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Rethinking Widowhood in Western Cameroon: Serving or Enslaving the

Widow?

Verdiane KOUMATOUO YEMATA

, Antoine SOCPA

UYI-FALSS-Anthropology Department of Anthropology Lab. Centre for Applied Research & Training

(CASSRT)

*Corresponding Author

DOI: https://dx.doi.org/10.47772/IJRISS.2025.903SEDU0669

Received: 02 November 2025; Accepted: 08 November 2025; Published: 17 November 2025

ABSTRACT

Widowhood rites are a set of cultural practices prescribed to the surviving partner in a couple when one of

them passes away. Historically, these rites were established to help the widower or widow cope with this

painful transition, to honor them, and to facilitate their reintegration into society. However, in the

contemporary context, these practices are increasingly criticized, particularly due to their perceived degrading

and humiliating nature—especially for women, who are subjected to a longer and more restrictive ritual

process. This gender disparity is partly attributed to the patriarchal structure of most African societies, to

which the Babadjou community belongs. The recent increase in complaints against these rites raises a crucial

question: Do widowhood rites still hold significant value in today’s society? This research adopts a qualitative

approach, using a methodology that includes document analysis, in-depth individual interviews with widows

and widowers, heads of families, and community or religious leaders in the West Region of Cameroon, as well

as participant observation of certain widowhood ritual scenes. The aim of this study was to understand the

origins of these rites, examine how their practice has evolved over time, and assess their current relevance in

the society in question. The findings reveal that widowhood rites still carry a strong cultural significance

within the Babadjou community, where traditional and religious authorities hold them in high regard due to

their ancestral legitimacy. Nevertheless, due to scientific and technological advances, several changes have

been observed: some rites considered too difficult or nearly impossible today have been abandoned, and there

is a general trend toward making the process less burdensome. Field data reveals a growing sense of distress,

particularly among widows, who denounce certain abuses they deem degrading and inhumane—calling into

question the rites' role in promoting family cohesion and managing grief. While change is underway, it remains

insufficient in the face of the serious grievances raised. As such, a collaborative initiative involving political,

traditional, and religious authorities on one hand, and family actors on the other, appears essential to establish

a cultural transformation that strikes a balance between preserving ancestral heritage and respecting widows’

individual rights.

Keywords: widow, widowhood rites, serve, enslave, culture, socio-cultural logics, West-Cameroon, Babadjou.

Résumé

Les rites de veuvage sont un ensemble de pratiques culturelles recommandées au survivant dans un couple

lorsque l’un des deux décède. Historiquement, ceux-ci visaient à aider le veuf ou la veuve à traverser cette

douloureuse étape, à l’ennoblir et à faciliter son/sa réinsertion au sein de la société. Cependant, dans le

contexte actuel, ces rites font de plus en plus l’objet de plusieurs critiques, notamment en raison de leur

caractère jugé dévalorisant et humiliant pour les femmes surtout, qui subissent une version rituelle plus longue

et visiblement plus contraignante. Cette disparité de genre est due en partie à la structure patriarcale de la

majeure partie des sociétés africaines auxquelles appartient la communauté Babadjou, site de nos

investigations. De l’accroissement du taux de plaintes récemment formulées à l’encontre de ces rites, survient

une question importante : la pratique des rites de veuvage vaut-elle toujours son pesant d’or dans la société

contemporaine ? Pour répondre à cette interrogation, une étude qualitative descriptive à visée analytique a été

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conduite. Outre la recherche documentaire, des entretiens individuels approfondis ont été menés auprès des

veufs et veuves, des chefs de familles, des leaders communautaires et religieux dans la région de l’Ouest du

Cameroun. Une observation directe de quelques scènes rituelles de veuvage a été effectuée. Comprendre la

genèse de ces rites, examiner les dynamiques observées dans la pratique de ces rites au fil du temps et en

évaluer la plus-value actuelle dans la société concernée était l’objectif de cette recherche. Les résultats révèlent

que les rites de veuvage gardent encore une très forte valeur culturelle dans la communauté Babadjou, où

d’ailleurs les autorités traditionnelles et religieuses leur vouent un très grand culte en raison de leur légitimité

ancestrale. Néanmoins, en raison des progrès scientifiques et techniques, de nombreuses dynamiques ont été

observées, à savoir un retrait de certaines épreuves jugées difficiles et presque irréalisables aujourd’hui et un

allègement évolutif de celui-ci en général. Les données de terrain révèlent un mal-être croissant, précisément

chez les jeunes veuves qui dénoncent des abus qu’elles trouvent indignes et inhumains. Le veuvage, en tant

que phénomène à la fois culturel et social, implique des rituels solidement ancrés au cœur des traditions, mais

aussi soumises aux dynamiques contemporaines des droits humains. Les transformations amorcées semblent

cependant incomplètes au vu des différents challenges quotidiens émis par les veuves. Ceci dit, il semble

judicieux d’examiner l’interaction entre les autorités politiques, religieuses, culturelles et les acteurs des

familles afin de proposer une réforme conciliante de la préservation du patrimoine d’une part et du respect des

droits individuels des veuves d’autre part.

Mots clés : veuve, rites de veuvage, servir, asservir, culture, logiques socioculturelles, Ouest-Cameroun,

Babadjou.

INTRODUCTION

Far from being the cessation of life, the death of a spouse marks the birth of a very large and complex ritual.

Within the traditional African societies of Western Cameroon, the loss of a partner with whom the widow

maintained an official marital relationship is the beginning of a series of ancestral practices known locally as

"mpfôk," literally translated into French as "widowhood rites." These rites, once perceived as a set of practices

aimed at supporting the widow and preserving the pre-established sociocultural order, are now the subject of

much debate. Caught between the hammer of cultural conservation and the anvil of cultural revisionism,

widowhood rites, which are one of the most important rites in the Ngombale culture of the Babadjou people in

Western Cameroon, are the subject of debate about their actual place in a society subject to internal and

external dynamics.

In Cameroon, Mbonji Edjenguèlè (1978) conducted an in-depth study of the different types of widows found

in the locality of Pongo. Furthermore, the author analyzes the widowhood ritual as practiced in this

community. Among the Béti, authors such as Mebenga Tamba Luc (1990) and Pascale van de Wouwer-

Leunda (1996) have conducted work on widowhood. They discuss the various rituals that take place during

funerals in this community, while emphasizing the problems faced by widows. These problems are notably

economic, insofar as widows are often held for ransom by the officiants of the widowhood rites. Similarly,

there is the problem of managing the deceased husband's estate. It appears that rites related to widowhood lead

to the material and financial impoverishment of widows. A symposium organized in March 1988 by the

Ministry of Social Affairs and Women's Condition (MINASCOF) on the theme "Widowhood in Cameroon"

had denounced the practice of certain funeral rites that make the condition of widows in Cameroon unpleasant

(Luc Mebenga Tamba, 1982:13).

Furthermore, it is not good that those who practice it do not master its scope at all: hence the observed

deviations. Emmanuel Batamag (2017:12) states: "If there is one traditional rite whose mere evocation

provokes a dark mood; it is indeed that of widowhood. In Cameroon, depending on the tribe, it is a custom

dreaded by men but even more so by women because of its practices deemed humiliating." Following him,

Mariam Sorelle (2014: 07) noted that: "Widowhood [is] a prison for African women"; due to the fact that it is a

stage lasting sometimes from three months to a year and during this time, the widow must constantly maintain

a sad attitude. She also states that others (in-laws) even go so far as to demand that the woman drinks the

bathwater of her husband's corpse to prove that she had nothing to do with his death, which for her is a prison,

especially since the same ritual for men is more lenient; hence the idea of "one weight, two measures."

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However, traditional leaders, echoed by Jean Roger Kuate (2015), support the idea that the widowhood rite is a

therapeutic and indispensable ritual for the widow.

This article proposes to analyze the complex contours of this question in order to grasp the real function of

widowhood rites for widows today. To this end, we found it appropriate to first proceed with the methodology,

then the main results, followed by the analysis, and finally the discussion.

STUDY METHODOLOGY

Target Population

The qualitative data used come from various field surveys, including in-depth individual interviews and

focused group discussions with 35 key informants, whose number was determined by saturation.

Field Data Collection

Data collection was carried out from March 2021 to June 2021, and then from January to February 2022.

Through in-depth individual interviews, focused group discussions, and sharing life stories, it allowed for

interviewing rite specialists, several elders who are guarantors of the tradition, widowers and widows.

Discussions with widows were motivated by the natural desire to communicate, which led them to dialogue

with us several times. Thus, they felt useful and described these rites that they had already practiced and had

practiced at least twice in their lives. Furthermore, since data collection was based on an immersive approach,

direct observation allowed for the collection of ethnographic data on the practices and behaviours of widows.

Photography provided a visual basis for daily details, although some phases of the rite were inaccessible out of

respect for modesty.

Analysis and Interpretation of Obtained Data

After transcription and compilation, a thematic analysis of the field data was conducted, and the widowhood

ritual in the Babadjou area was interpreted. Functionalist and dynamist interpretive frameworks were used for

the interpretation of the results.

Main Study Results

Socio-Demographic Characteristics of Widows

The widows interviewed in this study numbered 21. During the fieldwork, the following variables were

recorded:

 Age

 Education

 Economic Activity

 Residence

 Household Composition

 Social Network

Age

The ages of the 21 widows participating in the study range from 35 to 85 years. The majority of them are in the

45 to 55 age group. This age distribution indicates that most widows are at a stage in their lives where family

responsibilities (household and child maintenance) and economic challenges (rent, schooling, food, health,

etc.) can be significant.

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Education Level

It is varied. Among the 21 widows interviewed, six widows received primary education, eight completed

secondary level, and four pursued higher education. Three widows had no formal schooling. The level of

education can significantly influence the widows' ability to provide for the material and financial needs of their

families, preventing them from accessing job opportunities and, consequently, managing the various daily

challenges they face during and after widowhood.

Economic Activity

The widows encountered in this study have diverse economic situations. Ten of them are active in the informal

sector, mainly in basic activities like trade or selling perishable goods from plantations and local products. Five

widows work the land, cultivating it and harvesting products to support their families. Four of them are

unemployed and daily resort to family, friends, and community organizations to solicit material or financial

help. Finally, two widows have formal employment within the public service in sectors like teaching and

health, with more stable financial incomes than the others.

Residence

The majority of widows (16 out of 21) live in rural areas, more specifically in the neighbourhoods of

Babadjou, namely Balepo, Kombou, Bamegnie, Topelou and Banwa, where financial resources and

community aid often available through social services can be limited. Five widows reside in urban areas,

notably Douala and Yaoundé, the economic and political capitals respectively, where access to services,

opportunities, and infrastructure may be easier.

Household Composition

All households of the interviewed widows include dependent children. Twelve widows live with minor

children, and among them, eight have at least four dependent children. Four widows live far from their

children, and five share their residence with members of the extended family. The household composition

considerably influences the needs in terms of resources and support.

Social Network

The social network of the widows varies significantly from one widow to another. Ten widows have strong

support from their biological families and communities of origin, which allows them to face the challenges of

widowhood more serenely. Seven widows have a more limited social network, making them more vulnerable

to social and economic problems. Four widows have little or no social support, having been abandoned since

their husbands' death, with only sporadic contact with friends and relatives.

These variables are important for understanding the challenges and needs of widows in their specific context in

Cameroon. The analysis of these variables can help identify the different areas in which they might need

support to improve their condition.

Contrast between the Sociocultural Conception of Widowhood and Real-Time Practice

The contrast between these two notions is very significant today. It ranges from idealized conceptions of

widowhood with the function of ennobling the widow, to complex, sometimes arduous practical realities,

characterized by physical abuses, physical sanctions, and sometimes financial penalties.

The Sociocultural Conception of Widowhood

The widowhood ritual called "mpfok" in the Bafung language was established since ancient times; the

ancestors officiated these rites to accompany widowers and widows. The objectives of this rite, practiced by

the surviving spouse, were as follows:

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1. the neutralisation of death

2. the reintegration of the widow

3. the aesthetics of life.

Neutralization of Death

Marriage between two people is made official by the payment of the dowry, followed by a celebration during

which their union is sealed until death do them part. This union is not only carnal but also spiritual. This

implies that after the death of one of the spouses, physical separation certainly occurs, but there remains

another crucial aspect for the living spouse: the spiritual death of their union to definitively cut all ties; hence

the objectification of the idea of the neutralization of death.

The neutralization of death is necessary insofar as it allows to "exonerate the living spouse and also protect

them from any repercussions related to the death of the other." (M. Michel, 73 years old, notable, Bamepa’a,

20-03-2021). Indeed, different authors explain that in various traditional societies like in Babadjou, the widow

is the first suspect in the death of her spouse; thus widowhood allows to "absolve her of all guilt and dissolve

the marriage pact to finally render her free." (Makemby, 68 years old, patriarch notable, Mbi’i, 27-09-2021).

The neutralization of death is materialized by the prohibition of any bodily care for beauty or cleanliness

purposes for the widow. Indeed, given that the person for whom she previously made herself beautiful and

refined is no longer alive to contemplate her, she must not hold him back. She is therefore forbidden for xxx

weeks or months from beauty care, hairdressing during the entire active phase of widowhood, and at the end,

she is taken to a river where her hair (a beauty adornment for the African woman) and her body hair that have

been in contact with the deceased are completely removed, and she is stripped naked, then washed with

traditional vinegar "letsii" which physically disinfects and spiritually purifies. She is then anointed with palm

oil which finalizes her purification, allows her to establish a link with the ancestors and ask for their protection,

and finally marks her desire for transition to a new status.

To cope with the constraints of widowhood, the widow is assisted by her family and other members of the

community. She must visit her in-laws and certain influential members of her husband's family. During this

tour, she must carry a basket on her head to receive gifts (mainly food and money). These offerings are a mark

of their support and affection towards her, proof that the family community remains attached to her and that

she can always count on them throughout the widowhood period, as illustrated by this widow:

"When I was brought out, I first went to the successor of my father-in-law because my father-in-law was

already dead, he gave me a lot of food and an envelope, then my father too, my husband's friends and passers-

by filled my basket, it helped me a lot." (Mrs. Marie Colette, 62 years old, Farmer, Bamegnie, 13-11-2021).

In short, the gifts received during the widowhood period can better help the widow to resume her professional

activity or engage in an income-generating activity to provide for her needs and those of her now orphaned

offspring. This family and community support will be of capital importance on psychological, social, and

economic levels in the phase of the widow's social reintegration.

Social Reintegration of the Widow

After the stage of neutralizing death with the breaking of the marriage pact, the next challenge is the social

reintegration of the widower or widow. The officiant of the widowhood rite is a former widower/widow who is

in charge of the execution, the proper conduct of the widowhood, and is the guarantor of the facts, gestures,

and words of the new widow during this time. The aim being that the bereaved person regains their former

place within their entourage. During this period of social reintegration, which lasts approximately two weeks

(14 days), circumstantial rituals are performed: purification rites, dances, offerings, and various ceremonies

including that of removing the widow's garb and wearing new clothes. From this moment, the widow gradually

resumes her usual daily activities and progressively recovers her freedom. She can go to the field, to the

market, to festive and even funeral ceremonies; and even remarry without fear. However, she must preferably

dress in black for a period of 12 months. The black colour is the mark of her grief and sadness following the

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disappearance of the deceased, and on the other hand, an alert to men not to approach her as a sign of respect

for the memory of her deceased husband and to avoid any risk of paternity confusion should she give birth to a

child.

Aesthetics of Life

The aesthetics of life here refers to all activities that constitute the funeral ceremonies. These include songs

performed during the ritual, dances executed, outfits, gestures, and all other acts that show that despite death,

life is beautiful. Certainly, death is a loss, but the life of the surviving member of the couple must not be sad

because of this fatal event. Thus, moments of rejoicing offer the opportunity for the widow to regain a taste for

life. The widow's family environment provides her with advice and comfort with the aim of encouraging her to

rediscover the pleasure of life, not only for herself but also for their children (if they had any).

The ethnography of the widowhood rite as practiced today in the locality of Babadjou provides a global and

real overview of this practice. However, it should be mentioned that it is no longer identical to that which was

done a few years ago. The widowhood rite has undergone several modifications over time and space, and it is

appropriate to highlight them in this work.

The Contrast Observed in Contemporary Practices

The widowhood rite as practiced today in the locality of Babadjou is undergoing significant modifications due

to new development dynamics. However, although it continues to hold a considerable place in this locality, its

staging no longer enjoys the unanimity it did a few years ago due to several notable facts that members point

out today. Indeed, this rite is the only one in practice that would have the privilege of dictating the behaviour

of the widower or widow once their partner has died, but also that of the child who would have been

designated as the successor of the deceased parent.

Currently, mutations are observed in the practice of the widowhood ritual. It therefore renews them and allows

them to better adapt to their new life circumstances. This place was once considered an indispensable value for

the renewal of the family after the brutal or non-brutal loss of an influential member.

However, it was marked by various constraining elements such as walking naked for several kilometers during

the visits the widow had to make, wearing black clothes and the "widow's bag" which served to distinguish her

from other women and prevent any potential contact that another man might solicit with her, prohibitions on

washing for several days or even just washing hands after a meal, having to sit and/or lie on the ground and/or

on a mat without a mattress for the entire duration of the widowhood, the prohibition from carrying out daily

occupations for several weeks, the prohibition from seeing daylight during the mourning period by staying

indoors, etc.

These elements raise fears today in view of the potential problems and pathologies they could generate not

only on a medical level but also on a psychosocial level since the woman often emerges sickly, stigmatized due

to cultural factors that make death a punishment for a committed fault, deprived of her rights as a human being.

If this is the result, what then is the added value of this ritual for her?

Major Contrasts

Widowhood: Idealism and Reality

N°

Situation before 1999

Current Situation (since 2000)

OBJECTIVE OF WIDOWHOOD

Formerly, within Babadjou culture,

widowhood was instituted to ennoble the

widow and reintegrate her socially. During

However, today, widows are forced to undergo

significant hardships such as paying large sums of

money –"during the widowhood, my deceased

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this ritual, the widow is supported by all

members of her nuclear family, her in-laws,

and all other members of the community.

husband's sister ordered me to pay a fine of

175,000 FCFA to obtain forgiveness and free me"

–, exposure of their nudity – "The day after the

burial, it was 5:30 AM when they took me to the

village river and I was undressed in front of

everyone present, then I was washed" –, isolation –

"I had to stay alone, not speak to anyone, and not

greet anyone until the burial" –, violence, and even

sexual abuse – "My deceased husband's brother

came at night to threaten me to sleep with him, he

said it was a requirement of the tradition, that I had

to accept because I became their wife from the

moment I was dowried by them". It has even

occurred that they were forced to sleep with the

brothers of the deceased at the risk of losing

custody of their children.

MULTIFORM SUPPORT

Widows received during all this time

significant material contributions ensuring

she lacked nothing since she was prohibited

from working. This help even extended to

cultivating her fields, harvesting, selling the

produce, and giving the proceeds to the

widow.

Today, widows no longer receive this support

continuously due to the daily occupations of other

people, hence she could have great difficulty

surviving and feeding her household if this

ancestral norm were to be respected.

CONDUCT OF THE RITE

The widowhood rites as established since antiquity include a crucial and almost universal phase

which is the shaving of the widow's head and private parts, the prohibition from lying on a bed,

deprivation of sleep and meals, and even corporal punishment in some cases.

Currently, significant modifications are observed. The most severe practices, such as prolonged nudity or

physical abuse, tend to be abandoned or reduced, especially among educated widows or those living in urban

areas. However, other constraints persist, and the ritual's form varies greatly depending on the family.

Conformism to Traditions and Adaptation to Changes

The basic ancient conception of widowhood rites lies in an ancestral version of old customs that were

considered immutable and divinely sacred. Yet, social, cultural, and economic realities change as fast as a

generation passes. This has led to the readaptation of customs, traditions, and practices to the norms of current

society. Thus, widows need more resources to overcome current difficulties.

Cross-Analysis of Results

Widowhood as a Process of Ennoblement and Purification: Structure and Social Protection

Data from the field sufficiently demonstrate that widowhood rites, according to their ancient vision, play a role

of ennoblement for widows, through the various purification rituals that allow to ward off curses and restore

social balance. This conception joins anthropological analyses done on rites of passage by Van Gennep and

Turner (1970), according to which all cultural rites practiced in society had a reintegrative function of the

concerned person within the social group and the cosmic order via the interpellation of the ancestors.

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Loss of Essence and Ritual Deviation: The Crisis of Cultural Transmission

The greatest challenge of cultural transmission observed at the end of this study is the absence of a framework,

the absence of written transmission channels between different generations. The new generations are

abandoned and lack written support to refer to and know exactly the practices, facts, and taboos. Old

ethnographic reports and discussions with patriarchs accurately report that in the past, widowhood rites were a

means of support for the widow and mutual aid for the rest of the community; it was executed in strict respect

of cultural norms and values, which seems very different from the rites observed today. This observation is

tangible proof of a major crisis in the retransmission of cultures and ancestral know-how, a mark of

intergenerational rupture and dilution of cultural identity markers.

From Community Support to Individual Initiative: Mutation of the Social Role of the Rite

Culturally, the active period of widowhood was materialized by the mobilization of almost all women of the

area who came from all sides to testify their affection and bring their support to the afflicted widow. She then

received multifarious help (material, emotional, physical, financial). It was an intense time of social solidarity

that brought the population back to the original functions of regulation and assistance to people in distress.

Today, however, this aid is deteriorating due to socioeconomic dynamics, professional constraints, and the rise

of individualism. The community fabric is severely tested, and times of sorrow no longer guarantee total

community support. Field data report many widows located in urban areas who lacked moral and/or physical

support, something unimaginable in ancient times. This trend moving from a collective logic towards an

increasingly individualistic logic aligns with the thoughts of Comaroff (1999) on community and social

vulnerabilities in Africa since colonization.

The Economy of Widowhood: Between Dependency and Fragilized Autonomy

The cross-analysis of results shows a considerable economic impact of widowhood on widows. The

requirements of the ritual, notably the sudden cessation of external activities for the entire year that the

widowhood lasts and the absence of socio-community support, are sufficient reasons for creating new sources

of income. The accounts of the informants confirm the difficulties they endured, torn between respecting the

immobilization during the ritual, which generated economic dependence, and a loss of their financial

autonomy. These ritual constraints were sometimes more consequential for "urban" widows due to

professional demands, whether in the formal or informal sector.

Modern Pressures, Cultural Hybridization, and Endogenous Reform

In conclusion, the collected data call for a reflection on the possibilities of refining and reforming widowhood

in light of current realities. It is certainly true that with the external influences already highlighted

(technologies, religions, Western education...). Culture, as an object of human inventiveness for solving

encountered problems, should remain the factor par excellence for cohesion in society. It would benefit from

being flexible, inclusive, adaptive to avoid the risks of being completely rejected or even eradicated. The

challenge here is to break it internally, from an endogenous perspective, to make it more attentive to new

social norms and restore the dignity of widows. Mbembe (2000) and Nyamnjoh (2019) in their work on

African modernity recalled that cultural guarantors would benefit from investing in the hybridization of

African cultures to find the right balance between tradition and innovation.

DISCUSSION OF RESULTS

The results of this research highlight a huge gap between the ancient perceptions of widowhood rites and

contemporary practices of widowhood within the Babadjou locality of Western Cameroon. While cultural

leaders struggle as best they can to preserve the original function of symbolic regulation and social support of

widowhood, the latter is increasingly the subject of much debate both about its form and its various purposes.

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A Traditionally Noble Ritual but Weakened in its Basic Conception

As suggested by empirical data, widowhood rites retain a sacred dimension and are divinized in the collective

imagination. They aim to purify, protect, accompany, and reintegrate the widow into the community after the

spouse's death. These different objectives are well described in the classical anthropological literature on rites

of passage (Van Gennep, 1909; Turner, 1967), which identify these ritual sequences as excellent means of

managing ruptures and existential crises within society.

Yet, the obtained results demonstrate that these functions are now almost all corrupted and biased. Certainly,

the absence of common identity references and official regulatory authorities has led to libertine practices,

often manipulated to serve selfish individuals, thus allowing them to turn these moments into times for settling

family conflicts. The remarks enumerated by Geschiere (1995) regarding deviations during these practices

already reported this use of rites for vengeful purposes, especially in cases of notable absence of family

authorities. This then creates the ambiguity of customs discussed by Nzegwu in 2006.

A Rupture in Transmission: The Loss of a Collective Knowledge

The intergenerational discontinuity observed in the practice of widowhood rites highlights a severe disturbance

in the transmission of endogenous cultural knowledge. Young generations are often distant from traditional

reference authorities due to migratory movements in search of better living conditions, modern Western

schooling, and the various prevailing religions, notably Catholicism, Protestantism, and revivalist churches.

Thus, these new generations, lacking cultural benchmarks, no longer possess the knowledge and symbolic or

practical tools allowing them to correctly perpetuate the practice of the rites. This phenomenon of

deculturation evokes what some social science authors call "cultural dissonance" (Nyamnjoh, 2012), in which

old norms and values are no longer able to fit harmoniously within new social structures.

A contemporary adage said "words fly away, writings remain" to mention the solidity of written knowledge

against the challenge of time. The verbal and non-regulatory nature of the know-how and knowledge of

widowhood worsens the problem. Informants mentioned the absence of a library of customary archives and of

professionals in the field of rites, thus giving free access to Machiavellian and self-interested, sometimes

libertine and very mean manipulations that desacralize the rites, discredit their foundation, and destabilize

widows in the community. The absence of this collective memory is a powerful cry for the establishment of

urgent reflection on the modalities of endogenous restructuring of the rites, without however falling into a total

rejection of this cultural heritage.

The Decline of Community Mutual Aid: Between Isolation and Precariousness

Formerly, widowhood was unquestionably part of a context of strong family, community, and lineage

solidarity. Empirical data confirm that it was a time of collective mobilization around the widow, who was

supposed to be surrounded, accompanied, and supported. However, this socio-community function is gradually

eroding. The accounts highlight deviations towards isolation, loneliness, stigmatization, and sometimes even

social suspicion of incriminating the widow. This shift is intensified by economic and professional pressures

and the transformation of socio-family structures, particularly in urban settings.

Literature on gender and work (Kabeer, 1999; Chant, 2008) shows that widows are condemned to suffer a

double penalty: on one hand, the loss of emotional and institutional support, and on the other, the weakening of

their economic power. The obtained data further support this predisposition, demonstrating that due to the

ritual requirements of widowhood, namely the seclusion and duration to observe, widows with economic or

professional activities (traders, teachers, nurses, etc.) are forced to reduce or, in the worst case, to stop

completely, which is likely to cause their downfall.

Towards an Endogenous and Adaptive Rereading of the Rite

In view of the gap between the ritual requirements of widowhood and the realities experienced daily by

widows, this analysis invites an endogenous reform of widowhood. It would be a matter of opening up to new

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RESEARCH AND INNOVATION IN SOCIAL SCIENCE (IJRISS)

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horizons, keeping the focus on the well-being of the person as a member of the community, and acting

accordingly instead of maintaining old and outdated practices. To this end, it is judicious for cultural leaders to

consider a refinement of the rites, mutual aid based on intergenerational dialogue to find the right balance

between preserving the fundamental norms and values of the ritual and the rights and needs of the current

population.

As stated by several informants, updates and adaptations must come from within and be highlighted by the

legitimate holders of cultural authority, namely traditional chiefs. They must also consider the voices of

women, the main actors, yet long kept away from decision-making circles on customary practices. In the same

vein, this study is part of a perspective of critical and constructive anthropology, which considers culture as a

living, evolving, and negotiable ensemble (Mbembe, 2000) whose ultimate goal is to solve the problems of the

population.

CONCLUSION

This research conducted on the role of widowhood in the lives of Babadjou widows in Western Cameroon

reveals a profoundly ambivalent reality, at the crossroads of cultural heritage and contemporary sociocultural

mutations. On one hand, widowhood rites hold strong symbolic significance: they are perceived as a process of

purification and reintegration of the widow into the rest of the community, charged with cosmological and

communal meaning. It remains, notwithstanding a few details, a witness to the community's solidarity towards

the surviving spouse. On the other hand, the regulatory function of widowhood rites has gradually degraded

over time, impaired by social crises, economic dynamics, the challenge of cultural transmission between

generations, and the rise of intra-family tensions.

This study reveals that even if widows have not ceased to be the central actors of this ritual, they also remain

the main victims of these observed deviations. Numerous current actions and practices trigger suffering,

stigmatization, and discomfort for them. The rigidity of the rituals in the face of living conditions, particularly

in urban areas or in a context of salaried work, places widows in situations of increased vulnerability.

In light of these findings, it is urgent to rethink the widowhood ritual no longer as a sacred cultural relic, but as

an evolving complex, to be refined and reformed in an inclusive and endogenous manner. Recognizing the cry

of widows, the partial formalization of ritual practices (while keeping their essence intact), and the economic

and psychosocial support of women in widowhood should constitute the heart of the envisioned reforms. The

active mobilization of traditional authorities, religious and community leaders, but also state and associative

instances, proves indispensable to envisage a real revitalization that respects both the symbolic foundations of

the widowhood ritual and the fundamental rights of widows.

Ultimately, this research constitutes an invitation to a dynamic and critical approach to widowhood, which will

know how to handle the identity and social stakes of the rite. This research also gives rise to future research on

women's resilience methods once the active phase of widowhood is completed, and finally on cultural

adaptation strategies in a context of globalization, as well as on the establishment of public policies in line with

local realities.

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