INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RESEARCH AND INNOVATION IN SOCIAL SCIENCE (IJRISS)  
ISSN No. 2454-6186 | DOI: 10.47772/IJRISS | Volume IX Issue XVI November 2025 | Special Issue on Sociology  
Kuwaredora sa Mandulog: Ecofeminist Perspective on Women,  
Quarry, and their Well-being  
*Hannah Janby Alsonado1, Maria Cecilia Ferolin2  
1 Behavioral Sciences Department, Central Mindanao University, Philippines  
2
Sociology Department, Mindanao State University – Iligan Institute of Technology, Philippines  
DOI: https://dx.doi.org/10.47772/IJRISS.2024.916SCO0030  
Received: 07 December 2025; Accepted: 14 December 2025; Published: 25 December 2025  
ABSTRACT  
Quarry operation downstream of Mandulog River has become the source of livelihood of most households  
nearby the riverbanks. Although sand quarrying is primarily carried out by men, women also play a substantial  
role – directly and indirectly- in the quarry operation. From an ecofeminist view, women and the environment  
share a profound and intricate relationship. Women's traditional role as caretakers of family and households  
finds direct semblance with the natural world or Mother Earth as She nurtures plants, animals, humans and  
ecosystems. A qualitative approach was employed in this study to explore women’s narratives on nature, their  
involvement with quarry operation and their personal well-being. Furthermore, it utilizes ecofeminist  
perspective to analyze the findings. In this study, purposive sampling technique was adopted in selecting  
ten (10) women quarriers to interview, that also cover a range of relevant variables (e.g., years of quarry  
experience, marital status, and age range), to maximize the diversity of perspectives. The findings and  
insights drawn from the women's perspectives revealed four interrelated dimensions of well-being uncovered:  
physical vulnerability, unsafe work environments, poverty and unemployment, and emotional ambivalence and  
resilience. For women quarriers, well-being is more than the physical health or financial state. It encompasses  
their emotional well-being, safety, sense of purpose, and connection to place. The research underscores the  
importance of government intervention that will ensure well-regulated quarry operation, implement disaster  
risk management, and provide targeted support programs to address the unique needs of the women quarriers.  
Keywords: Women, Quarry, Ecofeminism, Well-being  
INTRODUCTION  
Women and the environment share a profound and intricate relationship. Women's traditional role as  
caretakers also extends into the natural world. They nurture plants, animals, and ecosystems, instilling a  
feeling of responsibility and connection. This connection is rooted in historical, cultural, and biological factors.  
Swami (2019) have analyzed the interconnections between the status of women and the status of nature based  
on the central claims that women’s struggle and oppression and the degradation of nature are interconnected.  
One way to talk about the connectedness between women and nature is to describe the parallel ways they have  
been treated in patriarchal society. First, the traditional role of both women and nature has been instrumental.  
Traditionally, women were not considered to have a life except in relation to a man, In the same manner,  
nature has also provided the resources to meet human basic needs and even luxuries. Second. A second  
parallel in the treatment of women and nature lies in the way the dominant thought has attempted.  
Ecofeminist movement emerged contemporaneously in the 1970s in different countries – France, Germany, the  
United State, Japan, Venezuela, Sicily, Finland, and Australia. This movement made a case of reconnecting  
women with nature. The term ‘ecofeminism’ was coined by the French writer Franqoise d’Eaubonne.  
Ecofeminist as a framework focused on the gendered nature of human society and how it is directly related to  
the patter of ecological consequences in the environment (Mellor, 1997). The ecofeminist scholars draw  
parallels between the ways in which women and nature are often marginalized, undervalued, and exploited. It  
offers a holistic approach to environmental issues, and emphasizes the importance of community-based  
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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RESEARCH AND INNOVATION IN SOCIAL SCIENCE (IJRISS)  
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solutions, participatory decision-making, and the cultivation of women’s ecological consciousness.  
In her powerful book, Staying Alive: Women, Ecology and Development (1988), Vandana Shiva explores the  
deep connection between women and nature in India, especially in the context of resistance against  
deforestation and ecological destruction. This connection is clearly seen when Indian women stood up against  
the machines that is tearing down their forests. Her analysis focused on the struggles of Indian women not  
simply as environmental activism, but a defense of life where survival, subsistence, and cultural identity are  
intimately linked to the preservation of forests. These women lived experience, is dependent on forests for  
food, water, firewood, and medicine. Logging threatened not only the ecosystem but also the survival of their  
families and communities. The Chipko movement is an act of resistance that proves that when Indian women  
stand against logging, they are not just taking a stand for the environment. They are literally defending their  
homes and their children's future (Shiva & Bandyopadhyay, 2019).  
For many years, quarrying has been practiced in the Philippines to support infrastructure and economic  
growth. Quarry operations have two (2) classifications: mountain quarrying and river quarrying. The former  
causes the scraping of upland topsoil and flora, as well as the degradation of the area’s scenic. While the latter  
causes uneven riverbed depths and destroys riverbanks. Both methods of quarrying have the potential to have  
substantial negative environmental consequences, since they generate more soil erosion, pollution, siltation,  
and flooding of downstream bodies and places. In addition, quarrying activities also emit dust along their  
transit routes and noise pollution in quarry sites, which harms the affected population (Israel, 2001).  
Quarry operations in community areas are a complex issue with both benefits and downsides. It may have been  
a necessary part of modern society, providing essential materials for construction. However, it is also  
scrutinized heavily due to the environmental concerns it brings. Similarly, Macabuac (2005) studied the  
impacts of aquaculture on women and their households in Pangil Bay. The study highlights how the expansion  
of aquaculture in coastal communities transformed traditional fishing economy and reshaped household labor  
dynamics and gender roles. The women who were actively engaged in small-scale fishing and gleaning, have  
found their participation in direct livelihood activities increasingly constrained due to restricted coastal access  
and the privatization of aquatic resources. The investigation revealed that while aquaculture provides  
subsistence and income opportunities for some households, but it also intensified the gendered division of  
labor. Women were further pushed on the periphery with undervalued roles, such as post-harvest processing,  
caregiving, and supporting aquaculture-related work without a formal recognition or compensation. Another  
more critical finding is that these women’s work load increased without a corresponding rise in their decision-  
making power or economic independence.  
In this study, the researcher focused on the women quarriers along the Mandulog River, and examined these  
women’s perspective regarding nature, quarry, and their own well-being. The researcher sought to provide  
empirical truths on how environmental extraction activities are experienced at the ground-level and understand  
the overall state of women's well-being in physically demanding work like quarrying requires research that  
goes beyond economic productivity.  
MATERIALS AND METHODS  
Research Design  
This study employed a multimethod, qualitative approach. Following the traditional of ethnographic  
research, in-depth interviews with women and observations in the field were conducted. A qualitative  
research approach was used to discover the meaning that people give to events that they experience as the  
researcher explored women’s experience and well-being in relation with quarry operations.  
Sampling Procedure  
Qualitative research usually necessitates a smaller sample size than quantitative research. Sample sizes  
for qualitative studies should be high enough to collect enough data to adequately explain the  
phenomenon of interest and answer the research questions. In this study, non-probability sampling  
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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RESEARCH AND INNOVATION IN SOCIAL SCIENCE (IJRISS)  
ISSN No. 2454-6186 | DOI: 10.47772/IJRISS | Volume IX Issue XVI November 2025 | Special Issue on Sociology  
technique was adopted, specifically the purposive sampling in choosing the ten (10) informants to  
participate in the study. This is the deliberate choice of informants due to the specific characteristic,  
expertise and experience they possess, and thoroughly examined them to ensure a holistic representation.  
The researcher sought women quarriers that cover a range of relevant variables within the group (e.g.,  
years of quarry experience, marital status, and age range), thus maximizing the diversity of perspectives.  
Research Locale  
The study was conducted in a community area around the Mandulog River, specifically the community  
area located at Purok 7 Barangay Upper Hinaplanon, Iligan City (see Figure 3 for locale map).  
Figure 3. Iligan Mandulog River Aerial Photos (2023).  
Source: https://promoteiligan.com/2023/01/16/iligan-mandulog-river-aerial-photos/  
Research Instrument  
The instrument used involved semi-structured interviews with 10 women quarriers selected through  
maximum variation sampling to ensure inclusive. The interview protocol focused on personal narratives  
nature, quarry, and their own well-being. Interviews were conducted face-to-face, transcribed verbatim,  
and arranged thematically.  
Data Collection  
The following data collection methods were used in the study:  
In-depth Interviews -A one-on-one interview was conducted with the 10 chosen informants. There were  
guide questions to be asked in conversational format to let the informants fully express their narratives  
and sentiments.  
Library Research - The researcher conducted e-library research to obtain an overview of the chosen  
topic. This includes academic documents such as journals, conference proceedings, theses, peer-reviewed  
articles, and dissertations, both published and unpublished.  
Data Analysis  
Guided by the approaches of Ecofeminist, the researcher is set to analyze and interpret the data gathered  
from interviews and observation. The data processes, methods, and analysis followed a systematic  
approach:  
Data Reduction - This first step was all about pruning through the vast raw data gathered from the in-  
depth interviews and field observation. This process was all about finding repeating themes, significant  
concepts, and patterns pertaining to both Ecofeminist Standpoint and Household Theory. Redundant or  
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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RESEARCH AND INNOVATION IN SOCIAL SCIENCE (IJRISS)  
ISSN No. 2454-6186 | DOI: 10.47772/IJRISS | Volume IX Issue XVI November 2025 | Special Issue on Sociology  
unnecessary information was put on the side to come up with a concentrated and workable dataset for the  
next steps.  
Transcription of Interviews - All the in-depth interviews tape-recorded were verbatim transcribed with  
great care. This was so that the informants' own words, their emotional inflections, and the very facts of  
their stories were preserved.  
Data Presentation - After transcribing, the compressed data was then structured and presented in  
different ways to allow interpretation. These included thematic matrices, and narrative summaries.  
Discussion includes identification of connections among different themes, regions of agreement or  
conflict among informants, and general patterns in the data.  
Validity and Reliability  
This section details the measure taken to ensure the scientific rigor and credibility of the study’s design  
data collection process, and analysis.  
Prolonged Engagement and Observation – The researcher has an extensive history with the community  
being studied. Specifically, the researcher lived within the same community of the quarriers for over ten  
years. This immersion allowed for the establishment of deep trust and rapport, facilitating the collection  
of authentic, insider perspective. Furthermore, the researcher’s interest in the women quarriers is a long  
standing, as they were also the subject of her past research experience, providing an in-depth  
understanding regarding the context and history of their work.  
Triangulation – Data was collected using the combination of in-depth interviews from women quarriers,  
demographic survey, and field observation in the quarry site and women’s households, to get richer and  
more comprehensive understanding of the research topic.  
Audit Trail – The research materials, including the transcription of interviews, field notes, coding  
schemes, and analysis, were archived and maintained.  
Peer Examination – The researcher regularly met with a neutral peer, specifically the Thesis Adviser to  
review the analysis and write-up.  
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION  
Social Profile of Women Quarriers  
This section provides the social profile of all the 36 women quarriers within the study's geographical focus, the  
community along the Mandulog River in Barangay Upper Hinaplanon, Iligan City. The collective data  
presented aims to illuminate the unique social attributes that define this group, providing essential context for  
the subsequent analysis of their working conditions, and overall well-being.  
Table 1. Social Profile of All Women Quarriers in Mandulog River  
Social Variables  
Age  
Frequency (n)  
10 - 19 years of age  
2
20 - 29 years of age  
30 - 39 years of age  
40 - 49 years of age  
5
6
11  
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50 - 59 years of age  
10  
3
60 - 69 years of age  
Educational Attainment  
Elementary  
Secondary  
10  
21  
2
College  
Vocational  
3
Marital Status  
Single  
12  
23  
1
Married  
Widowed  
Supplementary Income sources (Non-  
Quarrying Occupation)  
Laundress  
Baby Sitter  
None  
3
2
31  
Demographically, women engaged in the quarry operation exhibit a wide age range spanning from 19 years  
old to 65 years old – from young adults to older working individuals. This broad age spectrum shows that  
quarry operation provides these women of across life stages to participate and be given opportunity to earn  
income. In addition, there is notable concentration of these women involved in the quarry operations that falls  
within the 40-49 years old age group. It shows that it is mostly middle-aged women in this age bracket who are  
more active in quarrying labor as there are limited income generation for them given that most of formal  
employment opportunities nowadays prefer hiring young applicants. This correspond to Debonneville (2021)  
in his study on Filipino domestic worker recruitment, reports that most of the employers want to hire workers  
who are younger, probably around 28 to 30 because older workers over 40 are seen as trouble, stubborn and  
less competitive.  
In terms of education, data gathered shows that women’s choice to engage in quarry operation may have  
indirect relation with their educational attainment. Most of the women quarriers in the Mandulog River have  
either attended and completed secondary and elementary education. Only a proportionately modest number  
among them have advanced to higher education or completed specialized vocational qualifications. Given the  
broader competitive pressure of today’s labor and employment landscape, it sometimes translates to limited  
opportunities, especially to people who are deprived of social and educational capital, and could only rely on  
physically demanding, if not exploitative, work for economic survival.  
In terms of marital status, significant proportions of women are married, some are single, while only one (1)  
is widowed. This high proportion of married woman engaged in quarrying is often driven by economic  
necessity and traditional gender roles. Women who are married often feel the need to contribute to their  
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household’s income as part and extension of the domestic responsibilities. Particularly, when the husband’s  
income is insufficient for their daily needs and given that most of them are living within extended families –  
more household members mean more mouths to feed. Income from wage alone is really not enough for them  
to survive. These married women’s participation displays their resilience and dedication for their families even  
if it means they will face the “double burden” of engaging in both physically demanding quarry labor and  
domestic tasks.  
Lastly, in terms of supplementary income sources that is not related or part of the quarry operation,  
significant portions of 31 women does not have alternative source of income and would either rely on their  
work on quarry site and their husband’s income, While, the remaining women reported having a sidelined job  
other than quarrying, which consisted of on-call laundress and babysitter work for neighbors.  
Women’s Perspective on Nature and Quarry  
Women’s perspective on nature, specifically the Mandulog River where they extract resources for  
subsistence, is not merely a site of livelihood. It is profoundly viewed as a life-giving force, inextricably linked  
to their survival and identity. Many women referred to the river with deep spiritual reverence, articulating a  
reciprocal relationship where the river provides, and in turn, demands respect and care, starkly contrasting with  
the extractive and often exploitative nature of quarry operation, as informants said:  
“Kaning balas nga among nagakuha kay mura gyud siyag hinatag sa amoa sa kinaiyahan.” (This sand we are  
getting really feels like a gift to us from nature.) -Alma  
“Mahulagway nako ang suba nga nakaluwas kanako tungod diri mi nagkuha og panginabuhian.” (I can  
describe the river as what saved me because it is where we get our livelihood.) -Teresita  
Ecofeminism underscores the fact that women's proximity to nature is not simply symbolic but is frequently  
based on their practical experience as caregivers, nurturers, and gatherers of resources in their communities  
(Shiva, 1989; Mies & Shiva, 1993). They also demonstrate sensitivity towards nature as these women quarriers  
agreed to recognized and allowed the Mandulog River, which is the source of their supplementary income, to  
rest and replenish after days of continuous extraction. This practice is represented in one of the informant’s  
narrative:  
“Naay panahon nga dili pakwarehan ang suba para modaghan ang balas.” (There are times when quarrying in  
the river is not allowed so that the sand can replenish itself.) -Fe  
This practice of women halting quarry operation to let the river rest reveals a deep interdependence and an  
acknowledgment that sustainability requires restraint which is a fundamental principle of ecofeminist thought.  
Those acts, though like baby steps, somehow challenge the capitalist logic that separates humans from nature  
and instead and attempt to reaffirm interconnectedness between environment and humans, especially women.  
This moral ecology rooted in care, respect, and interdependence positions women not as passive victims of  
environmental degradation but as active agents of sustainable engagement with the earth (Salleh, 1997).  
“Kung manobra tag kuha, madaot pud ta niini.” (If we take too much, we will also be harmed by it.) -Fe  
“Dili lang abusaran ang suba kay nakatabang gyud kini sa among panginabuhian.” (The river should not be  
abused because it truly helps us with our livelihood.) -Gloria  
Their respect for the river translates into their moral limits in terms of extraction, giving them a sense of  
responsibility and an instinctual grasp of ecological limits. This demonstrates intimate sensitivity towards the  
nature and the moral obligation to treat it with respect and not as a commodity. In contrast to industrialized,  
profit-driven forms of extraction that tend to exploit and cross ecological boundaries, women's quarrying  
activities may be regarded as expressions of ecological stewardship—based on a cosmology that acknowledges  
the agency and holiness of the natural world (Warren, 2000; Plumwood, 1993)  
With regard to women’s perspective about quarry, their narratives express that they have been participating in  
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the quarry operation as there were no other working opportunities for them due to various factors such level of  
education or age, and making quarrying as a last resort option and not as passion-driven occupation:  
“Lisud gyud kaayo mangitag lain trabaho.” (It is extremely difficult to find other work.) -Fe  
“Wala may laing masudlan nga trabaho.” (There are no other jobs available.) -Alma  
These women quarriers rationalize their participation in quarrying not in terms of personal or professional  
growth, but purely out of necessity for family survival:  
“Lisud gyud kaayo pero buhaton kay para sa pamilya.” (It's really very difficult, but I'll do it because it's for  
the family.) -Elena  
“Antos lang jud hantud mahuman nakog pa eskwela akong mga anak…” (I'll just endure until I finish sending  
my children to school.) KB-5  
These narratives have shown how does women perceived the physically demanding nature of quarry work, and  
treating it as something one must endure, not aspire to. These women are trap in a cycle of invisible work, with  
key functions played at home and in the production of income. Even if some claimed that they voluntarily  
choose to work in the quarry, it can be clearly seen that these decisions were made under a regime of socio-  
economic limitations. While they possess a strong sense of strength and resilience, this very perception  
highlights a systemic inequality that places disproportionate responsibilities and dual burdens upon women  
across the private and public spheres. Interventions to assist these women must therefore not only be targeted  
to economic opportunity but to gender norms, and domestic labor expectations. Nevertheless, these women  
quarriers continue to be in this informal economy not because they are passive, but because their labor is  
necessary and their choices are limited.  
Women’s Perspective on the Quarry Impact on their Personal Well-Being  
A systematic investigation of the women quarriers beyond their economic productivity is needed to understand  
their perspective and their state of well-being in physically demanding work, such as quarrying. For women  
quarriers, well-being is more than the physical health or financial state; it is about their emotional well-being,  
safety, sense of purpose, and connection to place. Their lives are touched not only by the tension of manual  
work but also by socio-cultural roles attributed to them as a woman. The women quarriers working along the  
Mandulog River, for example, must work hard physically in dangerous conditions, without appropriate  
protective equipment or regulated safety procedures. Drawing on a woman's point of view and story, the  
researcher presented how these women think about, experience, and negotiate their health, safety, and  
livelihood in the light of poverty and gendered work. The discussion will be supported based on data presented  
in Table 1, which summarizes women's viewpoints on quarrying and personal well-being.  
Table 4. Women’s Perspective on Quarrying and Personal Well-Being  
From Women’s Perspectives  
Physical Vulnerability  
Category of Well-being  
Physical  
Unsafe Work Environments  
Poverty and Unemployment  
Emotional Ambivalence and Resilience  
Physical  
Economic  
Psychological  
Physical Vulnerability  
The labor of women quarriers on the Mandulog River is not only physically demanding; it essentially puts  
their bodies at risk in a variety of ways as well, for a specific physical vulnerability. This vulnerability is not  
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just about the potential for injury, but about the systemic and ongoing toll their continued labor takes on their  
physical well-being. Women quarriers have consistently explained their work to be physically demanding,  
with frequent talk of pain, tiredness, and injury in the form of cuts from broken glass, strain on the body, and  
exhaustion:  
“Bug-at jud ang trabaho. Sakit sa lawas, likod, tiil, ug mga samad samad.” (The work is really heavy. (It hurts  
my body, back, feet, and causes various wounds.) -Fe  
“Kasagara nga sakit kay pagpamaol sa lawas ug hilanat.” (The usual illnesses [I experience] are body aches  
and fever.) -Lorna  
Despite this toll, most of them said “makaya ra sa lawas,” or “my body can handle it” signaling both  
endurance and resignation. This normalization of suffering underscores how poverty necessitates bodily  
sacrifice, a theme central to ecofeminism, which argues that just as women are expected to serve and nurture  
without limit, nature too is often over-exploited with little regard for its regeneration or well-being (Shiva,  
1989).  
Unsafe Work Environments  
Beyond the immediate strain Their vulnerability is primarily caused by the quarrying environment itself. Due  
to continuous exposure to dust particles, women quarriers will likely develop long-term respiratory conditions.  
In addition, women exposure to the weather like heavy sun, rain, and heat, almost every day with little to no  
shelter, increases fatigue and heat disease, weakening their physical strength even further over time. One of the  
most critical topics and direct complaint of the women quarriers was the absence of safety measures and  
appropriate tools:  
“Wala lang gyud safety measures sa kwarehan para mga tig-ayag ug tig-upok.” ("There are really no safety  
measures in the quarry for those who sand screeners and divers.) -Alma  
“Kasagara nga sakit kay kanang matunok ko og bildo ug bantol. Wala gud tarong nga gamit ug among  
ginasuot para safe mi mga kwaredor og tig-screen.” (My usual injury is getting pricked by glass and splinters.  
We really don't have proper equipment and things to wear to keep us quarriers and screeners safe.) -Teresita  
“Maayo lang untag mahatagan mi sa saktong mga gamit sa kwarehan, mas palambuon pa ang operasyon nga  
safe pud sa among mga kwaredor.” (It would be good if we were just given proper equipment at the quarry,  
and if the operations could be developed further in a way that's also safe for us quarriers.) -Gloria  
“Labi na kay walay saktong pamalakad para safety ang mga gatrabaho sa kwarehan. Kung naa man gani ko  
usbon sa among operasyon dinhi, ang akong gusto nga tanan nga nagkware naay insurance kay simbako  
maunsa sila, luoy kaayo.” (Especially since there's no proper management for the safety of those working in  
the quarry. If there's anything I could change about our operations here, my wish is for all quarriers to have  
insurance, because if something bad happens to them, it's truly pitiful.) -Lorna  
These women quarriers have been working in hazardous quarrying environment, sites marked by physical  
danger. Despite the intensity and danger of the work, the compensation they receive is irregular, and  
insufficient. This reality powerfully reflects ecofeminist arguments that connect the exclusion of women's  
work with the wider exploitation of nature. Ecofeminism also argues that the same patriarchal power relations  
which oppress nature are the same structure which render women's work, particularly in subsistence and  
informal economies, invisible and lowly paid (Shiva, 1989; Mies & Shiva, 1993).  
The working conditions also reflect a double marginalization. On one hand, women are physically vulnerable  
due to the unsafe nature of the task; on the other, they are socially and economically vulnerable because their  
labor is undervalued and unregulated. There are no formal labor rights, health insurance, or safety protocols in  
place to protect them, and their earnings often fall far below the minimum wage. Moreover, the lack of  
institutional support and protection only increases their instability of the livelihood condition. In most  
instances, women who are involved in informal resource-labor force lack representation in policy processes  
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and environmental governance, which further consolidates their marginalization and deprives them of the  
ability to voice demands for better working conditions or ecologic sustainability (Warren, 2000).  
The surrounding areas of the Mandulog River were once wrecked by Typhoon Sendong back in 2011. The  
community witnessed the mighty river, which had been gifting them with resources for livelihood  
opportunities, turning into a monster, washing away homes and breaking the bridge connecting mainland  
Iligan City and its southern part.  
Subsequently, a promising flood control initiative was conceptualized by the local government unit of Iligan  
City, a flood control project. This project aimed not only to control flooding in the area but also to be built as  
an esplanade, beautifying community appearance and functionality (Philippine Information Agency, 2021).  
The project had some setbacks, however, such as temporary construction closures. Three years have passed,  
and there are still no updates on when the resumption or completion will be. Despite the devastating calamities  
that have passed, there is still inadequate action to enhance the living and working conditions of communities  
along the river, primarily affecting the quarriers. This lack of urgency echoes with ecofeminist thoughts which  
argues that this inaction is not accidental but a systemic outcome of patriarchal and capitalist structures that  
devalue both nature and those traditionally associated with it – primarily women. (Shiva, 2005).  
Poverty and Unemployment  
The prevalence of poverty and unemployment in the surrounding community areas of Mandulog River leave  
residents with few choices, forcing them into an informal and often hazardous livelihood like quarrying. This  
reality is particularly evident among the women engaged in quarrying along the Mandulog River. As indicated  
in the earlier findings of this study, the majority of these women expressed that their involvement in quarrying  
was not a matter of choice, but rather a direct necessity born from the absence of formal employment  
opportunities and the pressing burden of economic hardship:  
“Nitrabaho ko sa kuwarehan kay wala may laing masudlan nga trabaho.” (I work in the quarry because there's  
no other job I can get into.) -Alma  
“Naa mi ani nga trabaho tungod ra sa isa ka rason, ang kapobrehon.” (We have this job for only one reason:  
poverty.) -Diana  
In ecofeminism, the feminization of poverty is a critical concern. These women, constrained by limited  
education and age, remain disproportionately vulnerable to economic insecurity, forced to extract from nature  
while receiving little protection in return Constrained by limited access to formal education, restricted  
employment options, and in many cases, the social devaluation associated with aging, these women remain  
particularly vulnerable to long-term economic insecurity. Deprived of stable income opportunities, they are  
compelled to engage in labor-intensive, high-risk work that extracts directly from nature—yet they receive  
minimal protection, recognition, or remuneration in return. Their labor becomes another resource consumed in  
the cycle of survival.  
Emotional Ambivalence and Resilience  
The precarious reality of women in informal labor sectors frequently creates a complex emotional landscape,  
with survival dependent on decisions made against their will. Instead of being a straightforward business deal,  
their work becomes intricately linked to their wellbeing, creating a special fusion of emotions. Some of the  
women quarriers expressed conflicting emotions—gratitude for the income, sorrow for the cost.  
“Wala ko kasabot sa akong gibati kung kalipay ba o kaguol.” (I don't understand what to feel, whether it's joy  
or sorrow.) -Fe  
This emotional ambivalence reflects the deep and generally contradictory psychological toll of extractive  
survival. For these women quarriers who depend on the river for survival experience real gratitude for the  
existence it provides to their families, as well as alongside the recognition of its ongoing environmental decline  
and the habitual burden of individual physical cost. This complexity of feeling contributes a distinctive  
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emotional terrain.  
Despite of the inner conflict, these women quarriers persist neither of ignorance nor resignation, but mainly  
because of a long-term vision of purpose. Their endurance is deliberate and profoundly ethical. It lies in what  
Kabeer (2000) calls agency in constrained conditions, the capacity to make purposeful choices and bear  
burdens not because they are painless, but because they serve a larger vision of familial redemption and  
collective well-being. As one of the women quarriers put it:  
“Padayon lang gyud para sa akong pamilya, gamay lang antos hantud makahuman akong mga bata para  
maluwas mi.” (I'll just keep going for my family; a little more suffering until my children finish their studies so  
we can be saved/have a better life.) -Gloria  
This statement is a powerful reflection of what Ahmed (2010) refers to as affective economies, where  
emotions circulate as cultural and political forces. The pain endured in the present is transformed into an  
investment in the imagined futures of their children. Their suffering is thus not passive. It is an active,  
conscious sacrifice—an economic ontology of feeling, closely tied to the ethic of motherhood and  
intergenerational care.  
In this way, the emotional landscape of women quarriers becomes a site of resistance, where the tension  
between gratitude and sorrow creates a silent but deep form of strength. It subverts prevailing stories of agency  
because it shows how sacrifice, care, and endurance are themselves powerful forms of political and ecological  
engagement.  
CONCLUSION  
The study explored the women’s experiences in the quarry, their everyday lives, the empirical truths on how  
environmental extraction activities are experienced at the ground-level, and how all of those are impacting on  
the well-being of these women. Specifically, the study investigated and discussed the women’s views and  
perspectives regarding nature, quarry and their own well-being.  
The insights drawn from the women's perspectives revealed four distinct sentiments concerning their well-  
being as riverbed quarriers: 1) Physical Vulnerability; 2) Unsafe Work Environments; 3) Poverty and  
Unemployment; and 5) Emotional Ambivalence and Resilience. For women quarriers, well-being is more than  
the physical health or financial state. It encompasses their emotional well-being, safety, sense of purpose, and  
connection to place. The results of the study illuminated the complex, and often contradictory, socio-economic  
realities of women quarriers. It emerged that quarrying serves as both a lifeline and a trap for these women.  
These mostly middle-aged women are driven to this physically taxing and low-income while simultaneously  
expected to be fully accountable for domestic roles. Despite the struggles being in constant negotiation of  
economic survival and domestic duties, these women still exhibit remarkable resilience.  
Drawing from ecofeminist theory, the study underscores how women’s participation in extractive  
environmental labor reflects broader patterns of gendered and ecological exploitation. The ecofeminist  
standpoint criticized the patriarchal systems that treat both women and nature as expendable resources is also  
evident in how the quarry site serves economic survival at the cost of the women’s health, safety, and  
connection to their environment. However, these women did not choose to work in quarry just to oppose and  
abuse nature. As a matter of fact, their reverence for the river and participation in spiritual and ecological  
rituals before extracting their needed resources from the river position them as unwilling extractors and  
unrecognized stewards of the environment. Their emotional ambivalence, wrestling with both gratitude and  
compunction, captures the moral tension of survival within exploitative systems that commodify both bodies  
and landscapes.  
Ultimately, the result and conclusions of the study not only validated the ecofeminist theory in contextualizing  
the women's experiences and perspectives as women and quarriers, but also called for transformative,  
community-driven solutions that recognize and honor the complex realities of working women embedded in  
both human and ecological survival. The women quarriers from Mandulog River undoubtedly offered rich,  
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layered narratives that intertwine physical labor, spiritual beliefs, environmental consciousness, and socio-  
economic realities.  
RECOMMENDATION  
Based on the findings and conclusions derived from this study, the following recommendations are presented:  
For the quarrying community along Mandulog River, the researcher suggests that quarry workers, not just  
women, should be more courageous and braver in speaking up about their insights and sentiments. Let their  
voice be heard, advocate for their rights and safety working conditions, and call for assistance or intervention  
programs. Quarry operators should focus not just on the economic benefits of quarry operation but start  
prioritizing worker’s well-being and healthy working environments as well. Quarry operators and the LGU  
should collaborate to establish a modest social security or health insurance fund specifically for registered  
quarry workers, mitigating the catastrophic financial risk associated with injury or illness.  
For the intervention program and policymakers, the researcher suggests utilizing the study’s result to design  
sustainable and gender-responsive interventions for women quarriers, livelihood alternatives should be locally  
viable, environmentally sustainable, skills-appropriate, and supportive of women’s care responsibilities.  
Moreover, here is a concrete livelihood option is recommended by the researcher. Given the environmental  
risks associated with quarrying, women may be engaged in alternative green livelihoods such as tree nursery  
establishment, seedling propagation, riverbank rehabilitation, solid waste recycling, and eco-brick production.  
These activities not only generate income but also contribute to environmental protection and climate  
resilience within the community. Gender-responsive interventions may include support for sari-sari stores,  
food vending, tailoring, soap and detergent making, and handicraft production using locally available or  
recycled materials. These enterprises require relatively low capital investment and can be managed flexibly,  
making them suitable alternatives to physically demanding quarry work.  
Lastly, for the academicians and future researchers, the researcher suggests conducting further interdisciplinary  
and participatory research about research gaps that are not covered in this study. Also, consider utilizing the  
current study’s result and recommendations as future reference for future research studies.  
ETHICAL CONSIDERATION  
The ethical guidelines established by generic research ethics were followed in the study. The research content  
and instruments used were submitted to the Research Integrity and Compliance Office (RICO) and has  
undergone an ethical review by the MSU-IIT University Ethics Review Board (UERB). Then, the informants  
were sent an informed consent which contained all the measure involved in the study. They were informed  
beforehand that participating in the research was entirely voluntary. The informants were treated with dignity  
because they are more relevant than the research. As the research study was over, all the data collection  
materials were discarded.  
ACKNOWLEDGMENT  
The authors extend sincere appreciation to all individuals and institutions that supported the completion of this  
study. Special thanks are due to the Sociology Department of Mindanao State University-Iligan Institute of  
Technology for providing the necessary resources, technical support, and institutional guidance throughout the  
research process.  
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