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The Prospects and Limitations of Adoption of Community Land

Trusts for Rural Development in Benue State, Nigeria

Kenneth Ter Bai

and Mamman Mahammad Alhassan

1,2

Sustainable Development Centre, University of Abuja, Abuja, Nigeria

Department of Geography and Environmental Management, University of Abuja, Abuja, Nigeria

Corresponding Author

DOI: https://dx.doi.org/10.47772/IJRISS.2025.91100052

Received: 14 November 2025; Accepted: 21 November 2025; Published: 28 November 2025

ABSTRACT

This study examined the prospects and limitations of adopting Community Land Trusts (CLTs) as a participatory

land and housing model for rural development in Benue State, Nigeria. Using a mixed-methods design,

quantitative data were collected from 338 respondents across conflict-affected communities, complemented by

six key informant interviews with policymakers and housing experts. Descriptive findings showed a

predominantly youthful population (51.2% aged 18-34), a slight female majority (54.4%), and a high incidence

of displacement (76%), underscoring the urgent need for sustainable and community-based housing solutions.

Awareness of CLTs was generally low (70.7% disagreed they knew the concept), yet respondents expressed

openness to their principles, particularly community participation (54.8% agreement) and affordability potential

(39.4% agreement). A multiple regression model revealed that CLT-related perceptions accounted for 4.2% of the

variance in housing outcomes (R² = 0.042, p = 0.046). Only one predictor, “land tenure customs may limit CLT

adoption”, was statistically significant (β = -0.179, p = 0.001), indicating that entrenched customary land systems

remain a major barrier to feasibility. Thematic insights reinforced the need for legal reform, institutional support,

and extensive sensitisation before CLTs can be effectively implemented. The study concludes that while CLTs

hold conceptual promise for affordability and community stewardship, their practical adoption in Benue State

requires alignment between formal law, customary tenure, and community-based governance frameworks.

Keywords: Community Land Trusts (CLTs), Rural Development, Land Tenure Systems, Displacement,

Participatory Housing Models

INTRODUCTION

Housing is universally recognized as a fundamental human right and a vital pillar for peace, stability, and

sustainable development. Yet a persistent global housing crisis undermines this right, with more than 100 million

people experiencing homelessness and about 1.6 billion living in inadequate conditions (Anthonj et al., 2023).

The problem is most acute in post-conflict rural regions, where forced displacement, poverty, and weak

infrastructure combine to heighten vulnerability and social instability. In response, the United Nations Human

Settlements Programme emphasizes adequate housing as essential for building inclusive, safe, resilient, and

sustainable communities in line with Sustainable Development Goal 11 (UN-Habitat, 2024).

Housing plays a central role in post-conflict reconstruction because it restores dignity, enables return, and supports

the recovery of livelihoods. The absence of secure and affordable shelter affects not only physical wellbeing but

also psychosocial stability and social cohesion (Adekola et al., 2024). However, delivering longterm housing

solutions in fragile rural contexts remains difficult, especially where land rights are contested, institutional

capacity is weak, and marginalized populations are excluded from planning processes (Ngulube et al., 2024).

Across much of Africa, national governments have struggled to meet the housing needs of rural populations

(Maina et al., 2024). In Nigeria, where more than half the population resides in rural areas, policy attention has

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largely focused on urban housing, leaving rural households to rely on temporary or self-built structures (Jiboye et

al., 2020; Guo et al., 2023).

Benue State in north-central Nigeria illustrates these challenges. The protracted farmer–herder conflict has

displaced over 1.5 million people, destroyed homes, and devastated livelihoods (Uwuseba & Aboribo, 2025; Iorbo

et al., 2024). Many displaced families now live in overcrowded camps or host communities with little access to

water, education, or health services, while the absence of stable housing perpetuates poverty and insecurity

(Swope & Hernández, 2019). Despite the scale of need, most interventions remain fragmented and short-term,

focusing on emergency relief rather than durable resettlement (Obianyo et al., 2021; Adedeji, 2023).

Globally, alternative frameworks such as Community Land Trusts (CLTs) have shown promise for securing

affordable housing and strengthening community control of land. CLTs hold land in trust to ensure long-term

affordability and prevent speculation (Crabtree-Hayes, 2024), with successful examples in Kenya and elsewhere

in sub-Saharan Africa (Midheme & Moulaert, 2013). CLTs typically separate land ownership from housing

ownership, allowing communities to retain collective control over land while enabling individuals to access

secure, affordable housing. Yet in Nigeria such models remain underdeveloped, constrained by the 1978 Land

Use Act, which centralizes land ownership and limits community-led tenure systems (Udom et al., 2023).

Despite growing global interest in CLTs, little empirical research has examined their feasibility in Nigeria’s rural,

conflict-affected settings. Against this backdrop, the persistence of displacement and tenure insecurity in Benue

demands innovative, community-based solutions. Existing policies neither integrate customary tenure dynamics

nor promote participatory ownership mechanisms. This study therefore investigates the prospects and limitations

of adopting Community Land Trusts as a participatory framework for rural development in Benue State, Nigeria,

seeking to understand how community-based land governance could support peace, stability, and sustainable

development in conflict-affected rural settings.

LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

Social Housing as a Catalyst for Rural Development

Social housing is increasingly recognised as a cornerstone of inclusive and sustainable development, particularly

where market mechanisms fail to deliver adequate and affordable shelter. Broadly defined as housing provided or

supported by public, cooperative, or non-profit agencies for those excluded from the formal housing market,

social housing aims to balance affordability with long-term social benefits (UN-Habitat, 2021). In developing

countries, its scope has expanded beyond urban centres to address rural and peri-urban housing deprivation, where

poverty, land insecurity, and weak infrastructure are prevalent.

The relationship between housing and rural development is multidimensional. Adequate housing not only

improves living standards but also enhances social cohesion, productivity, and environmental sustainability

(Edewor, 2018). It provides a stable base for livelihoods by securing tenure and ensuring access to essential

services such as water, markets, and education. Maina et al. (2024) argue that in rural Africa, housing deficits

reflect deeper structural issues, inequality, insecure land tenure, and institutional exclusion, requiring integrated

solutions that combine infrastructure with community participation and social inclusion.

Successful rural social housing models often adopt participatory and cooperative approaches, enabling

communities to engage directly in planning, design, and management. This participatory ethos enhances

ownership, accountability, and long-term sustainability (Nzeadibe et al., 2020). In Kenya, participatory rural

settlement projects have demonstrated that locally driven models can reduce costs, foster solidarity, and strengthen

community institutions (Midheme & Moulaert, 2013). Similarly, cooperative housing initiatives in Southern

Africa have mobilised community savings, generated employment, and improved housing quality without

external dependency (Gotyi & Majee, 2025).

These experiences align with the principles of Community Land Trusts (CLTs), which hold land in perpetuity for

community benefit and ensure permanent housing affordability. Both CLTs and social housing models prioritise

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equity, empowerment, and resilience, addressing structural inequalities that perpetuate rural poverty and

displacement. Nzeadibe et al. (2020) emphasize that such models are essential for achieving rural sustainability

by integrating housing with livelihoods, inclusion, and environmental stewardship.

However, translating these models into effective rural development strategies in Sub-Saharan Africa faces

persistent barriers. These include inadequate institutional capacity, fragmented rural housing policies, and reliance

on donor-driven initiatives that often neglect local realities (Obianyo et al., 2021; Adedeji, 2023). In Nigeria,

urban-centric housing policies have marginalised rural areas, while legal and financial systems rarely support

community-based or cooperative approaches (Udom et al., 2023). As a result, rural housing remains largely

informal and self-built, with minimal technical or financial support (Jiboye et al., 2020).

Repositioning social housing as a driver of rural development requires a paradigm shift, one that aligns housing

policy with participatory land governance. Edewor (2018) advocates for context-sensitive housing that blends

modern materials with traditional techniques and respects cultural values. Linking social housing with livelihood

programmes and local governance can generate multiplier effects that enhance economic resilience and social

stability.

Participatory Land and Housing Models: Global Insights and Local Relevance

Participatory approaches to land and housing provision have gained traction as alternatives to market-driven and

top-down state interventions. Models such as Community Land Trusts (CLTs), cooperative housing, and public–

community partnerships (PCPs) prioritize long-term affordability, community stewardship, and inclusive

governance (DeFilippis et al., 2017; UN-Habitat, 2021). These frameworks decouple land control from

speculative markets and institutionalize community rights, making them particularly relevant in contexts of

displacement, land commodification, and weak formal governance.

CLTs represent the archetype of participatory land models. They retain land ownership under a nonprofit trust

while allowing residents to lease or own dwellings with resale restrictions that preserve affordability (Wadsworth,

2021; Chyi & Wu, 2023). Internationally, CLTs have scaled in North America and Europe, with pilot adaptations

in the Global South. In Kenya, Midheme & Moulaert (2013) show how CLTs hybridized with customary norms

can stabilize housing costs and support marginalized communities. Crabtree-Hayes (2024) highlights governance

safeguards from Australia that maintain affordability without eroding asset value. Empirical studies also link CLTs

to improved cohesion, livelihood generation, and reduced eviction risks when supported by enabling institutions

(Lee et al., 2024; Chyi & Wu, 2023).

Cooperative housing offers a complementary model. Cooperatives pool resources, manage investments

democratically, and provide shared services, lowering individual costs and fostering mutual support (Carlsson,

2019; Gotyi & Majee, 2025). In rural settings, they mobilize local capital for housing and income-generating

activities. However, cooperatives require strong organizational capacity and transparent governance to avoid elite

capture or collapse (Olusola & Durodola, 2021).

PCPs bridge state-led programs and grassroots agency. Governments contribute land, financing, or legal

recognition, while communities lead planning and management. UN-Habitat (2021) notes that PCPs can

overcome public sector resource gaps by leveraging local knowledge and social capital. Successful PCPs combine

legal clarity, capacity building, and accountability mechanisms (Udom et al., 2023).

Despite their promise, participatory models face challenges in African contexts. Customary tenure systems,

overlapping statutory regimes, low legal literacy, and weak coordination hinder formal recognition and scaling

(Ocheje, 2019; Fajemirokun, 2022; Udom et al., 2023). Political economy constraints and cultural preferences for

individual ownership further complicate uptake (Obianyo et al., 2021; Crabtree-Hayes, 2024).

Community Land Trust as a Framework for Inclusive Rural Housing and Land Governance

The dual crises of homelessness and poverty continue to affect millions globally, representing persistent

manifestations of social and economic inequality (Enwin & Ikiriko, 2023). In response, the Community Land

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Trust (CLT) model has gained international recognition as a viable, community-based solution for securing

affordable and equitable housing. Originating in the United States in the late 1960s, CLTs were designed to

promote collective land ownership and counteract structural barriers to secure housing and land rights for

marginalized groups (DeFilippis et al., 2017).

A CLT is a nonprofit entity that acquires and retains ownership of land on behalf of a community, while allowing

residents to lease or own the structures built upon it. This separation between land and housing ownership

safeguards long-term affordability, reduces vulnerability to speculative markets, and enhances local control over

development outcomes (Wadsworth, 2021; Landes, 2021). Key mechanisms include renewable ground leases,

stewardship oversight, and resale formulas that restrict windfall profits, ensuring affordability for future occupants

(Wu & Chyi, 2023).

CLTs advance social equity and environmental sustainability by prioritizing low-income and historically

marginalized populations (Lee et al., 2024). Their structure fosters community participation and long-term

stewardship, aligning housing provision with goals of social justice, democratic governance, and neighborhood

stability. CLTs also promote resilient and ecologically sound communities through sustainable building practices

and land use planning.

Despite success in the Global North, CLTs remain underexplored in the Global South. In Nigeria, housing policies

emphasize market-led urban renewal, often neglecting rural communities and displaced populations (Olusola &

Durodola, 2021). The housing sector faces deficits in quantity and quality, compounded by tenure insecurity,

rising land costs, and an underdeveloped mortgage system (Enwin & Ikiriko, 2023). Rural areas like Benue State

suffer from inadequate infrastructure and exclusion from national housing policies, leaving many vulnerable to

displacement and poverty (Audu & Anloho, 2024).

CLTs offer promise in such contexts by emphasizing collective landholding, participatory governance, and

longterm affordability. They protect residents from eviction and speculative pressures, while enabling

communityled planning and accountability (Basile & Ribeiro, 2022). However, successful implementation

requires legal recognition of community trusts, institutional capacity-building, and inclusive stakeholder

engagement (Udom et al., 2023). Partnerships among government, civil society, and academia can support pilot

projects and technical assistance, adapting global best practices to local realities (Wadsworth, 2021).

Theoretical Framework

This study is anchored on Communitarianism Theory and Right to the City Theory, both of which provide

normative and analytical foundations for understanding community-based land governance models such as

Community Land Trusts (CLTs).

Communitarianism Theory emphasizes the collective good, shared ownership, and social responsibility within a

community. It argues that individuals derive meaning and security from participation in collective structures that

serve common welfare rather than individual accumulation. In the context of rural housing and land management,

this theory supports CLTs as mechanisms that promote inclusion, solidarity, and equitable access to resources. By

placing land under community stewardship, CLTs embody the communitarian ideal that social justice and stability

are achieved when ownership and decision-making power are collectively exercised (Etzioni, 2014; Fajemirokun,

2022; Avineri & de-Shalit, 1992). Scholars such as Sandel (1992) and Wilson (2020) further argue that

communitarian property regimes foster human flourishing and civic responsibility, contrasting sharply with

individualist models that prioritize private gain over communal wellbeing.

Complementing this is Right to the City Theory (Lefebvre, 1968), which asserts that access to land, housing, and

urban or rural space is a fundamental human right. It extends beyond physical occupation to encompass

participation in shaping and governing space. Within this framework, CLTs represent a means through which

marginalized or displaced communities can reclaim agency in land governance, challenging exclusionary state

control embodied in Nigeria’s Land Use Act of 1978. Scholars such as Purcell (2002) and Harvey (2008) have

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expanded Lefebvre’s work to emphasize the importance of democratic control, spatial justice, and grassroots

participation in land-use decisions, especially in contexts of displacement and tenure insecurity.

Together, these theories highlight that sustainable rural development and peacebuilding depend on inclusive land

governance systems that democratize access, enhance participation, and balance communal interests with

individual rights, principles central to the CLT model proposed for Benue State. As Udom et al. (2023) and Zuin

et al. (2019) argue, embedding CLTs within participatory governance frameworks can help overcome institutional

exclusion and foster resilient, community-led development in fragile rural settings.

METHODOLOGY

This study employed a mixed-methods research design to investigate the prospects and limitations of adopting

Community Land Trusts (CLTs) as a participatory land and housing model for rural development in Benue State,

Nigeria. The mixed-methods approach was chosen to integrate quantitative perceptions from community

respondents with qualitative insights from key institutional actors, enabling a deeper understanding of sociolegal,

cultural, and policy factors influencing CLT feasibility.

Study Area, Population, and Sampling

The study was conducted in three conflict-affected rural Local Government Areas (LGAs) of Benue State namely

Guma, Gwer West, and Logo, identified in the literature as the epicentres of farmer–herder conflict and

displacement. The target population comprised internally displaced persons (IDPs), returnees, and low-income

rural dwellers, forming an estimated displaced population of 1.5 million persons (Iorbo et al., 2024).

A quantitative sample size of 400 respondents was derived using Yamane’s formula (1967), out of which 338

valid responses (85% response rate) were obtained and analysed. Six (6) additional participants - government

officials, policymakers, and housing practitioners, were purposively selected for qualitative interviews due to

their expert knowledge of land governance and rural housing.

Data Collection Instruments

Quantitative data were collected using a structured questionnaire containing items on CLT awareness,

affordability, community participation, land tenure constraints, dispute mitigation, institutional support, and legal

reform. Qualitative data were obtained through semi-structured interviews focusing on institutional frameworks,

customary land practices, and the perceived compatibility of CLTs with Benue’s socio-cultural context.

Data Analysis

Quantitative data were analysed using descriptive statistics and a multiple linear regression model, where social

housing outcomes served as the dependent variable and seven CLT-related perception variables served as

predictors.

The model specification was:

SHC = β

+ β

Awareness + β

Affordability + β

CP + β

Where:

SHC = Social Housing Outcomes

= intercept β

= Coefficients that were estimated

CP = Community Participation

TC = Tenure Constraints

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Qualitative interviews were transcribed and analysed thematically, capturing expert perspectives on awareness

gaps, legal constraints, customary tenure systems, and institutional requirements for CLT adoption.

Ethical Considerations

Informed consent was obtained from all participants after clearly explaining the purpose, procedures, risks, and

voluntary nature of the study. The principles of autonomy, beneficence, non-maleficence, and justice guided all

interactions. Confidentiality and anonymity were ensured through de-identification of responses and secure data

handling practices.

RESULTS

Socioeconomic Characteristics of Respondents

The sample showed a slight female majority, with females representing 54.4% and males 45.6%. This reflected

patterns in post-conflict rural communities, where men were more likely to migrate or face conflict-related risks.

The distribution ensured gender-inclusive perspectives on displacement and housing.

Figure 1 – Gender Distribution of Respondents

Respondents were predominantly young. Those aged 18-24 (23.7%) and 25–34 (27.5%) constituted over half of

the sample (51.2%). Middle-aged adults (35-44) accounted for 22.8%, while older respondents (45-54 and 55+)

made up 26%. This youthful profile indicated that housing and reintegration needs were largely shaped by

economically active age groups.

Figure 2 – Age Distribution of Respondents

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Most respondents were married (53.6%), followed by single individuals (32.5%). Widowed respondents (11.2%)

reflected conflict-related losses, while 2.7% were divorced. These marital patterns highlighted diverse household

needs and the vulnerability of affected families.

Figure 3 – Marital Status of Respondents

Education levels were generally low to moderate. Primary (29.8%) and secondary (29.6%) education dominated

the sample, while 23.3% had no formal education. Only 17.3% possessed tertiary qualifications. This suggested

the need for accessible and easily understood housing interventions.

Figure 4 – Educational Qualifications of Respondents

Agriculture remained the main livelihood (37.9%), followed by trading (25.4%), civil service (15.4%), artisanship

(10.9%), and unemployment (10.4%). This reflected the rural economy and underscored the need for housing

solutions linked to livelihood recovery.

Figure 5 – Occupation of Respondents

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A total of 76% of respondents reported current or recent displacement within the past five years. This confirmed

the ongoing impact of conflict in Benue State and reinforced the importance of durable, community-based housing

strategies.

Figure 6 – Displacement of Respondents

Descriptive Statistics of Structural Questions

Table 1 presents respondents’ perceptions of Community Land Trusts (CLTs) as a participatory rural housing

model in Benue State. The data reveal widespread unfamiliarity with the CLT concept, yet respondents expressed

cautiously positive views regarding its underlying principles and potential benefits.

Awareness of CLTs was very low, with 70.7% indicating they were unfamiliar with the concept. Despite this,

respondents expressed cautious support for CLT principles. About 39.4% believed CLTs could enhance

affordability, and 54.8% agreed that community participation was essential. Nearly half (47.3%) acknowledged

that customary land tenure could hinder adoption. Respondents also indicated that CLTs could help prevent land

disputes (49.4%) and emphasised the need for government and NGO support (57.1%). Over half (52.4%) agreed

that implementation would require legal reform and awareness creation. Overall, respondents showed openness

to CLTs if institutional and cultural barriers were addressed.

Table 1: Responses on Prospects and Limitations of Community Land Trusts (CLTs)

Statement

I am aware of the concept of Community Land

Trusts

(24.0%)

158

(46.7%)

(10.1%)

(12.4%)

23 (6.8%)

CLTs can ensure affordable housing in rural areas

(13.3%)

102

(30.2%)

(17.2%)

(24.3%)

51 (15.1%)

Community participation is essential for CLTs to

succeed

(9.8%)

76 (22.5%)

(13.0%)

106

(31.4%)

79 (23.4%)

Land tenure customs may limit the adoption of

CLTs

(11.2%)

97 (28.7%)

(12.7%)

(29.0%)

62 (18.3%)

CLTs can help prevent land disputes

(8.0%)

84 (24.9%)

(17.8%)

(27.8%)

73 (21.6%)

Government and NGO support is necessary for

CLT success

(6.5%)

67 (19.8%)

(16.6%)

108

(32.0%)

85 (25.1%)

Implementing CLTs requires awareness and legal

reform

(8.6%)

81 (24.0%)

(15.1%)

106

(31.4%)

71 (21.0%)

SD = Strongly Disagree; DA = Disagree; N = Neutral; A = Agree; SA = Strongly Agree

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Multiple Linear Regression Analysis

In order to explore the viability of Community Land Trusts (CLTs) as a participatory mechanism for rural housing,

a multiple linear regression was conducted. The model examined the relationship between public perceptions of

various enabling and constraining factors for CLTs and social housing outcomes.

The regression model yielded an R value of 0.205, with R² = 0.042, meaning that approximately 4.2% of the

variance in social housing outcomes is explained by the selected CLT-related predictors. The Adjusted R² of 0.022

indicates a modest explanatory strength, but one that slightly exceeds previous models. Though still a weak model

overall, this represents the highest explanatory value among the four regression analyses, suggesting that

perceptions about CLTs might hold a more direct relationship to housing outcomes than anticipated.

Table 2 - Model Summary

Model

R Square

Adjusted R Square

Std. Error of the Estimate

.205

.042

.022

2.87964

a. Predictors: (Constant), CLTs

The ANOVA test returned F(7, 330) = 2.071, with a p-value of .046, indicating statistical significance at the 5%

level. This means that the model, as a whole, does significantly predict social housing outcomes, albeit modestly.

This statistical result gives empirical weight to the relevance of institutional frameworks and participatory models

like CLTs in shaping perceptions of social housing outcomes.

Table 3 - ANOVA

Model

Sum of Squares

Mean Square

Sig.

Regression

120.189

17.170

2.071

.046

Residual

2736.477

330

8.292

Total

2856.666

337

a. Dependent Variable: Social_Housing_Outcomes

b. Predictors: (Constant), CLTs

From Table 4, only one variable emerged as statistically significant:

“Land tenure customs may limit the adoption of CLTs” (B = -0.496, p = .001)

This result indicates that stronger agreement with this statement (i.e., recognition of land tenure as a barrier) is

negatively associated with perceived positive housing outcomes. This suggests that traditional or informal land

systems are seen as significant constraints to the success of participatory land models such as CLTs in the rural

Benue context.

Other variables such as awareness, the importance of community participation, or belief in affordability benefits,

did not significantly predict social housing outcomes. This may be attributed to low public familiarity with CLTs

as a concept, or insufficient community experience with such models to allow nuanced evaluations.

This analysis indicates that while the idea of Community Land Trusts has some conceptual resonance, its practical

feasibility is constrained by customary land tenure systems, which may inhibit equitable land access and

formalization.

Moreover, since public awareness is not yet influencing perceived housing outcomes, a bottom-up strategy

involving community sensitization, pilot projects, and intermediary support (e.g., NGOs, local cooperatives) is

essential.

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Table 4 - Coefficients

Model

Unstandardized

Coefficients

Standardized

Coefficients

Sig.

Std. Error

Beta

(Constant)

25.336

1.210

20.935

.000

I am aware of the concept of Community Land Trusts

-.001

.137

-.001

-.010

.992

CLTs can ensure affordable housing in rural areas

-.120

.145

-.045

-.829

.408

Community participation is essential for CLTs to

succeed

-.161

.139

-.062

-1.152

.250

Land tenure customs may limit the adoption of CLTs

-.496

.152

-.179

-3.253

.001

CLTs can help prevent land disputes

.109

.146

.041

.744

.458

Government and NGO

support is necessary for CLT success

.054

.146

.020

.367

.714

Implementing CLTs requires awareness and legal

reform

-.030

.148

-.011

-.200

.841

a. Dependent Variable: Social_Housing_Outcomes

Thematic Analysis of Expert Interviews

Theme 1: Low Awareness but High Potential of CLTs

Most experts were unfamiliar with CLTs, but recognized their potential to ensure affordability and community

stewardship:

“To be honest, I’ve only heard of CLTs in theory. But it could work if it’s adapted to our cultural land systems.”

(Policymaker 2)

Theme 2: Legal Reform and Institutional Support Needed

Respondents emphasized that for CLTs to work, legal reforms and NGO/government partnerships are essential:

“Without enabling laws and sustained NGO support, CLTs will just be an idea on paper.” (Practitioner 3)

Theme 3: Cultural Fit and Customary Systems

Experts highlighted possible tensions between CLTs and traditional land systems:

“How do you blend communal land ownership with trust-based legal titles? That’s a grey area we’d have to

navigate carefully.” (Policymaker 3)

DISCUSSION OF FINDINGS

The regression model linking CLT variables to housing outcomes was significant (R² = 0.042, p = 0.046), with

“Land tenure customs may limit the adoption of CLTs” emerging as a significant negative predictor (β = -0.179,

p = 0.001). This suggests a structural incompatibility between customary systems and CLT implementation.

This was heavily reinforced in interviews. A government official stated, “CLTs are attractive in theory but won’t

work unless there’s legal reform and massive sensitization.” Another interviewee added, “How do you introduce

trusts in areas where land is owned by ancestors, not individuals?”

Literature supports these findings. Studies by Adeogun et al. (2025), Babalola et al. (2023), and Ahiakwo and

Banigo-Abah (2025) argue that CLT success in Africa hinges on legal pluralism and participatory land

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governance. In Benue, this suggests that while CLTs have conceptual potential, their feasibility remains highly

constrained..

In answering research question four, (“What are the prospects, limitations, and contextual considerations for

adopting Community Land Trusts (CLTs) as a participatory model for rural housing in Benue State?”), the

findings indicate that CLTs possess strong theoretical promise for ensuring affordability and community

ownership, but their practical viability is limited by entrenched customary land tenure systems, inadequate legal

frameworks, and low public awareness. The persistence of lineage-based landholding systems and centralized

land authority under the Land Use Act create institutional friction that discourages collective land trusts. Thus,

while CLTs could provide a sustainable mechanism for tenure security, their successful adaptation in Benue would

require deep legal, cultural, and institutional reforms.

Theoretically, these findings reinforce the Communitarianism perspective within the study’s framework, which

advocates for collective ownership and community-led governance of resources. However, they also highlight the

tension between communitarian ideals and the realities of Nigeria’s dual land system, customary and statutory.

Similarly, the Right to the City Theory (Lefebvre, 1968) explains that the inability to access or control land

equitably undermines citizens’ rights to participate in shaping their living environments. The observed structural

barriers suggest that, without reconciling these conflicting land regimes, CLTs may remain a theoretical aspiration

rather than a practical instrument of reform.

Policy and governance implications are significant. To promote CLTs in Benue, government must review the Land

Use Act and establish a hybrid framework that recognizes community trusts under both statutory and customary

law. There is a need for broad-based sensitization, legal literacy programs, and pilot projects to demonstrate

feasibility at local levels. For governance institutions, inter-agency collaboration between land, housing, and

justice ministries is essential to streamline regulatory processes. For communities, participatory engagement

through traditional councils and cooperatives can enhance trust, legitimacy, and uptake of CLT models.

Academically, these findings underscore the importance of contextualizing global housing models within local

socio-legal realities, offering a valuable contribution to comparative housing governance literature.

CONCLUSION

This study examined the prospects and limitations of adopting Community Land Trusts (CLTs) as a participatory

land and housing model for rural development in Benue State. The findings reveal that although public awareness

of CLTs is very low, respondents broadly support the underlying principles of affordability, community

participation, and collective land stewardship. However, the regression analysis indicates that customary land

tenure systems significantly constrain the feasibility of CLTs, reflecting deep-rooted socio-cultural and legal

barriers. Qualitative insights further underscore the need for legal reform, institutional coordination, and

community sensitisation before CLTs can be realistically implemented in rural, conflict-affected settings.

To advance CLT-based rural development in Benue State, several actionable steps are recommended. First, legal

and policy reform is essential, particularly aligning the Land Use Act with community-based tenure arrangements.

Second, government and NGOs should initiate pilot CLT projects to demonstrate viability and build local trust.

Third, extensive sensitisation and legal literacy initiatives are required to improve public understanding and

participation. Finally, integrating traditional authorities, cooperatives, and local institutions into CLT governance

will enhance legitimacy and uptake. In addition, the development of a clear, contextspecific implementation

framework, outlining legal pathways, stakeholder roles, governance structures, and mechanisms for blending

statutory and customary tenure, is critical for ensuring practical feasibility. Drawing on lessons from countries

with hybrid land systems, such as Kenya and South Africa, can further strengthen adaptation and scalability.

Strengthening institutional capacity, expanding community-level qualitative engagement, and incorporating

broader socioeconomic variables into future analytical models will also improve policy relevance and empirical

depth. Collectively, these strategies can help operationalise CLTs as a sustainable mechanism for equitable rural

housing and post-conflict recovery.

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RESEARCH AND INNOVATION IN SOCIAL SCIENCE (IJRISS) 
ISSN No. 2454-6186 | DOI: 10.47772/IJRISS | Volume IX Issue XI November 2025 
Page 662 
www.rsisinternational.org 
 
 
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