The Covid-19 pandemic unfolded alongside an extensive infodemic, marked by rapid dissemination of

inaccurate, unverified and misleading information that undermined public health communication. This study

maps the prevalence, belief structures and dominant misconceptions surrounding Covid-19 among listeners of

Anyole Radio, a community broadcaster in Vihiga County, Western Kenya. Using a descriptive research design,

384 respondents were sampled through criterion based, quota and purposive techniques targeting active radio

listeners, community radio journalists and local health practitioners. Data was collected through structured

the pandemic was fabricated for donor funding (45.6%) and that vaccines cause impotence (21.4%) further

shaped perceptions. Belief in these narratives remained substantial, with over half of those exposed accepting

Social media emerged as the primary source of misinformation (67.12%), followed by the broader internet

(46.88%) and word of mouth (36.98%). Radio sources accounted for only 10.42% of misinformation reports,

with Anyole Radio implicated by just 0.03125% of respondents. Conversely, 96.875% reported receiving factual

Covid-19 information from Anyole Radio particularly on mask use, social distancing and hand hygiene,

These findings highlight the interplay between misinformation exposure, belief formation and trusted community

media providing an empirical basis for strengthening localized strategies to counter health misinformation during

of unverified, inaccurate and misleading information that challenged public health communication efforts.

Misinformation significantly influenced public perceptions and adherence to preventive measures. Community

radio, as a credible and widely accessible medium in rural contexts, plays a pivotal role in disseminating evidence

Community radio represents a unique broadcasting model that prioritizes service to local communities over

commercial or other interests. Unlike commercial or state owned radio, community radio provides populations

with access to resources, amplifies marginalized voices, emphasizes volunteerism and participatory

organizational structures and operates on a non-profit basis, often being community owned (UNESCO, 2012).

Despite broadcasting in local languages in some instance, community radio is distinct from vernacular radio,

which despite broadcasting in local languages in some instances often operates with commercial objectives and

(Dotzert, 2020; Sampath et al., 2021). Unlike earlier pandemics, Covid-19 emerged in a digitally connected

world allowing both rapid dissemination of accurate information and proliferation of misinformation, the latter

often referred to as an “infodemic”, a term coined by the World Heath Organization (Pergolizzi et al., 2021).

Previous pandemics such as the Spanish flu were constrained by slower communication networks and wartime

censorship whereas Covid-19 highlighted the dual role of digital platforms in spreading both vital public health

Globally, community radio has adapted swiftly to pandemic conditions. In Britain, stations employed innovative

digital technologies to meet audience needs under operational restrictions (Coleman, 2020). In India, community

radio used storytelling, traditional media and Covid-19 “warriors” to combat misinformation (Laskar &

Bhattacharyya, 2020; Sen, 2020). In Africa, conflict affected regions have long relied on community radio to

operates at the foot of Nganyi Hills, integrating traditional knowledge from the Abasiekwe clan of the Banyore

sub-tribe of the Luhya Community (a Bantu Community based in Western Kenya) into modern climate and

community information dissemination (Ochunge, 2021; Gumo, 2017). Established by the Kenya Meteorological

Department, Radio Anyole serves as a medium for both climate related communication and broader community

Given the challenges posed by the Covid-19 infodemic, including misinformation spread through social media,

word -of-mouth and unverified internet sources, community radios such as Anyole Radio are uniquely positioned

to provide trusted information. Their focus on local languages, culturally appropriate messaging and close

engagement with audiences enables them to counter misinformation effectively while reinforcing community

understanding and compliance with public health measures. This study therefore situates Radio Anyole within

sources undermined public understanding of the disease, adherence to preventive measures and trust in official

health guidance. In rural areas and informal settlements, where access to reliable information may be limited,

community radio has the potential to serve as a critical medium for providing accurate, locally relevant

information. However, the extent to which community radio such as Anyole Radio in Vihiga County effectively

counters misinformation while fostering audience trust remains underexplored. Despite the station’s historical

role in climate and community information dissemination, there is limited empirical evidence on how its

broadcasts shaped listeners perceptions, beliefs and behaviors during the Covid-19 pandemic. This knowledge

gap is particularly significant given the station’s potential to influence public health outcomes in a context

marked by high misinformation exposure. Consequently, there is a pressing need to examine the prevalence of

Covid-19 misinformation among listeners, assess the degree of belief in false claims and evaluate the role of

1.To investigate the prevalence, belief and misconceptions of Covid-19 misinformation among listeners of

Anyole Radio and to assess the station’s effectiveness in disseminating factual information to mitigate the

While such challenges have existed since the inception of communication technologies, the advent of the internet

has amplified the scale and speed at which misinformation spreads (Burkhadt, 2017). Historical accounts suggest

that the manipulation of information is not a novel phenomenon. For instance, in 44 BC in the Roman Empire,

political misinformation was strategically disseminated to influence public opinion (Posseti & Matthews, 2018).

Similarly, in 16th century Rome and 17th century France, individuals and newspapers circulated false

information for political and commercial gain (Canavilhas & Ferrari, 2018; Darnton, 2017). In 19th century

Germany, the use of fake correspondents exemplified early strategies to fabricate news due to logistical

In the print era, misinformation was hinged on access to authoritative texts (Johns, 1998). In contrast, the digital

age has democratized information access, enabling widespread manipulation through copying, sharing and

Disinformation is a deliberate form of misinformation, designed to mislead and create false interpretations for

the receiver (Ireton & Posetti, 2018; Tucker et al., 2018). Similarly, false news may arise from incompetence or

journalistic error, while fake news is intentionally misleading (Meneses, 2018). In health communication,

particularly during pandemics such as COVID-19, misinformation and disinformation are more relevant

constructs than “news,” given that online content often bypasses traditional editorial oversight unless published

The rise of the internet and social media initially promised expanded access and opportunities for expression

(Guess & Lyons, 2020). However, the omnidirectional flow of information has created vulnerabilities,

facilitating the spread of misinformation, propaganda and misleading content. During crises, such as pandemics,

the public often relies heavily on the press for information, placing media outlets in a critical position to mitigate

misinformation (Rasinski, 2002). Despite previous pandemics relying primarily on official channels and

traditional media, the digital era has accelerated misinformation dissemination through social media, often

outpacing verified reporting (Luckerson, 2014; Hosangadi & Trotochaud, 2020). The instantaneous nature of

speed of information cycles (Kouzy et al., 2020; Tsfati et al., 2020; Dice, 2017). While mainstream media may

This study employed a case study design, focusing on Anyole Radio in Luanda, Vihiga County, as the primary

unit of analysis. The design allowed an in-depth exploration of how the station influenced listener perceptions

Both quantitative and qualitative data were collected. Structured questionnaires captured the prevalence of

misinformation, sources and listener beliefs, while semi structured interviews with listeners, journalists and

By situating the study in a single community radio station, the case study approach enabled a detailed

The collected data was analyzed to examine the nature, sources and prevalence of Covid-19 misinformation.

Analysis involved categorizing responses according to the three stakeholder groups listeners, journalists and

health specialists to provide an understanding of misinformation dynamics and the effectiveness of the radio

station in disseminating factual information. Patterns, trends and key themes were then analyzed to inform

Interactions between radio journalists and listeners through call-ins and messaging platforms, revealed several

reaching the audience. Factual content was obtained from the station’s Covid-19 fact sheet, which guided

Radio for accurate information. This aligns with Mheidly and Fares (2020), who note that effective

implementation of preventive measures and health awareness relies heavily on the provision of vital information.

Chang (2012) further emphasizes the role of news media, including community radio in serving as a critical

source of health information. Similarly, Van Zyl (2005) highlights that community radio is particularly important

for populations with limited access to conventional information channels. Respondents reported receiving

multiple pieces of factual information though some highlighted just a single key message. These findings indicate