antagonistic positioning aligns with broader efforts to secure ideological hegemony within the party and
among the Malay electorate.
Besides, the Fear-Inducing Strategy (10.0%) and the Didactic Strategy (7.5%) appear to operate in a mutually
reinforcing manner. Fear-inducing rhetoric—often grounded in predictions of chaos, decline, or foreign
threat—functions to create a sense of crisis or vulnerability, which the didactic strategy then addresses through
moral instruction, prohibitions, or calls to unity. This rhetorical interplay reflects a form of “authoritarian
populism” (Hall, 1985), in which fear is mobilized to justify top-down guidance and reinforce loyalty to
leadership. Such rhetoric not only legitimizes centralized authority but also silences alternative viewpoints by
presenting dissent as dangerous or unpatriotic.
From a critical discourse analysis (CDA) perspective, these strategies do more than merely persuade; they
enact and reproduce power relations, ethnic hierarchies, and identity politics. Mahathir’s speeches are situated
within a broader discursive formation that prioritizes Malay dominance and national development narratives,
often at the expense of pluralistic or dissenting voices (Shamsul, 1996). His rhetorical framework reflects what
van Dijk (1998) terms the “ideological square,” in which the in-group (in this case, UMNO and the Malay
community) is portrayed positively, while out-groups or internal critics are represented negatively. This is
particularly evident in the use of support-baiting and fear-inducing strategies, which frame the political
“other”—be it the opposition, ethnic minorities, or Western influences—as morally or existentially threatening.
Comparatively, this pattern mirrors findings from studies of other populist or strongman leaders. For instance,
in her analysis of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s rhetoric, Korkut (2014) identifies a similar reliance on moral
didacticism and fear to consolidate support and suppress political dissent. Likewise, Chilton and Schäffner
(2002) note that authoritarian discourse often merges instruction with affective appeals—especially fear—to
shape ideological commitments. These comparative insights suggest that Mahathir’s rhetorical style is not
idiosyncratic but participates in a global pattern of populist-nationalist discourse that seeks to discipline the
public and monopolize national identity narratives.
Finally, the relatively low frequency of the Expression Statement Strategy (3.2%), Sarcasm Strategy (1.1%),
Politeness Strategy (0.4%), and Flashback Strategy (0.4%) further supports the characterization of Mahathir’s
rhetoric as highly directive and ideologically assertive. His preference for directness and minimal emotional
appeals suggests a calculated effort to project control, rationality, and moral certainty. Rather than building
rapport through personal anecdotes or emotional resonance, Mahathir’s discourse often assumes a top-down
model of communication, treating the party and public as audiences to be instructed, corrected, or mobilized
toward national goals. This rhetorical stance reinforces his identity as a political patriarch, consistent with the
“father of development” image cultivated during his tenure (Milner, 1995).
CONCLUSION
This study of Mahathir Mohamad’s political rhetoric holds significant implications for advancing the field of
discourse analysis. While political discourse analysis has been extensively developed within Western
scholarship, its application to non-Western political contexts remains comparatively underexplored. By
analysing Mahathir’s speeches through the lens of discourse analysis, this study contributes to broadening both
the theoretical and methodological boundaries of the discipline. Grimes’ (1975) discourse analysis model
provides a useful framework for uncovering the communicative strategies employed to construct political
ideologies, frame national narratives, and shape public perception.
Beyond its theoretical contributions, this study also highlights important pedagogical implications, particularly
for Malay for Academic Purposes classrooms. Analysing rhetorical strategies within political discourse offers
students valuable insights into the ways language can be employed persuasively to influence opinion and
achieve specific communicative objectives. The findings suggest that incorporating examples from political
rhetoric into teaching practice can enhance students’ abilities in persuasive writing and public speaking,
thereby equipping them with practical skills that extend beyond the classroom.