in the Acholi burial practices and the politicization of  
customary practices, as manifested in the speech ceremonies. I also attended four press conferences called by  
the two factions of Ker Kwaro Acholi following leadership wrangles which emerged during the research and I  
closely followed the unfolding events in the media. These pressers enabled me to discover the invisible  
discourses being appropriated by the paramount chief, council of chiefs and officials of Ker Kwaro Acholi to  
legitimate their positions and personal interests. The contestations between the two conflicting factions of  
chiefs helped to reveal information that had been hidden from the researcher and also not known in the public  
domain.  
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