INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RESEARCH AND INNOVATION IN SOCIAL SCIENCE (IJRISS)  
ISSN No. 2454-6186 | DOI: 10.47772/IJRISS | Volume IX Issue XII December 2025  
African Philosophical Thought Pattern and Conflict Resolution  
Dialectics: A Study of the Anglophone Crisis in Cameroon.  
Wa-Ekosano Josua Modika1, Moses Motapene Obase Mudika2, Mudika Samson Mudika3  
Deptt of political philosophy, Cameroon  
DOI: https://doi.org/10.47772/IJRISS.2025.91200066  
Received: 27 October 2025; Accepted: 03 November 2025; Published: 31 December 2025  
ABSTRACT  
This study aimed to assess the limitations and applicability of Nkrumah’s Philosophical Consciencism in  
addressing the Anglophone crisis in Cameroon, with a focus on its relevance to conflict resolution. The specific  
objectives were to investigate the philosophical foundations of consciencism, analyze its potential in resolving  
the Anglophone crisis, and examine its limitations in this context. The study adopted a descriptive cross-sectional  
design, with a sample size of 132 students from the University of Buea’s Departments of Public Administration,  
History and Political Science. Purposive sampling was employed to ensure that the respondents had relevant  
academic engagement with African philosophical thought. Data were gathered through a structured  
questionnaire that included demographic details and sections focused on each of the study’s objectives, measured  
on a 5-point Likert scale. Descriptive statistics, such as mean counts and standard deviations, were used for  
initial analysis, while multiple linear regressions was employed to explore the relationship between consciencism  
and conflict resolution. Key findings showed that consciencism practical solutions for the crisis were  
insufficient, with most mean scores below 3, except for some aspects related to collective identity. Regression  
analysis indicated significant limitations (β = 0.76, p < 0.05) of consciencism in addressing the Anglophone  
crisis. The study recommends the development of a more context-specific philosophical framework that  
addresses Cameroon’s unique sociopolitical realities.  
Keywords: Nkrumah’s consciencism, Anglophone crisis, conflict resolution, African philosophy, Cameroon.  
INTRODUCTION  
It all started when Nkrumah came back from America and Britain with a rich experience of capitalism.  
Borrowing from Karl Max, Nkrumah saw that capitalism is the origin of inequality and conflict in the society.  
Back at home, he compared the two societies especially as the western countries were imposing their lifestyle  
on the Africans. Nkrumah did not want the situation to continue and so he desired for a change. The change  
began with an appeal to all Africans of good will to reject capitalism, inequality, individualism, imperialism and  
colonialism in all its form and that Africa values (equality and solidarity) should be promoted to the highest level  
so as to solve basic problems in the society (Veronica 2015). At this moment, Nkrumah identified Consciencism  
as a way forward to address some of the ill brought by capitalism, to address some of the day to day conflict  
surrounding man. Consciencism aimed at reawakening the consciences and consciousness of the Africans, whom  
Nkrumah thought had fallen asleep and had allowed the ills of capitalism to control them (Veronica 2015).  
Philosophical Consciencism came in to establish political theory and social practice to promote basic ethical  
principles. It is aimed at the eradication of class stratification, exploitation and class subjection that usually cause  
conflict among people and Societies. It equally aims at eradicating colonialism, imperialism, disunity and many  
other unfriendly atmospheres that hinder the peaceful coexistence and development of a people. To Nkrumah,  
traditional African society is not capitalist but egalitarian and communalistic in nature (Veronica, 2010).  
Originally, men of Africa lived a communalistic life. Everything was for community as a whole. Nothing  
belonged to an individual alone but gradually some people began to claim ownership of private property and  
communalism began to disappear giving, way to capitalism. Thus inequality, slavery, feudalism, exploitation  
and class struggle eventually emerged. Resulting to conflicts, disagreements among African people living in the  
same community, resulting to quarrel and hatred among one and the same people, resulting to division and in  
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some extreme situations violence - like what is currently happening in Cameroon with the Anglophone crises.  
Therefore Nkrumah’s philosophical consciencism advocates that Africans should reject inequality,  
individualism, capitalism and imperialism brought into Africa by European imperialists.  
At that moment, Nkrumah identified three ingredients of Consciencism namely: Traditional African  
Egalitarianism (equality), some positive Euro-Christian values and Islamic values (Agbor, 2001). Nkrumah  
appealed that Africans should go back to their traditional society, which according to him will guarantee equality.  
Originally, African societies had no class distinction, rather there was collectivism where everybody worked  
together and the produce shared equally. For him, this is a way of distributing income in favor of all, aiming at  
reducing tension and disagreement among the African people.  
Once equality is attained (accepted), the next thing is to examine the strength of education. Nkrumah himself  
was well trained and he could see the gap between the traditional Africans and the Western Education. The white  
man came with Christianity in which they preached the love for one another as recorded in the bible (John 15:12,  
Luke 6:31, 1 Corinthian 16:14, Proverb 17:17). However, while they preached love, equality, peace, justice,  
oneness in the Lord, they rather practice hatred, divide and rule system, injustice, exploitation, inequality, force  
labor and individualism. Nkrumah therefore in his Philosophical Consciencism advocated that Africans should  
not only be thought about love, but should try as much as possible to live in love with one another. By this way,  
so many disagreements and misunderstanding among African societies would be handled and solved. Once these  
elements (love, equality, solidarity, peace, justice, oneness and freedom) of Philosophical Consciencism has  
been put in place, Nkrumah conceived what he called “the United States of  
Africa”, which was modeled after the United States of America. This vision of Nkrumah was equally a similar  
vision of Nkrumah’s contemporaries like: the Senegalese Leopold Sedar Senghor who advocated a black man’s  
philosophy of social strength, pride and ultimate liberty of the Africans as seen in his “Negritude” philosophy  
(Jaff, 2009), the Tanzanian Julius Kambarage Nyerere who advocated for sharing, love and mutual  
communication among Africans as seen in his philosophy of Ujama that opts, “one man’s wealth is everybody’s  
wealth” (Agbor, 2001), to a similar vision, the South African Archbishop Desmond Mpilo Tutu advocated in his  
“Ubuntu” philosophy of oneness, love and justice.  
Summarily, once the element of Philosophical Consciencism (Traditional African Egalitarianism, Euro-  
Christian values and Islamic values) are put together, Nkrumah’s dream can be realized by his saying “our  
society is a society with an ideology that can be solidify with a philosophical statement called African  
Socialism”. A statement that later became known as philosophical consciencism. A philosophy that generated  
in the black’s in diaspora, a new kind of self-consciousness that led to the formation of the Pan African Conflict  
resolution experts who are usually not Africans sometimes attempt to resolve conflicts in Africa base on their  
self-interest, varying objectives and western models and this has caused the lack of a sustainable peace conflict  
resolution in the continent (Achankeng I, 2013).  
Statement of the Problem  
The Anglophone Crisis in Cameroon is one of Africa’s most protracted conflicts that seems to have no end,  
marked by escalating violence, deep-seated mistrust and the erosion of social cohesion. Despite the number of  
dialogues that have been organized at the national level or the attempted international meditations that have been  
tried, and how persistent that the military has been, the conflict is still there and its current state of resolution is  
nothing but a misalignment with the major issues of culture, history, and philosophy of Cameroon and Africa.  
The paradigm of conflict resolution that has been applied to the crisis has predominantly been based on the  
Western and the capitalist philosophies. The frameworks that have been prioritized are those of individualism,  
political expediency, and power-sharing which do nothing, more than often, to heal the collective moral injuries  
and the historical grievances of the affected communities. This type of conflict resolution is opposite to the basic  
principles of African philosophy which consider community as the first priority (Ubuntu), being in relation,  
dialectical consensus seeking and restorative justice.  
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As a result, the main problem is not the lack of efforts, but rather the inability to systematically draw upon and  
make use of the indigenous African Philosophical Thoughts Patterns in resolving the crisis. This research seeks  
to investigate how and why the communal and consensus-oriented African Philosophical thought patterns have  
been marginalized, in an attempt to seek an end to the Anglophone crisis and to articulate the practical  
potentialities of these dialectics for achieving a permanent solution.  
Research Questions  
What are Nkrumah’s Consciencism core postulates (i.e. communalism and relational dialectics), and how do  
these postulates align with the socio-historical grievances and resolution needs underpinning the Anglophone  
Crisis? In an attempt to conduct a scientific investigation into this problem, the following research questions are  
used to guide the study:  
(1) What are the foundations of consciencism as espoused by Nkrumah?  
(2) How can African scholars recapture African reality and essence as mechanisms for resolving conflicts in  
Africa?  
(3) What are the shortcomings of African consciencism, and how can such challenges be remedied to ensure  
peace and development in Africa  
Objective of the study  
The main objective of this study is to show the contribution of African philosophical thoughts patterns to conflict  
resolution, using Nkrumah’s philosophy as a case study to help solve intra-state conflicts such as the Anglophone  
Crises in Cameroon.  
Specific objectives  
1. To investigate the foundations of consciencism as espoused by Nkrumah’s Philosophical Consciencism.  
2. To identify African philosophical thought patterns as veritable tools for conflict resolution in Africa.  
3. To examine the shortcomings of Nkrumah’s Philosophical Consciencism to the solving of the Anglophone  
crisis in Cameroon.  
THE CONCEPTUAL REVIEW  
Kwame Nkrumah’s Philosophy of Consciencism  
Consciencism is a philosophy conceived by Kwame Nkrumah on improving the life style of Africans. Nkrumah  
was born at Nkroful in Ghana in 1909 and he died at Bucharest in Romania in 1972 (Veronica, 2010). He was a  
very out spoken African and became president of Ghana after independence in 1957.  
Consciencism as conceived by Kwame Nkrumah was a “revolution in which our thinking and philosophy are  
directed towards the redemption of our society, the emancipation of the African continent and man” (Veronica,  
2010). Consciencism aimed at improving the life style of the African, such that Africans can be able to manage  
themselves and solve their own problems without direct interference from eternal world. To Nkrumah, the  
revolution was a revolution against an old order and it was also a contest for a new order (Nkrumah, 1964). He  
further emphasized that a revolutionary ideology is not merely negative. It is not a mere conceptual refutation of  
a dying social order, but a positive creative theory. As a social revolutionist, Nkrumah was very critical of  
capitalism, neo colonialism, imperialism and other vices of colonialism (Jaff, 2009). To him, capitalism was a  
refined form of feudalism and slavery. But the Traditional African Society is not capitalist, it is communalistic  
and egalitarian (Veronica, 2010). Gradually, some Africans began to claim ownership of private properties and  
communalism began to disappear giving way to capitalism.  
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Philosophical Consciencism therefore, comes in as a way forward to address the changing situation as “the map  
in intellectual terms of the disposition of forces which will enable African societies to digest the Western and  
the Islamic and the Euro-Christian elements in Africa, and develop them in such a way that they fit into the  
African Personality (Eze, 1998). Philosophical Consciencism according to Nkrumah was to re-awaken the  
consciousness of the Africans whom he thought had fallen asleep and allowed the ills of capitalism to control  
them. This thought pattern (Philosophical Consciencism) therefore emphasized that Africans should reject  
Inequality, Individualism, Capitalism and Imperialism brought to Africa by the European Imperialists. Nkrumah  
further illustrated the Western ills with two classes that are found in any given society, namely the capitalists  
(Bourgeoisie) and those who control the means of production (Proletariats) (Jaff, 2009). Liberalism,  
Individualism, Eliticism, Fascism, Colonialism and Neo-Colonialism were the products of the Bourgeoisie  
Ideology.  
According to Philosophical Consciencism, ethical rules are not permanent but depend on the stage reached in  
the historical evolution of a society, so, however, that cardinal principles of egalitarianism are conserved. The  
cardinal ethical principle of Philosophical Consciencism is to treat each man as an end in himself and not merely  
as a means. This is fundamental to all socialist or humanist conceptions of man. It is true Immanuel Kant also  
identified this as a cardinal principal of ethics (Lee & Hord, 1995). David Humme raised the question that ethical  
philosophies begin with statement of fact and suddenly seek to base statements of appraisal thereon, without  
explaining the legitimacy of their inference. If man is basically one, then if action is objectively attentive to this  
fact, it must be guided by principles. Principles that should direct man as a unit (Africans or Europeans) on how  
he should live without external influence (Lee & Hord, 1995). If ethical principles are founded on egalitarianism,  
they must be objective. If ethical principles arise from an egalitarian idea of the nature of man, they must be  
generalizable, for according to such an idea man is basically one, in the sense defined. It is to this no differential  
generalization that expression is given in the command to treat each man as an end in himself, and not merely  
as a means. That is, Philosophical Consciencism, though it has the same cardinal principle of ethics as Kant,  
differs from Kant in founding ethics on a philosophical idea of the nature of man. This is what Kant describes  
as ethics based on anthropology. By anthropology, Kant means any study of the nature of man, and he forbids  
ethics to be based on such a study (Lee & Hord, 1995).  
Conflict Resolution  
Conflict resolution is often confused with a common term “Conflict Resolved”. Conflict resolution is primarily  
not conflict resolved, but agenda setting on peace principles (Ikejiani, 2009). Conflict resolution is both a  
principle and process. In conflict resolution, conflict communication channels open to parties in a conflict,  
conflict resolution systematizes intelligence and strategies on “Do’s” and “Don’ts” to enhance their capacity  
building in favour of bargaining, negotiation, mediation, conciliation and arbitration (Akpuru, 2007).  
Conflict resolution is borne out of the belief that conflict cannot be left alone. It needs to be put under control  
by interacting with the parties to develop common generalization or principles and practices that will return  
cordial relationship against violence (Best, 2007). It applies to every stage of conflict. It has no hard and fast  
rules. So, conflict resolution is specific to a particular conflict case, but the general thrust is to help parties  
develop common norms, rules and regulations on utterance, attitudes, actions and aspirations to allow peace  
reign, rather than for violence to reign.  
It is important to note that there is no readymade conflict resolution for every conflict. It differs from one conflict  
case to the other. Next, parties are the source and beneficiaries of conflict resolution. Parties are primarily helped  
by negotiators and mediators to decide and give consent on how they should; shield swords against violence, put  
their strength under control, reduce tension and promote greater collaboration and cooperation (Ikejiami, 2009).  
Conflict resolution according to Maill (2001) is about how parties to a conflict can move from zero- sum  
destruction patterns of conflict to positive-sum construction outcomes, while conflict transformation is a process  
of engaging with and transforming the relations, the interests, discourses and if necessary, the very constitution  
of society that supports the continuation of violent conflict.  
In the words of Ledrach (1995), conflict transformation must actively envision, include respect, and promote the  
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human and cultural resources from within a given setting.  
Conflict management is basically the use of open and clear dialogue to assist opponents or parties not only to  
have agreements against hostile images or actions, but compliance to agreed resolutions and strategies (Ikejiani,  
2009).  
Communalism  
Islam  
Christianity  
love  
Figure 1: The Summary of Nkrumah’s Philosophical Consciencism  
The Anglophone Crisis in Cameroon (Historical Flash Back Analysis)  
It is not possible to discuss the issues of the Anglophone crisis in Cameroon without discussing the subtle  
interplay of the historical drama that gave birth to it Cameroon’s political complexity is to some extent  
attributable to its bewildering ethnic of social pluralism which claim that more than 136 indefinable ethnic groups  
exist in east Cameroon while at least such groups exist in the west. The dynamics why capital of these  
demographics have in the course of time had a influence on the political destiny of Cameroon. Victor T. Le Vine  
(1971) notes in his introductory chapter of the text “The Cameroon Federal Republic” ‘complexity’ is the key  
word to describe Cameroon’s political and economic configurations. No other African country, save perhaps  
Nigeria, has had such an extra-ordinary varied history of political experiences. It saw three colonial and two  
indirect tutelary powers work their will and influence. Germany, France, Britain, the league of nation and United  
Nations, Nigeria, with which the British Cameroonians were in administrative union, might be added to the list.  
(Le Vine, 1971).  
Prior to this variety of colonial experiences, Cameroon was once a major portion of the famous West African  
Slave Coast. It was only in the 1884 that Cameroon became German protectorate, officially annexed following  
dictates of the Berlin Conference which sliced Africa like a loaf of bread. The annexation of the territory by the  
Germans, witnessed a brief rule of thirty two years from 1884- 1916. They were defeated by the British and the  
French in the First World War during the period when Germany was an administering authority, Cameroon  
became named and called Kamerun following orthography which spelled it with a “K”. The defeat of Germany  
by the combine forces of Britain and France signaled a new Hegemony over this small West African territory. It  
was carefully split into two unequal parts in (1918) as League of nation mandates, where the Western part was  
given to the Britain as an administering authority and the eastern part to France. Thereafter, by further  
metamorphoses, it became two United Nations Trust territories.  
Le Vine (1971) again explains that; World War I brought the Kamerum protectorate to an abrupt end. Between  
1914 and 1916, French, British and Belgium troops, invading Kamerun from several sides, gradually converged  
upon Yaoundé, the administrative capital, forcing the German forces south and into eventual internment in  
Spanish Guinea. Upon the departure of Germans, the British and French created a start-lived condominium over  
the territory that ended in March 1916, when the victors agreed on a provisional partition divided the country  
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into two unequal parts. The British accepted two non-contiguous portions in the west bordering Nigeria that  
amounted to about one- fifth of the territory’s total area. The French took the remainder, after turning to their  
Chad colony territories ceded to Kamerun in 1911. The partitions are confirmed by the Versailles peace treaties  
and in 1922, the two Cameroons became league of nation mandated territories under the respective  
administration of France and the United Kingdom.  
Following this division, the path to different evolution, different out-looks, ways and method of doing things  
systematically matured into cultural differences between the two mandates territories. French Cameroon, under  
French colonial administration was subjected to a strict policy of assimilation. Assimilation was a policy which  
relegated the culture of the black man and upheld the French culture. This cultural debarment from the outset  
oriented and disconnected the people from their cultural roots and has since remained a monumental problem  
because the easiest way to under- develop a people is to alienate them from their cultural roots.  
Anthony Atmore and Micheal Twaddle (editors) in Journal of the Royal African society explain that:  
Two keys motifs of French colonial policy animated the administration of their Cameroon mandate: the politique  
de protectorat as it developed in practice and the economic policy of mise en valeur. The protectorate policy was  
the consequence of a shift in French colonial policy from assimilation (complete integration of indigenous  
peoples into French political, social and economic life) to one association (slow development of the indigenous  
community toward eventual assimilation, with separation of European and African communities, assimilation  
was achieved). In practice, even though that the provided for some minimal participation of Africans in the  
cultural gap between the French and assimilation Africans and the so-called subjects indigenous (native subject)  
this policy openly traded the later from political advancement.  
On the other hand, indirect rule was adopted by the British as its own approach in administering Southern  
Cameroons which was attached to Nigeria in a loose union. This policy ensured some political, economic and  
socio-cultural independence which made the made the people easily mature self- government in 1954. Following  
the demise of the League of Nations in 1946 as a consequence of the Second World War, the two Cameroon  
mandates were converted into trust territories under the United Nations Trusteeship system. By this new  
arrangement both Britain and France under look to honour the political objectives stated in article 76 of the  
United Nations Charter: - progressive development towards self-government or independence.  
The stand of the United Nations towards the decolonization of colonies accelerated the movement towards  
independence in the two Cameroons. British Cameroon became a self-governing state in 1954 with Endeley  
as leader of government business, while French Cameroon gained self- governance in 1958. European  
powers which continued to rule countries in Asia and Africa were forced to examine their traditional colonial  
policies and in many case to revise them. Gardinier, earlier quoted, explains again that, the preamble to the  
constitution of the fourth Republic in France made the following commitment.  
Faithful to her traditional mission, France shall guide the people for whom she has assumed responsibility toward  
freedom to administer themselves and to manage their own affair, democratically; rejecting any system of  
colonization based upon arbitrary power, she shall guarantee to all equal access to public office and the individual  
and collective exercise of the rights and liberties here in above proclaimed or confirmed.  
By some inexplicable variances, French Cameroon which had self-government in 1958, four years after British  
Southern Cameroons, got her independence on the 1st of January 1960 with the name La Republic du Cameroon,  
while British Northern and Southern Cameroons continued to exist as territorial entities with defined boundaries.  
However, by a Plebiscite organized of situations, rather than give the territories concerned independence, they  
were asked to achieve independence by their joining La Republic Du Cameroon of the Federal Republic of  
Nigeria; a situation that has become known as the UN famous two options.  
These two options were proposals that were put forth to the people of these two regions by the United Nations  
on the 11th of February 1961. The outcome of this exercise was that, northern Cameroon opted to join the federal  
Republic of Nigeria, while the southern Cameroon opted to join La Republic du Cameroon. By voting to join  
French Cameroon which was already independence, southern Cameroon gained independence because of the  
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clause of joining takes second place to independence. One of the fundamental reasons that has been advanced  
for the union between Southern Cameroon and La Republic du Cameroon according to Victor Julius Ngoh is  
that:  
The union was on the assurance made by the prime minister John Ngu Foncha, who before the plebiscite vote  
had issued a statement in June 1960 guaranteeing that in the event of the people of southern Cameroon voting  
the unification with la Republic Du Cameroon, the two states would function as autonomous entities, with equal  
states in the Federal union, which explains the reason why southern Cameroonians decided to join East, with the  
need to unify on a federal basis adaptable to conditions peculiar to all sections of Cameroon.  
Ahidjo reassured southern Cameroonians that a united Cameroon would not join the French community and that  
there was no possibility for Cameroon to renounce her total independence and Integrate with any other  
community”. His speeches appealed too many who had different opinions on the independence of the southern  
Cameroons. Foncha was overwhelmed with joy to receive Ahidjo in Buea. In this regard, he declared that given  
the time and the opportunity, a united Cameroon could be transformed into a paradise in Africa. (Ngah, 2010:66).  
Many historians have noted that the union of southern Cameroon’s became clearly achievable only when in  
January 1959; the general election in southern Cameroons became dramatic and resulted in the defeat of Dr.  
Endeley’s coalition and a narrow victory for the party led by John N. Foncha, who had campaigned on the  
platform of unification of the two Cameroons. Foncha thus succeeded Dr. Endeley, as the premier in a smooth  
democratic transition. With the coming of Foncha as premier under the platform of the KNDP party and his  
unification agenda, the road to a one Cameroon became visible open.  
Hence, in May 1959, the united nation assembly at the end of a special „Cameroon session‟ recommended that  
separate plebiscites be held in northern and southern Cameroon their respective political futures. As a follow up,  
a constitutional conference was held in Foumban in July 1961 for the French Cameroon and British Cameroon  
to put in place final arrangements. The southern Cameroon delegation to the conference was led by john Ngu  
Foncha and from 17th- 21st July 1961, the political destiny of the two Cameroons was sealed up in a Federal  
Republic as a way to preserve the bicultural and bi-jural nature of the new republic.  
Ahidjo in company with French experts led the delegation from east Cameroon to the Foumban talks. This  
political experiment went down into history as the Foumban accord; Foumban, therefor, by every stretch of  
reasoning, remains the foundational building-block on which swings the political future of Cameroon. The  
Foumban accord, in the main, served as the first constitution of the federal republic as narrated by Ngoh (2004)  
thus:  
The Foumban conference began on 17th July and ended 21st July, 1961. Foncha led the delegates from southern  
Cameroons while Ahidjo led that of the republic of Cameroon. Ahidjo, in his opening speech remarked that  
during his talks with Foncha, they agreed on a federal frame work because linguistics, administrative and  
economic difference do not permit us to envisage seriously and reasonable a state of the unitary or centralized  
type. To Ahidjo, a federal structure was the only one that suited Cameroon’s situation at the time and explains  
why he wanted a close coming together in order to avoid all that may hinder the growth and development of the  
new Cameroon state. Foncha, in his response said that had proposed a form of government that will keep the  
two cultural in the areas where they now operate and to blend them in the center.  
Again, in a pre-plebiscite communiqué defining the general constitution position of the southern Cameroons in  
the event of it electing to become part of the republic of Cameroon, LE Vine (1971) submits that, Foncha and  
Ahidjo both signed the communique on October 1960 which sought to preserve the bijural nature of the new  
state in view, by mutual acceptance of both parties that, certain federal laws will only be enacted in such a way  
that too measures contrary to the interest of the state will be impose upon it by the majority.  
It is important to know that the agreements reached at Foumban between east and west laid emphasis on the  
federal character of the union and moreover, equal parties with no majority rule over the minority. This indeed,  
was the gentleman agreement that obtained amongst all the irregularities that held sway in the deliberations.  
Even though at the nascent beginning, Ahidjo and Foncha had fundamental view differences on the character of  
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the federal structure to put in place. While Foncha was in support of a loose federation with powers given to the  
states of the union, Ahidjo stood for a centralized federation wherein the president will wield more political  
powers.  
In the Federal Union, Article 47 clause 3 of the constitution provided that any contemplated revision of the  
constitution shall be adopted by a simple majority which provided that such majority includes a majority of the  
representatives of the federal assembly of each of the Federal states. Scholars have argued that the federal  
structure was a mere camouflage used by Ahidjo to cajole Foncha. It was the constitution of La Republique du  
Cameroon which was voted by the East Cameroon house of assembly in 1960. Ahidjo simply replaced segments  
of the constitution with the tag ‘federal’. The union of the two states failed to come out with a constitution that  
reflects the specific peculiarities of the new nation and so it was bound to fail.  
The union between the two Cameroons formed a federation which took existence on the 1st of October 1961 as  
a Federal United Republic of Cameroon with three different assemblies (The West Cameroon Assembly, the  
East and Federal assemblies and one house of chiefs, tow legal systems embedded in the common law and the  
Napoleonic laws (Public law) for French Cameroon and two administrative and educational systems.  
At the end of September 1966, Ahmadou Ahidjo started dismantling the structure put in place at Foumban. He  
waded into the political arena and convinced all the leaders of the respective political parties to sink differences  
and merge into one political party called Cameroon national union with Ahidjo as president of the party. He  
got his way through sealed up the once vibrant political climate of Southern Cameroon and an end to multiparty  
democracy in Cameroon.  
It then opened the way for a one party state which had no observable difference between party and state  
governance, and all clustered around one party with full blown intrigues of back stabbing to gain positions in  
the party. To cement this unitary position held jealously by Ahidjo, he after driving a nail into the coffin of  
multiparty politics, moved steadily to again convince the people that, running a federation was too expensive for  
a young economy like Cameroon to manage and finance and stresses on the duplication of efforts of the various  
assemblies which help drain the states meager resources that would have been preserved for the development of  
the country.  
On this note, with little or no after-thought of the grave consequences of his action to Southern Cameroon that  
came into the union on that platform, Ahidjo won another well stage-managed coup and on May 20th, 1972,  
through a referendum abrogated the Federal Structure and replaced it with a unitary structure.  
In his article „Dismantling the Federal system‟ Ngoh (2004:144) pointed out that the Cameroon federation was,  
according to Ahidjo too expensive for Cameroon. Cameroonians, in his view had to bear the burden of financing  
four assemblies, namely: The Federal Assembly, the East Cameroon Assembly, the West Cameroon Assembly  
and the West Cameroon House of Chiefs.  
The Cameroon people also had to finance three governance, namely: The Federal, East and West Cameroon  
Governments. The corollary was the expensive duplication of services. The end was that the cost of maintaining  
the Federal system drained the country’s coffers of billions of francs CFA, which Ahidjo argued could be more  
properly used for the economic, cultural and social development of the entire country.  
The abolition of Southern Cameroon structures of governance which were part of their political and socio-  
cultural life has left them with a void in the throes of a gradual process of assimilation and French unification of  
their daily lives. The referendum witnessed a 99.9% vote and was instrumental in transforming Cameroon from  
a Federal Cameroon to a United Republic of Cameroon. From this point, it became clear that the centre could  
no longer hold, having put an axe on the very foundation that sustained the union. Elsewhere in Che Tita (1993)  
Carlson Anyangwe, one of the English speaking Cameroon‟s scholar submits that, the abolition of the Federal  
administration and the introduction of a unitary state following the events of the 1972 referendum sealed  
the fate of Southern Cameroon forever as a people. These are the root causes of loss of identity of Anglophones  
in the union and which led to their systematic alienation from public space.  
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After the referendum, a history of political dominance, subjugation, colonization, neo-colonialism, power and  
marginality tussle became the stock-in-trade of the Anglophone Cameroonian in the national equation. With the  
confiscation of the identity of the Southern Cameroonian in 1972, just eleven years into the union with French  
Cameroon, complete alienation and discrimination set in. sensitive ministerial positions and other important state  
functions became the exclusive preserve for Francophone.  
The Presidential Degree of Ministerial Appointment in Cameroon number 2002/17 of August 24, signaled a  
disgusting mockery of the extent of Anglophone marginalization in Cameroon. It is on record that out of the  
fifty-three Minsters, there were thirty with portfolios, and only two of the Anglophone Minsters had portfolios.  
A very clear and ominous signal of serious department from the Foumban. Accord and a clear disregard of the  
Federal structure and the Federal Constitution.  
Anglophones are therefore left to play second fiddle to their Francophone counterparts. While the Francophones  
are jealously preserving and protecting their inherited legacy, that of the Anglophones, with its own intrinsic  
features and mechanisms have been swept overboard.  
The reasons for illuminating on history stems from the simple fact that, the dislocations that have created identify  
problems in post-colonial Cameroon are traceable to history. Hence, the Anglophone Cameroonian creative  
writer in general and Bate Besong in particular have used history in earnest, as active ingredients in their writings.  
Since 1961 till date, the Anglophones Cameroonians identity problem has become yoked in all aspects of  
national life with an ascending tempo that nurtures divisiveness, even hatred. Hilarious Ambe, in „Landscaping  
Cameroon Anglophone social‟ submits that:  
The library orientation of the Anglophone Cameroon writer/ dramatist sprouts from his close scrutiny and  
consideration of the past and present socio-political, historical and economic landscapes. It is a landscape, which  
essentially depicts scars of colonial, neocolonial and ‘brotherly’ political domination, economic exploitation,  
political manipulation, social disruptions and extreme political barbarism. It is against such a background that  
the Anglophone Cameroon writer/dramatist launces his crusade with the hope of accurately reinterpreting the  
meandering images and in the process offers a realistic picture of the nature of their being.  
The coming of President Paul Biya in 1982 simply truncated the Anglophone problem in the Francophone-  
Anglophone equation which has been interpreted by many as a faith accompli. Barely two years in office, had  
President Biya, by law No 84/0001 of February 4th 1984, changed the appellation, United Republic of Cameroon  
to La Republique du Cameroon, which was the original name that French Cameroon had at independence. This  
is the turning point in the union of the two Cameroons that signaled the secession of French Cameroon from  
British Southern Cameroon but holding them hostage in a nullified union, by military might. It is a modern day  
annexation of a people caught in a growing identity crisis. The Anglophone crisis up till date remains a  
cankerworm that needs urgent and careful follow up.  
THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK  
The theoretical framework explains theories which are relevant to a particular research. A theory is a system of  
interconnected ideas that condense and organize knowledge about the world (Gupta, 2013). Thus three theories  
have been used to support argument in the work. Namely; Ubuntu Philosophy Theory, Kwesi Wiredu’s Moral  
Theory of Decolonization and the Frustration –Anger-Aggression Theory.  
Ubuntu Philosophy Theory  
Ubuntu is a “nguni bantu” name meaning “humanity”. It is also translated as “humanity towards others”, but it  
is often used in a more philosophical sense to mean “the belief in a universal bond of sharing that connects all  
humanity” (Eze, 2008), a philosophy similar to consciencism and Ujamaa. The term “ubuntu” appears in South  
African sources from as early as the mid-19th century. Reported translations covered the semantic field of  
“human nature, humanness, virtue, goodness, kindness”. In Southern Africa, it has come to be used as a term for  
a kind of humanist philosophy, ethnic or ideology, also known as “Ubuntism” propagated in the Africanisation  
(transition to majority role) during the 1980s and 1990s. Since the transition to democracy In South Africa with  
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Nelson Mandela presidency in 1994, the term has become more widely known outside of Southern Africa,  
notably popularized to English –Language readers through the Ubuntu theology of Desmond Tutu (Tutu, 2013).  
Tutu was the chairmen of the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), and many have argued  
that Ubuntu was a formative influence on the TRC. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission believed in the  
philosophy of Ubuntu because they believed that Ubuntu was going to help to reform and reconnect the already  
broken country of South Africa. It was believed that, Ubuntu will help restore peace in South Africa and unite  
the South Africans.  
According to Michael Onyebuchi Eze, the core of Ubuntu can best be summarized as follows: “A person is a  
person through other people, strikes an affirmation of one’s humanity through recognition of an “other” in his  
or her uniqueness and difference. It is a demand for a creative inters subjective formation in which the “other”  
becomes a mirror (but only a mirror) for my subjectivity. This idealism suggests to us that humanity is not  
embedded in my person solely as an individual; my humanity is co-substantively bestowed upon the other and  
me. Humanity is a quality we owe to each other. We create each other, we participate in our creative; we are  
because you are, and since you are, definitely I am. The “I am” is not rigid subject, but a dynamic self-  
constitution dependent on this otherness creation of relation and distance” “Eze, 2008”.  
Reflecting on this ideology and philosophy of Ubuntu according to the writings of Michael Onyebuchi Eze, in  
relation to conflict resolution in the South West Region of Cameroon, one may say that there should be sincere  
warmth with which people treat both strangers and members of the South West Community (Manyu people,  
Oroko, Bangwa, Bakossi, Bafaw, Mokwe or people of other tribes such as Bamileke, Bulu, Meta, Ewondo, Bali,  
Ibo people of Nigeria, and others living in the South West Region). The overt display of warmth is not merely  
aesthetic but enable formation of spontaneous communities (that is to mean formation of smaller communities  
in the South West Region build on love, oneness, generosity, goodness, peace). The resultant collaborative work  
within these spontaneous communities transcends the aesthetics and gives functional significance to the value  
of warmth. For instance, how else are we people living in South West (irrespective of our various cultural  
identities and affiliations) ask for peace among our various family and community units, ask for assistance from  
ourselves in the ongoing sociopolitical crisis, if the warmth that should unite us is absent? Warmth is not the  
sine qua non of community formation but guards against instrumentalist relationships.  
Ubuntu being a concept of political philosophy has aspects of socialism. It promotes the redistribution of wealth  
in order to avoid and rescue conflict. For this is similar to redistribute policies in liberalism. African intellectual  
historians like Michael Onyebuchi Eze have argued however that this idea of “collective responsibility” must  
not be understood as absolute in which the community’s good is prior to the individual’s good. On this view,  
Ubuntu argued and supported that it is a kind of Communitarian African Socialism and philosophy that is widely  
differentiated from the Western notion of Communitarian Socialism. In fact, Ubuntu induces an ideal of shared  
human subjectivity that promotes a community’s good through an unconditional recognition and appreciation of  
individual uniqueness and difference.  
Audrey Tang, suggested that Ubuntu, “implies that everyone has different skills and strengths, people are not  
isolated, through mutual support they can help each other to complete themselves”. (Tang, 2015).  
Archbishop Desmond Tutu offered a definition of Ubuntu as; “A person with Ubuntu is open and available to  
others, affirming of others, does not feel threatened that others are able and good, based from a proper self-  
assurance that comes from knowing that he or she belongs in a greater whole and is diminished when others are  
humiliated or diminished, when others are tortured or oppressed.” (Tutu, 1999)  
Within the context of Conflict Resolution, the Ubuntu Philosophy as similar to the ideas of Nkrumah’s  
Consciencism, Senghor’s Negritude and Nyerere’s Ujama’a, speaks particularly about the fact that you can’t  
exist as a human being in isolation. It speaks about our interconnectedness as a community, a kind of positive  
socialism – what I have belongs to you, what you have belongs to me, what we have belongs to us and the  
community. The implication of this is that, it helps bring people together, both disgruntle, conflicting and non-  
conflicting parties together. It helps improve the sense of belonging and love among members, it equally helps  
to reawaken people to be one another’s keeper.  
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Summarily, Ubuntu Philosophy enhances the philosophies and ideologies of Consciencism, Negritude and  
Ujama’a in several ways; first it advocates for brotherly and sisterly love among family and community  
members; second, it advocates socialism, a concept so much seen and championed by the other of philosophies.  
Thirdly, it advocate for decolonization of the African territories, Egalitarianism among Africans and the  
elimination of social class in an African community (Eze, 2008) summarized Ubuntu philosophy as thus:  
“Ubuntu aims at eradicating the Ideology of Vengeance by substituting it with forgiveness, it aims at dictating a  
high value placed on the life of a human being; it is inextricably linked to the values place a high premium on  
dignity, compassion, humanness and respect for humanity by another; dictates a shift from confrontation to  
meditation, negotiation and reconciliation, dictates good attitudes and shared concerns, favours the re-  
establishment of harmony in the relationship between community members, and that such harmony should  
restore the dignity of the plaintiff without ruining the defendant, favours restorative rather than retributive  
justice, operates in a direction favouring reconciliation rather than estrangement of disputants, promotes mutual  
understanding rather than punishment, favours face-to-face encounters of disputants with a view to facilitating  
differences being resolved rather than conflict and victory for the most powerful, favours, civility and civilized  
dialogue promised on mutual tolerance” (Eze, 2008).  
Mutual Understanding through Dialogue – Mediation,  
Negotiation, Conciliation etc.  
Humanity  
Socialism  
Love  
Below diagrammatical sketch of Ubuntu Philosophy with regards to the idea of Conflict Resolution:  
Figure 2: Ubuntu Philosophy on Conflict Resolution  
Source: Author’s computation, 2024  
Kwesi Wiredu’s Moral Theory of Decolonization  
Kwesi Wiredu, a prominent Ghanaian philosopher, developed a moral theory that emphasizes the importance of  
decolonizing African thought and adopting indigenous moral values. Here are some key aspects of his moral  
theory:  
Conceptual Decolonization: Wiredu advocated for the re-examination of African epistemic formations to remove  
unsavory aspects of tribal culture and dislodge unnecessary Western epistemologies1. This process aims to create  
a more viable and authentic African philosophical practice.  
Consensus as a Moral Principle: Wiredu’s theory emphasizes the importance of consensus in moral decision-  
making. He believed that dialogue and mutual understanding are crucial for resolving conflicts and achieving  
moral harmony2.  
Humanistic Orientation: Wiredu argued that traditional Akan (African) ethics is humanistic in orientation,  
meaning that human welfare, rather than the will of God, is the basis of morality3. This perspective promotes  
the idea that moral values should be grounded in human reason and the well-being of the community.  
Indigenous Moral Values: Wiredu’s moral theory calls for the adoption of indigenous African moral values to  
address the moral crises in African societies. He believed that the uncritical adoption of Western value systems  
has led to a cultural flux and moral confusion.  
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Wiredu’s moral theory provides a framework for integrating African philosophical thought patterns into conflict  
resolution and promoting a more culturally relevant approach to moral decision-making. If you have any more  
questions or need further details, feel free to ask!  
Frustration-Anger-Aggression  
This is a psychological hypothesis of conflict that it is natural for man to react to unpleasant situations. The  
hypothesis is draw from the frustration-aggression theory propounded by Dollard and Doob, et al (1939), and  
further developed by Miller (1948) and Berkowitz (1969). The theory says that aggression is the result of  
blocking, or frustrating, a person’s efforts to attain a goal.  
Frustration is described as the feeling we get when we do not get what we want, or when something interferes  
with our gaining a desired goal, as shown in the case of Niger Delta, and that of the Palestinians or Hutus in  
Rwanda or the Anglophones in Cameroon. Anger implies feeling mad in response to frustration or injury; while  
aggression refers to flashes of temper (Tucker-Lad, 2013). The frustration aggression theory states that  
aggression is caused by frustration. When someone is prevented from reaching his target, he becomes frustrated.  
This frustration can then turn into anger and then aggression when something triggers it.  
When expectation fails to meet attainment, the tendency is for people to confront others they can hold responsible  
for frustrating their ambitions or someone on whom they can take out their frustrations. And when aggression  
cannot be expressed against the real source of frustration, displaced hostilities can be targeted to substitute  
objects, that is, aggression is transferred to alternate objects.  
The Empirical Review  
The empirical review attempts to discuss various studies on the African philosophical thought pattern and  
conflict resolution dialectics.  
Philosophy and Ideology for Decolonization and Development with Particular Reference to the African  
Revolution (1964), posits a synthesis of traditional African communalism, Islamic thought, and Euro-Christian  
influences to forge a unique African identity and guide post-colonial development. The core tenet of  
consciencism relevant to conflict resolution is its emphasis on a dialectical materialism that seeks to resolve  
contradictions arising from colonial legacies and neo-colonial structures, ultimately aiming for a unified,  
egalitarian society. This framework suggests that conflict, such as the Anglophone Crisis, arises from  
unresolved historical contradictions and the failure to fully decolonize both political and intellectual spheres  
(Nkrumah, K. 1964).  
In the context of the Anglophone Crisis, the conflict stems from historical grievances related to the perceived  
marginalization and assimilation of the Anglophone minority within a predominantly Francophone state.  
Traditional African philosophical thought, often characterized by principles of communalism, consensus-  
building, and restorative justice, offers alternative approaches to conflict resolution that diverge from purely  
Western adversarial models. For instance, the concept of ubuntu, prevalent in many Southern African  
philosophies, emphasizes interconnectedness and humanity, suggesting that a resolution should aim at restoring  
social harmony rather than simply punishing offenders. While ubuntu is not directly from West Africa, its  
underlying principles of community and reconciliation resonate with broader African philosophical traditions  
that could inform conflict resolution in Cameroon.  
Empirical evidence for the application of these philosophical patterns in the Anglophone Crisis is often found in  
the absence of their successful implementation, leading to protracted conflict. The failure of dialogue, the  
perceived imposition of solutions, and the lack of genuine reconciliation efforts can be interpreted as a departure  
from the consensual and restorative ideals found in many African philosophical traditions (Eyong, C. T. 2018).  
For example, the initial responses to the crisis, characterized by state repression and a lack of inclusive dialogue,  
can be seen as antithetical to the conscientist ideal of resolving contradictions through a synthesis of diverse  
elements.  
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Furthermore, the "thought pattern" of the Anglophone community, rooted in a distinct legal and educational  
heritage, represents a cultural and intellectual contradiction that consciencism would seek to integrate rather than  
suppress. The demand for federalism or even secession by some Anglophone groups can be understood as a  
manifestation of this unresolved contradiction, where a unified national identity, as envisioned by consciencism,  
has not been successfully forged through a genuine synthesis of its constituent parts (Chem-Langhëë, B. 2004).  
Numerous studies have explored traditional African conflict resolution mechanisms, highlighting their emphasis  
on reconciliation, communal harmony, and restorative justice. These mechanisms often involve elders,  
community leaders, and a focus on repairing relationships rather than solely punishing offenders. For instance,  
research in Uganda on the mato oput system among the Acholi people demonstrates a process of truth-telling,  
apology, and compensation aimed at restoring social equilibrium after conflict (Levan, C. A. (2012). Similarly,  
studies in Rwanda on the Gacaca courts, while a post-genocide innovation, drew inspiration from traditional  
community-based justice systems to address mass atrocities and foster reconciliation (Ingelaere, B. (2011)  
.These examples illustrate the practical application of African philosophical underpinnings  
such  
as Ubuntu (humanity towards others) in resolving disputes. While not directly referencing Consciencism, these  
practices align with its spirit of communal solidarity and self-determination.  
While Nkrumah's Consciencism was primarily formulated in the context of decolonization, its principles of self-  
reliance, cultural affirmation, and the synthesis of diverse influences remain relevant for contemporary African  
challenges, including conflict resolution. Scholars like Kwasi Wiredu have further developed ideas of conceptual  
decolonization, advocating for the use of African philosophical resources to address modern problems. In the  
context of conflict, this would involve critically examining how Western models of conflict resolution might  
perpetuate existing power imbalances or fail to address the unique cultural and historical contexts of African  
conflicts. Consciencism, in this sense, provides a philosophical lens through which to develop conflict resolution  
strategies that are authentically African and promote genuine liberation and development (Wiredu, K. 1996).  
The intersection of African philosophical thought patterns and conflict resolution dialectics in various African  
countries has been a rich area of study, with numerous empirical investigations highlighting indigenous  
approaches to peace building. These studies often emphasize the communal, holistic, and restorative aspects  
embedded within African worldviews.  
One significant area of research focuses on Ubuntu philosophy and its application in conflict resolution. Ubuntu,  
often translated as "I am because we are," emphasizes interconnectedness, compassion, and human dignity. In  
South Africa, for instance, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) drew heavily on Ubuntu principles,  
aiming for restorative justice rather than purely punitive measures. A study by Tutu (1999) extensively details  
how the TRC's processes, including public hearings and victim-offender dialogues, were informed by the spirit  
of Ubuntu, seeking to heal societal wounds and foster reconciliation rather than retribution. Similarly, in  
Rwanda, post-genocide reconciliation efforts have explored traditional Gacaca courts, which, while facing  
challenges, aimed to restore social harmony through community-based justice, reflecting elements of Ubuntu's  
emphasis on communal well-being and reintegration.  
Another prominent philosophical framework is consensus-building, deeply rooted in many African societies.  
This approach prioritizes dialogue, deliberation, and the achievement of collective agreement over adversarial  
decision-making. In Ghana, the Akan concept of sankofa, meaning "go back and get it," encourages learning  
from the past to build a better future, often applied in conflict mediation to understand root causes and prevent  
recurrence. Gyekye (1996) elaborates on the Akan philosophical system, highlighting the importance of  
communal participation and consensus in maintaining social order and resolving disputes. Empirical studies in  
various West African communities, such as those in Mali and Burkina Faso, have documented the effectiveness  
of traditional councils of elders in mediating land disputes and inter-communal conflicts through extensive  
dialogue and consensus-seeking processes, often leading to sustainable peace agreements.  
The role of elders and traditional institutions in conflict resolution is another critical aspect. In many African  
societies, elders are revered for their wisdom, experience, and moral authority, making them central figures in  
mediating disputes. A study by Zartman (2000) on conflict resolution in Africa underscores the enduring  
relevance of traditional mechanisms, including the role of elders, in de-escalating tensions and facilitating  
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peaceful settlements, particularly in local and regional conflicts. For example, in Kenya, the  
Maasai enkiguana (council of elders) plays a vital role in resolving conflicts ranging from cattle rustling to  
marital disputes, emphasizing reconciliation and compensation over punishment. A research paper by Mbiti  
(1969) on African religions and philosophy provides a foundational understanding of the spiritual and social  
authority vested in elders within many African communities, which underpins their role in conflict resolution.  
Furthermore, the concept of restorative justice is deeply embedded in many African philosophical traditions,  
contrasting with purely retributive Western legal systems. This approach focuses on repairing harm, restoring  
relationships, and reintegrating offenders into the community. In Uganda, the Acholi traditional justice  
system, Mato Oput, involves rituals of reconciliation and compensation, aiming to restore harmony between  
conflicting parties and their communities. Galtung (1990), in his work on peace and conflict studies,  
acknowledges the efficacy of indigenous conflict resolution mechanisms that prioritize healing and restoration  
over punishment, a principle evident in many African practices. A study by Okello (2006) on post-conflict justice  
in Northern Uganda details how Mato Oput has been utilized to address the aftermath of prolonged conflict,  
emphasizing its restorative potential despite challenges in its implementation in a modern context.  
Finally, the holistic view of well-being in African philosophy often links conflict resolution to spiritual, social,  
and environmental harmony. Conflicts are not merely seen as legal transgressions but as disruptions to the  
cosmic order and communal balance. This perspective often incorporates spiritual rituals, sacrifices, and  
blessings as part of the reconciliation process. For instance, among the Yoruba of Nigeria, traditional conflict  
resolution often involves appeasing deities and ancestors to restore balance and prevent future calamities. A  
publication by Soyinka (1976) on African mythology and the worldview provides insights into the intricate  
relationship between the spiritual and the social in Yoruba thought, which influences their approach to conflict.  
These empirical studies collectively demonstrate that African philosophical thought patterns offer robust and  
contextually relevant frameworks for understanding and resolving conflicts, often prioritizing communal well-  
being, dialogue, and restoration over individualistic and punitive approaches.  
METHODOLOGY  
A descriptive cross-sectional survey design was employed in this study to explore the perceptions of students in  
Philosophy, Political Science and History at the University of Buea regarding Nkrumah's Consciencism and its  
application to conflict resolution, particularly in the context of the Anglophone crisis. The study was conducted  
at the University of Buea, situated in the Southwest Region of Cameroon. , One of the two Anglophone regions  
at the epicenter of the ongoing crisis in Cameroon. The University of Buea was specifically selected as the study  
area due to its prominence as a leading higher education institution in the region with faculties and departments  
that are particularly engaged in African Philosophy and political thought, hence providing a relevant avenue for  
exploring solutions to the Anglophone crisis political, and philosophical discourse.  
The study population comprised 200 students from the Philosophy, Political Science, and the History  
departments at the University of Buea. These students were chosen due to their active academic involvement in  
African philosophical and political thought, specifically about Nkrumah’s Consciencism. Their academic  
background and exposure to such critical ideologies positioned them as suitable respondents for this research,  
enabling the collection of well-informed insights and opinions regarding the applicability of Nkrumah’s ideas to  
resolving the Anglophone crisis in Cameroon. This selection ensured that the study drew from individuals deeply  
engaged in the subject matter  
Given the practical limitations of surveying the entire population, a sample size of 132 participants was selected  
using Krejcie and Morgan’s Table for determining sample sizes from finite populations. This table provided a  
reliable framework for selecting an appropriate sample size that balances accuracy with feasibility. The choice  
of 132 participant’s ensured representativeness, allowing for robust statistical analysis, while also accounting  
for potential non-responses. This approach ensured that the sample was sufficient to draw meaningful  
conclusions without overwhelming the resources available for the study.  
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Data was collected through the primary and secondary sources. Data was collected through the primary sources  
using a structured questionnaire, divided into four sections. Data was collected through the secondary sources  
using books, journal articles, conference papers, and published reports. These materials provided essential  
background information on Nkrumah's Consciencism, its foundations, and its relevance in contemporary African  
political thought. Data were analyzed using the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences. The descriptive  
statistic and the inferential statistics (multi linear regression) were used to summarize participant’s demography  
and to study the test hypothesis.  
The reliability and the content validty was done by the review of experts in Political sciences, History and  
Conflict Resolution. A pilot study was conducted using 20 participants and the consistency of the instrument  
was confirmed using Cronbach’s Alpha with a score of with a score of 0.70 or higher.  
The ethical consideration was done by assuring participants that their involvement was voluntary, and they had  
the right to withdraw at any point without any consequences. Confidentiality was rigorously maintained, with  
all responses anonymized to protect the identities of the participants.  
Non-maleficence was another guiding principle, ensuring that no harm, psychological or otherwise, would come  
to participants during the course of the study. Steps were taken to create a safe and respectful environment for  
the participants to share their opinions and views. In addition to these, respect for autonomy was upheld by  
allowing participants the freedom to choose whether or not to answer certain questions, fostering a sense of  
control and comfort.  
RESULTS  
After the analysis of objective one, it suggested the significant philosophical relevance of consciencism in  
addressing socio-political crisis, since it is grounded in the principles of decolonization, unity and the push for  
a one African identity. The principles were identified by respondents to be an effective tool in harnessing  
historical reconciliation. Hence, the findings revealed the philosophical soundness of consciencism in promoting  
unity, decolonization and defeating historical divisions. Objective two suggested that the philosophy has the  
potential to foster unity and addressing sociopolitical inequalities. Nkrumah's emphasis on collective identity  
and decolonization aligned with the need for national unity in a country fractured by historical divisions between  
Anglophone and Francophone regions. This suggested that African philosophical frameworks like Consciencism  
could play a critical role in reimagining a more inclusive national identity, one that transcends colonial legacies  
and addresses the underlying causes of conflict. The analysis of objective three suggested that while Nkrumah's  
theory provides a solid framework for addressing post-colonial unity and a collective identity, it might not be  
adaptable enough to take into account various political and cultural goals within a single state, such as the  
Anglophone crisis which is related to minority representation, marginalization and historical grievances.  
Gender Distribution of the Respondents  
47.0%  
53.0%  
Male  
Female  
Figure 3: Gender Distribution of the Respondents  
Source: Field survey, 2025  
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Age Distribution of the Respondents  
45.50%  
50.00%  
45.00%  
40.00%  
35.00%  
30.00%  
25.00%  
20.00%  
15.00%  
10.00%  
5.00%  
34.10%  
13.60%  
4.50%  
2.30%  
0.00%  
18-25  
26-35  
36-45  
46-55  
56 and above  
Figure 4: Age Distribution of the Respondents  
Source: Field survey, 2025  
Level of Education of the Respondents  
9.10%  
Postgraduate  
Graduate  
22.70%  
68.20%  
Undergraduate  
0.00%  
10.00%  
20.00%  
30.00%  
40.00%  
50.00%  
60.00%  
70.00%  
Figure 5: Level of Education of the Respondents  
Source: Field survey, 2025  
Table 1: Foundations of Consciencism as Espoused by Nkrumah  
Survey items  
N
Mean  
Std. D  
0.89  
Nkrumah's consciencism effectively addresses social justice issues.  
The principles of consciencism promote national unity in Africa.  
Nkrumah's philosophy is relevant in contemporary African politics.  
Consciencism provides a solid foundation for African identity.  
132  
132  
132  
132  
4.38  
4.32  
3.62  
3.79  
0.91  
1.10  
1.08  
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Consciencism blends African traditions with Western ideas to create a 132  
unique African philosophy.  
4.25  
4.40  
0.88  
0.85  
Nkrumah's Consciencism provides a strong foundation for African 132  
liberation.  
Nkrumah's consciencism effectively addresses social justice issues.  
132  
4.38  
0.89  
Average Mean  
132  
4.13  
0.952  
Source; Field work, 2025  
Table 1 presented an analysis of respondents' perceptions regarding the foundations of Nkrumah's consciencism,  
reflecting a generally positive outlook on its applicability and relevance in addressing critical social and political  
issues in contemporary Africa.  
Table 2: African philosophical thought patterns, particularly Nkrumah's Consciencism as Tools for the  
Resolution of the Anglophone Crisis  
Survey items  
N
Mean  
Std. D  
Nkrumah's Consciencism provides a relevant framework for addressing the 132  
historical roots of the Anglophone crisis.  
4.20  
0.85  
African philosophical thought patterns can offer sustainable solutions to the 132  
cultural tensions within the crisis.  
4.10  
4.25  
4.30  
4.15  
4.35  
4.20  
4.23  
0.90  
0.80  
0.87  
0.88  
0.82  
0.85  
0.853  
The principles of Consciencism can foster unity and cooperation between 132  
Anglophone and Francophone communities.  
Applying Nkrumah's philosophy will help to address socio-political 132  
inequalities contributing to the Anglophone crisis.  
African philosophies, like Consciencism, can enhance reconciliation 132  
efforts between conflicting parties.  
The ideas in Consciencism are adaptable to contemporary conflicts like the 132  
Anglophone crisis in Cameroon.  
Nkrumah's Consciencism provides a relevant framework for addressing the 132  
historical roots of the Anglophone crisis.  
Average Mean  
132  
Source: Field survey, 2025  
Table 2 above presented a compelling overview of the perception of Nkrumah's Consciencism and African  
philosophical thought patterns as potential tools for resolving the Anglophone crisis in Cameroon  
Table 3: Shortcomings of Nkrumah’s Philosophical Consciencism in solving the Anglophone crisis in Cameroon  
Survey items  
N
Mean  
Std. D  
RII  
Nkrumah's consciencism fails to address specific regional issues 132  
in Cameroon.  
2.80  
1.10  
0.56  
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The  
philosophy  
lacks  
practical  
solutions  
for  
the  
132  
3.80  
2.90  
2.75  
2.85  
3.60  
2.95  
3.09  
1.12  
1.05  
1.18  
1.22  
1.20  
1.07  
1.134  
0.76  
0.58  
0.55  
0.57  
0.72  
0.59  
0.62  
Anglophone crisis.  
Consciencism does not consider the complexities of ethnic 132  
diversity in Cameroon.  
There is a disconnect between Nkrumah‟s ideas and the current 132  
political landscape.  
Nkrumah‟s Consciencism does not effectively engage with 132  
grassroots movements relevant to the Anglophone crisis.  
The emphasis on collective identity in Consciencism may 132  
overlook individual rights and aspirations in the crisis.  
Nkrumah‟s ideas do not adequately address the impact of 132  
external influences on the Anglophone crisis.  
Average  
132  
Source: Fieldwork, 2025  
The data in Table 3 above highlighted the various perceived shortcomings of Nkrumah‟s philosophical  
Consciencism in addressing the Anglophone crisis in Cameroon. The mean scores, standard deviations, and  
Relative Importance Indices (RII) indicate a varied level of agreement among respondents regarding these  
shortcomings.  
DISCUSSION  
The findings of objective one, which aimed to investigate the foundations of Nkrumah's Philosophical  
Consciencism, revealed a robust framework that addresses issues of social justice, national unity, and African  
identity. Respondents expressed a strong belief in the effectiveness of Nkrumah's Consciencism in tackling social  
justice issues, with a high mean score indicating widespread support for the philosophy's relevance in  
contemporary African politics. This aligns with the work of Biney (2019), who emphasizes that Nkrumah's  
philosophy serves as a critical tool for addressing the socio-political and economic injustices faced by African  
nations. Biney argues that Consciencism not only critiques colonial legacies but also provides a blueprint for  
building a unified and equitable society.  
The findings of objective two highlight the significant potential of Nkrumah's Consciencism in addressing the  
complexities of the Anglophone Crisis in Cameroon. Respondents indicated that the framework provided by  
Consciencism could facilitate dialogue and foster unity between Anglophone and Francophone communities.  
This aligns with the assertions of Mbembe (2019), who posits that African philosophical frameworks, including  
Consciencism, can create platforms for inclusive dialogue and understanding among diverse cultural groups.  
Mbembe emphasizes that the adaptability of such philosophies to local contexts can significantly contribute to  
peacebuilding efforts, thereby providing a relevant lens through which to view the current socio-political  
challenges in Cameroon. The potential of Nkrumah's Consciousness to encourage social justice, empower local  
communities, and promote discourse is revealed by a consideration of its application to the Anglophone Crisis  
resolution. The congruence of these results with the writings of Zeleza (2020), Ebe (2018), and Mbembe (2019)  
shows the importance of African philosophical ideas in modern conflict resolution.  
The findings related to objective three reveal significant limitations of Nkrumah‟s Philosophical Consciencism  
in effectively addressing the Anglophone crisis in Cameroon. One of the prominent concerns raised by  
respondents is that while Consciencism promotes a vision of unity and collective identity, it often fails to account  
for the nuanced socio-political dynamics present in the Anglophone regions. This critique aligns with the  
observations of Ndlovu (2020), who argues that broad philosophical frameworks can overlook local contexts  
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and specific grievances, which are essential for effective conflict resolution. Consequently, Nkrumah‟s ideals  
may not resonate with the lived experiences of those affected by the crisis, leading to a disconnect between  
philosophy and practice. Furthermore, the findings suggest that Nkrumah's emphasis on collective identity may  
inadvertently marginalize individual rights and aspirations. Respondents noted that this collective focus can  
overshadow personal grievances and identities, which are crucial in understanding the multifaceted nature of the  
Anglophone crisis. This point is supported by Moyo (2018), who asserts that philosophical approaches that  
prioritize collective goals must also be mindful of the rights and voices of individuals, particularly in conflict  
situations where personal narratives are essential for fostering understanding and reconciliation.  
CONCLUSION  
While Nkrumah’s philosophy offers profound insights into African unity, anti-colonialism, and socio-political  
integration, it lacks the contextual specificity required to address the deep-seated historical and ethnic  
complexities unique to the Anglophone crisis. The findings suggested that while Consciencism provides a  
powerful ideological framework, it falls short in offering tailored solutions to the political and cultural nuances  
of Cameroon’s internal conflict (the Anglophone crisis).  
The exploration of objective one (To investigate the foundations of consciencism as espoused by Nkrumah’s  
Philosophical Consciencism.) demonstrated that Consciencism foundational principles, particularly its emphasis  
on African unity and the fight against neo-colonialism, remain relevant for understanding the structural roots of  
the Anglophone crisis. However, the study revealed a critical gap between the broad pan-African ideals proposed  
by Nkrumah and the specific historical, linguistic, and political realities of the Anglophone regions. While the  
philosophy resonates with the broader themes of resistance against external domination, it does not fully engage  
with the internal political dynamics and governance issues that fuel the crisis. This suggests that the application  
of Consciencism in this context requires a more localized reinterpretation.  
Objective two delved into the applicability of Consciencism and other African philosophical frameworks to  
conflict resolution in contemporary contexts, including the Anglophone crisis. While Nkrumah’s focus on unity  
and collective identity offers a pathway toward reconciliation, the findings indicated that such ideals may  
overlook critical elements of diversity and pluralism, which are essential in Cameroon’s fragmented political  
landscape. The principles of fostering unity, as championed by Consciencism, must be carefully balanced with  
the need to recognize and address the distinct identities and grievances of marginalized groups. The study thus  
suggested that Nkrumah’s philosophy, while valuable in its emphasis on cooperation, may require significant  
adaptation to meet the demands of modern, multi-ethnic conflicts.  
The analysis of objective three further underscored the limitations of Consciencism in addressing the  
Anglophone crisis. Participants highlighted several key shortcomings, such as the philosophy’s inadequate  
engagement with grassroots movements, which are crucial in addressing the localized nature of the crisis.  
Additionally, Consciencism’s strong emphasis on collective identity was critiqued for potentially undermining  
the recognition of individual rights and aspirations within the Anglophone community. The findings suggested  
that Nkrumah’s anti-colonial narrative, while powerful in its critique of external forces, fails to account for the  
internal political fragmentation and the role of external actors in perpetuating the crisis. The absence of practical  
mechanisms within Consciencism to navigate these complex layers of influence further limits its applicability.  
In sum, while Nkrumah’s Consciencism remains a seminal contribution to African political thought, its utility  
in resolving the Anglophone crisis is constrained by its broad ideological scope and insufficient focus on the  
particularities of Cameroon’s political and social context. The philosophy’s Strengths in promoting unity and  
resisting external domination are undeniable, but its shortcomings in addressing local political dynamics, ethnic  
diversity, and individual rights highlight the need for a more contextually grounded approach. This study calls  
for a critical re-evaluation of Consciencism principles in light of the complex realities of contemporary African  
conflicts, particularly those like the Anglophone crisis that are deeply rooted in both historical grievances and  
ongoing geopolitical struggles.  
Strengths in promoting unity and resisting external domination are undeniable, but its shortcomings in addressing  
local political dynamics, ethnic diversity, and individual rights highlight the need for a more contextually  
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grounded approach. This study calls for a critical re-evaluation of Consciencism principles in light of the  
complex realities of contemporary African conflicts, particularly those like the Anglophone crisis that are deeply  
rooted in both historical grievances and ongoing geopolitical struggles.  
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS  
Special thanks to the Department of Political Science and Comparative Politics, the Department of Public Law  
and Public Administration (PUL-PUA) and the entire University of Buea community for using their students in  
this study, Pan Africa Institute for Development West Africa (Paid-Wa) Buea, Cameroon.  
Finally, we thank God Almighty and the family of Late Reverend Joseph Cameroon Mudika.  
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