INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RESEARCH AND INNOVATION IN SOCIAL SCIENCE (IJRISS)  
ISSN No. 2454-6186 | DOI: 10.47772/IJRISS | Volume IX Issue XII December 2025  
When the Wine Ages: Reimagining Retirement for Educators in  
Kenya  
1Njeri Kiaritha., 2Hannah Kiaritha  
1Department of Educational Psychology, School of Education Moi University Kenya  
2Kabete National Polytechnic Kenya  
DOI: https://doi.org/10.47772/IJRISS.2025.91200060  
Received: 11 December 2025; Accepted: 18 December 2025; Published: 31 December 2025  
ABSTRACT  
Retirement among educators in Kenya is a contested terrain. Primary and secondary school teachers retire at 60,  
while university lecturers may remain in service until 74. These policies reflect colonial legacies, institutional  
logics, and cultural constructions of age and productivity. This paper employs a mixed-methods design to explore  
the experiences, perceptions, and implications of retirement across the educational spectrum. Drawing on survey  
data (quantitative) and interviews (qualitative) educators across different educational levels, it examines the  
causes and consequences of retirement beyond age, including redundancy, health, burnout, and policy pressures.  
The metaphor of aging wine, sometimes sweet, sometimes bitter, frames the analysis. The findings reveal both  
the waste of wisdom through compulsory exits and the risks of stagnation through delayed generational renewal.  
The paper is a call for a Kenyan philosophy of retirement that reframes it as transformation rather than  
termination, ensuring that the wisdom of educators is not buried alive but reinvested into mentorship, policy,  
and institutional renewal.  
Key terms: Retirement, Reimagining retirement, Theories of Retirement  
INTRODUCTION  
Aging Wine and Educational Wisdom  
In many African contexts, retirement has been framed as a withdrawal from relevance. For Kenyan educators,  
the tension is acute: while primary and secondary school teachers retire at 60, university lecturers are permitted  
to work until 74. This asymmetry raises profound questions. Does age diminish or deepen educational wisdom?  
Is retirement a graveyard of relevance or an opportunity for legacy? The metaphor of wine provides a useful  
entry point. Wine, as it ages, may grow sweeter and more refined, or, if neglected, may sour and turn bitter.  
Similarly, retirement can be experienced as enrichment, allowing educators to mentor, consult, and contribute  
anew, or as bitterness, marked by exclusion, loss of identity, and wasted potential. This paper seeks to interrogate  
these complexities by exploring retirement not only as a bureaucratic policy but as a lived experience shaped by  
cultural, psychological, and institutional forces.  
Objectives of the Study  
This study is guided by three objectives:  
1. To analyse awareness of existing retirement policies and practices among educators at different educational  
levels in Kenya.  
2. To explore the experiences of retirees at different educational levels in Kenya.  
3. To examine the perceptions of retirement among educators at different educational levels in Kenya.  
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LITERATURE REVIEW  
Theoretical Framework of Retirement  
Retirement as a social, economic, and psychological phenomenon cannot be understood solely through  
chronological age. Instead, a range of theoretical perspectives offers deeper insight into how individuals and  
societies conceptualize and experience retirement. These frameworks are important for analyzing the retirement  
of teachers and lecturers in Kenya, where age thresholds (60 for primary, secondary and technical education  
teachers, and 74 for university lecturers) coexist with cultural, institutional, and economic realities. One  
influential perspective is the Disengagement Theory proposed by Cumming and Henry (1961), which views  
retirement as a natural process of withdrawal from professional roles to allow younger generations to take over.  
While useful in explaining institutionalized retirement, this theory has been critiqued for reinforcing ageist  
assumptions that older adults inevitably lose capacity. In the Kenyan context, such assumptions may justify  
mandatory retirement, even where individuals remain intellectually productive and capable of continued  
contribution.  
In contrast, the Activity Theory (Havighurst & Albrecht, 1953) argues that continued engagement in meaningful  
roles fosters satisfaction and well-being in later life. Applied to teachers and lecturers, this perspective highlights  
the importance of creating post-retirement avenues such as mentorship, consultancy, and community  
engagement, rather than treating retirement as social exclusion. The Continuity Theory (Atchley, 1989) further  
advances this argument by suggesting that individuals seek to maintain patterns of behavior, identity, and  
relationships established earlier in life. For educators, this might mean transitioning from classroom teaching to  
advisory, research, or part-time roles that preserve their professional identity and accumulated expertise.  
Continuity theory underscores the danger of abrupt severance at retirement, which may lead to loss of identity  
and diminished self-worth.  
More recently, scholars have emphasized Critical and Political Economy of Aging Theories (Estes, 2001), which  
interrogate how retirement policies reflect broader power structures, labor market dynamics, and economic  
ideologies. In Kenya, retirement regulations partly reflect colonial legacies, bureaucratic efficiency models, and  
attempts to address youth unemployment. These frameworks draw attention to how retirement is less a biological  
inevitability and more a product of socio-political negotiation. Finally, Postcolonial and Indigenous Perspectives  
on Aging (Chilisa, 2012; Nabudere, 2011) challenge Western models by valuing elders as custodians of wisdom,  
culture, and moral guidance. In African societies where oral traditions and intergenerational mentoring remain  
vital, the exclusion of older teachers and lecturers may represent a loss of intellectual capital rather than a gain  
in efficiency. Such perspectives call for redefining retirement as a phase of legacy-building rather than  
irrelevance.  
Taken together, these frameworks provide a multidimensional lens through which retirement can be understood,  
not merely as an endpoint dictated by age, but as a negotiated process shaped by identity, cultural norms,  
institutional policies, and societal needs. For Kenya’s educational sector, where intellectual and moral guidance  
are central, these theories collectively suggest that retirement should be reconceptualized as transformation rather  
than termination.  
Classical Perspectives on Retirement  
Retirement is traditionally viewed as a natural end to working life, justified by declining productivity and the  
need for generational turnover (Atchley, 1989). This perspective emphasizes age as the defining marker of  
capacity. In Kenya, retirement policies align with this logic, fixing the age at 60 for teachers and extending to  
74 for lecturers (TSC, 2022). Scholars have challenged chronological determinism. Phillipson (2013) argues that  
retirement is socially constructed, often reflecting institutional priorities rather than actual capacity. In African  
contexts, colonial legacies shaped bureaucratic retirement ages without regard to indigenous views of aging  
(Chilisa, 2012). Foucault (1980) further notes that such policies are embedded in power structures that regulate  
bodies and define worth.  
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Globally, retirement of educators has raised concerns of wasted wisdom where older educators often carry  
mentorship capital that is lost upon exit. In South Africa, Hall and Erasmus (2003) highlight how early  
retirements during education reforms created shortages of experienced teachers. Conversely, extending  
retirement too long may block generational renewal, leading to frustration among younger professionals (Kim  
& Moen, 2002). Alternative frameworks present retirement as transformation rather than termination. Smith  
(1999) frames aging scholars as custodians of memory and continuity. Wilson (2008) introduces the concept of  
relational accountability, emphasizing the responsibility of retired educators to communities and institutions.  
Such views suggest retirement can be a sweet wine of legacy rather than a bitter one of exclusion.  
METHODOLOGY  
This study employed a mixed-methods design, integrating quantitative and qualitative approaches. A convergent  
parallel strategy (Creswell & Plano Clark, 2011) was used, allowing data from surveys and interviews to be  
analyzed concurrently and integrated during interpretation. The study drew participants from four major  
categories within Kenya’s education system; primary schools, secondary schools, technical and vocational  
education and training (TVET) colleges, and universities. A total of 120 participants were purposively and  
stratifiedly selected to provide diverse insights on retirement experiences, perceptions, and practices. From the  
primary school category, 40 teachers were included, representing both rural and urban schools across three  
counties. This group comprised both serving teachers approaching the retirement age of 60 and retirees who had  
left service within the last five years. Their inclusion was critical because primary school teachers often  
experience retirement as a sudden break from highly interactive teaching roles, with fewer opportunities for re-  
engagement in formal education. The secondary school group consisted of 40 participants, including teachers  
from county and national schools. This group provided perspectives on retirement in relation to heavier  
workloads, examination-centered teaching, and administrative responsibilities that shape how retirement is  
anticipated and experienced. Half of the participants in this group also held middle-level leadership roles such  
as heads of departments, making their perspectives essential for understanding the transition from active service  
to retirement.  
At the technical college level, 20 lecturers and instructors were engaged. Technical and vocational education  
staff experience unique retirement dynamics, given their training in practical and technical subjects that are  
highly transferable to consultancy, entrepreneurship, and community-based skills development. This category  
highlighted how post-retirement engagement may differ from purely academic contexts, since many technical  
instructors retain employable skills beyond the age of compulsory retirement. Finally, the university group  
included 20 lecturers and professors, representing both early retirees and those approaching the compulsory  
retirement age of 74. University staff occupy a distinctive position within retirement debates, as their roles in  
research, postgraduate supervision, and academic leadership often remain valuable beyond the statutory  
retirement age. This group provided rich insights into the tensions between institutional policies that enforce  
retirement and the continued intellectual productivity of aging scholars.  
Data collection employed a mixed-methods approach, combining both quantitative and qualitative techniques.  
Survey questionnaires were administered to all 120 participants to capture demographic data, retirement  
preparedness, perceptions of institutional support, and post-retirement engagement. In-depth interviews and  
focus group discussions (FGDs) were conducted with a purposively selected sub-sample of 40 participants (10  
from each category), allowing for detailed narratives of lived retirement experiences. Documentary analysis of  
policy documents, Teachers Service Commission (TSC) guidelines, and retirement laws in Kenya complemented  
the primary data. Survey data were analyzed using descriptive statistics (percentages, mean scores). Interview  
transcripts underwent thematic analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2006), following six stages: familiarization, coding,  
theme development, reviewing themes, defining/naming themes, and report writing.  
RESULTS  
Awareness of Existing Retirement Policies and Practices  
The study revealed varying levels of awareness and clarity of retirement policies across the four categories.  
Quantitatively, awareness was highest among university staff (85%), followed by technical college lecturers  
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(70%), secondary school teachers (62%), and lowest among primary school teachers (55%) as shown in Figure  
1.  
Figure 1: Policy Awareness of Retirement by Category  
Qualitative data highlighted discrepancies in interpretation of policies. Primary teachers often described policies  
as “distant and bureaucratic,” with one participant remarking, “We only hear about retirement when the date is  
near. Nobody trains us on what comes after.” University lecturers, however, demonstrated familiarity with  
procedures, pension schemes, and options for post-retirement engagement. A professor nearing retirement noted,  
“At 74, I may retire from payroll, but my intellectual work will continue, through supervision, writing, and  
consultancy.” While formal frameworks exist, they are unevenly understood, with university staff benefiting  
from clearer guidance compared to their counterparts in primary and secondary schools.  
Experiences of Retirees in Different Educational Levels  
Experiences of retirees differed substantially depending on institutional context. Preparedness for retirement  
followed a similar gradient with universities lecturers at 75%, TVET lecturers at 60%, secondary schools  
teachers at 48%, and primary schools teachers 40% as shown in Figure 2.  
Figure 2: Retirement Preparedness across Educational Categories  
Primary school retirees frequently reported abrupt disengagement with one retired teacher reporting that after 60  
years, the system simply tells you to go home. There are no avenues to use your skills again.” This was echoed  
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by many who lamented financial uncertainty and lack of structured post-retirement roles. Many secondary school  
retirees experienced mixed outcomes. Some transitioned into small businesses or farming, while others struggled  
with identity loss. Most technical college instructors, however, often leveraged their practical skills to establish  
consultancies or training workshops. As one put it, “when I left service, I opened a small technical institute in  
my town. My skills were still in demand.” On the other hand, most university retirees described more positive  
experiences, frequently remaining active in research and consultancy. A retired lecturer noted, “retirement from  
the university is not an end. My networks and expertise still bring me projects, and I mentor young scholars  
informally.” Thus, experiences show that institutional culture, skill portability, and availability of post-  
retirement engagement platforms significantly shape how retirement is lived.  
Perceptions of Retirement among Educators  
Perceptions of retirement also varied widely across the categories. Quantitative data revealed that positive  
perceptions were most common among university staff (68%), followed by technical colleges (55%), while  
secondary (42%) and primary school teachers (35%) expressed predominantly negative perceptions as shown in  
Figure 3.  
Figure 3: Perceptions of Retirement among Educators (Positive vs Negative)  
Qualitative accounts illuminated the basis of these perceptions. Among primary school teachers, retirement was  
often equated with redundancy. One participant stated, “at 60, you are told you are useless. Nobody calls you  
again, not even for mentorship.” Secondary school teachers echoed similar frustrations, though some  
acknowledged the opportunity for rest. Technical college participants tended to perceive retirement as an  
opportunity for reinvention. This was echoed by one retiree who reported;“at 60 years, you may leave  
government employment, but you are free to teach skills at your own pace. I found freedom there.” University  
educators on the other hand perceived retirement more as a transition than a termination. Several participants  
argued for flexible retirement policies, suggesting that intellectual contributions should not be tied strictly to  
chronological age. A senior professor commented; “Wine does not go sour with age, rather, it matures. Why  
should scholarship be treated differently?”  
Overall, the findings reveal a consistent trend: the higher the educational level, the greater the preparedness,  
awareness, and positivity toward retirement. Primary and secondary teachers face abrupt disengagement and  
limited avenues for contribution, while technical and university staff perceive retirement as a stage of  
transformation and continued relevance. The qualitative narratives underscore that retirement is not merely about  
policy but also about identity, culture, and opportunity.  
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DISCUSSION AND INTERPRETATION OF FINDINGS  
The findings of this study provide significant insights into how retirement is conceptualized and experienced  
within Kenya’s teaching profession, revealing distinct variations across primary, secondary, technical, and  
university educators. When examined through the theoretical lenses of disengagement, activity, continuity, and  
the political economy of aging, several key patterns emerge that underscore the differentiated nature of  
retirement in the education sector. For many primary and secondary school teachers, retirement aligns closely  
with the assumptions of disengagement theory, which views aging as a gradual process of withdrawal from social  
roles (Cumming & Henry, 1961). In practice, these teachers described retirement as a sudden rupture that  
excluded them not only from professional spaces but also from the networks and responsibilities that once  
defined their identities. Narratives such as “being told to go home” or “feeling forgotten” illustrate the extent to  
which retirement for this group was framed not as a transition but as marginalization. These educators often  
experienced retirement as the end of relevance, a perception reinforced by limited institutional mechanisms for  
post-retirement engagement.  
By contrast, the experiences of technical and university educators resonate more strongly with activity theory,  
which emphasizes the value of continued involvement in socially meaningful roles for well-being in later life  
(Havighurst & Albrecht, 1953). Technical instructors often leveraged their practical expertise into  
entrepreneurial ventures, private training, or consultancy work, while university professors sustained active roles  
in research, supervision, mentorship, and consultancy. For these groups, retirement did not signify  
disengagement but reorientation. Rather than retreating from their professional identities, they extended them  
into new domains, thereby maintaining a sense of purpose and relevance.  
Closely related to this is continuity theory, which suggests that individuals strive to preserve identity, values,  
and roles across life stages (Atchley, 1989). This was particularly evident among university professors who  
continued writing, mentoring, or contributing to research even after formal retirement. Technical college staff  
who transitioned into private training also exemplified this principle, maintaining continuity between past roles  
and present engagements. A professor’s reflection that “retirement here is not an end, my networks and expertise  
still bring me projects” epitomizes this preservation of identity and continuity of purpose. Such experiences  
highlight the adaptability of retirees who, rather than viewing retirement as a complete break, frame it as a  
reshaping of established roles.  
At the same time, the study underscores the importance of the political economy of aging, which argues that  
retirement experiences are shaped by broader structural and institutional arrangements (Estes, 1979). The  
findings reveal stark disparities across professional categories: while university educators benefit from robust  
pensions, institutional prestige, and intellectual capital that facilitate continued relevance, primary and secondary  
teachers face precarious financial circumstances and social invisibility. The fact that only 40% of primary  
teachers reported feeling prepared for retirement reflects not merely individual oversight but systemic  
shortcomings. As one primary teacher observed, “We only hear about retirement when the date is near. Nobody  
trains us on what comes after.” This statement underscores how structural neglect, manifested in inadequate  
pension systems, lack of preparation programs, and weak institutional support, contributes to the vulnerability  
of lower-tier educators.  
Taken together, these findings demonstrate that retirement is not a singular or uniform life stage but a  
differentiated process shaped by professional category, institutional culture, and socio-economic resources. For  
primary and secondary school teachers, it is primarily experienced as disengagement and marginalization,  
consistent with the withdrawal model. For technical and university educators, it is increasingly framed as  
activity, continuity, and even empowerment, aligning with more positive theoretical interpretations. This  
complexity suggests that retirement policies in Kenya must move beyond a one-size-fits-all model. Instead,  
frameworks should be flexible enough to accommodate the diverse ways in which educators imagine and enact  
their later-life contributions to society.  
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CONCLUSION  
Retirement in Kenya’s education sector reveals both the risks of wasting wisdom and the dangers of stagnation.  
The metaphor of wine captures this duality, age can sweeten or embitter depending on how society and  
institutions manage it. To bury wisdom at 60, or hoard it until 74, is to miss the opportunity for balance and  
renewal. A Kenyan philosophy of retirement must therefore view retirement not as termination but as  
transformation, reinvesting educational wisdom into mentorship, policy, and national development.  
RECOMMENDATIONS  
The findings of this study reveal that retirement in Kenya’s education sector is a complex and unevenly  
experienced process that requires systemic reform. To address the disparities observed between primary,  
secondary, technical, and university educators, several recommendations are advanced which call for a paradigm  
shift in how retirement is conceptualized and practiced within Kenya’s education sector. This is by reframing  
retirement as transformation, ensuring equity across educator categories, and embedding structures for lifelong  
engagement, Kenya can safeguard the wisdom of its educators and harness their full potential beyond the  
classroom.  
Firstly, there is an urgent need for policy reform that promotes flexible and inclusive retirement frameworks.  
Current policies are rigidly tied to chronological age, which disadvantages professionals whose intellectual  
productivity remains vibrant beyond the statutory retirement age. While disengagement may be appropriate in  
roles that are physically demanding, such as those in primary and secondary teaching, intellectual roles,  
particularly at the university level, can remain fruitful well past the age of 60. Policymakers should therefore  
consider differentiated retirement policies across the education sector, recognizing that intellectual capital  
matures and deepens with age, whereas physical stamina may decline earlier. Furthermore, policies should  
establish post-retirement engagement platforms, including advisory councils, mentorship schemes, and think  
tanks, as a way of retaining valuable institutional memory. In addition, financial literacy and retirement  
preparedness programs should be integrated into teachers ’professional development, beginning at mid-career,  
to ensure smoother transitions into retirement.  
Secondly, there is need to empower retirees through second-career pathways that build on their professional  
expertise. The study shows that retirees from technical colleges and universities often succeed in reorienting  
their skills into consultancy, training, and entrepreneurship, while their counterparts in primary and secondary  
schools tend to face abrupt disengagement. To correct this imbalance, the Teachers Service Commission (TSC)  
and the Ministry of Education should establish structured transition programs that connect retiring educators  
with opportunities in adult education, community leadership, and consultancy work. Partnerships with the  
private sector and non-governmental organizations could also be leveraged to create spaces where retirees serve  
as mentors, examiners, or trainers in civic and professional education. Retirees should further be encouraged to  
form cooperatives and networks through which they can pool resources, share experiences, and remain  
economically and socially active.  
Thirdly, there are pedagogical implications that call for reframing retirement as transformation rather than  
termination. The prevailing cultural perception that retirement equates to redundancy disproportionately affects  
primary and secondary teachers, many of whom struggle with feelings of loss of relevance. To shift this mindset,  
teacher training colleges and universities should incorporate modules on life-course planning and post-retirement  
engagement into their curricula. Reflexive practices such as journaling, storytelling, and legacy projects could  
also be promoted to help teachers conceptualize retirement as a stage of continued contribution rather than an  
abrupt end. Moreover, professional associations should actively highlight and circulate narratives of successful  
post-retirement careers as a means of countering negative perceptions and inspiring educators approaching  
retirement.  
Additionally, attention must be directed toward institutional support mechanisms to bridge inequalities across  
educational levels. The political economy of aging highlights how disparities in pension schemes and  
institutional support perpetuate inequality, particularly among primary and secondary school teachers.  
Strengthening pension schemes and ensuring that disbursements are timely and predictable would go a long way  
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in preventing post-retirement poverty. Establishing retiree resource centers at county levels would provide  
psychosocial support, financial advice, and networking opportunities for retired educators. Institutions should  
also create incentives for schools to involve retired teachers in mentorship and community education programs,  
thereby extending their professional value and maintaining their sense of purpose.  
Finally, the study recommends ongoing research and monitoring of retirement experiences. Further empirical  
inquiry should systematically track the long-term experiences of retirees across the four educational levels. Such  
research would provide evidence for refining policies and ensuring that interventions remain responsive to  
evolving needs. Longitudinal studies are particularly vital in documenting whether retirees ’continued  
engagement contributes to improved community outcomes, youth mentorship, or institutional resilience.  
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