deficit arguably rooted in an underdeveloped sense of career maturity. This study employed a mixed-methods

research design encompassing quantitative and qualitative approaches. The quantitative phase involved a survey

using the Career Maturity Inventory–Revised (1995), translated into Malay and validated as the Malay Revised

Inventori Kematangan Kerjaya (1995). The sample comprised 1,000 UniSZA students, including 500 male and

500 female participants, selected using systematic sampling. This paper presents a critical conceptual analysis

that systematically re-examines existing vocational development theories in light of contemporary

socioeconomic realities. The findings of the study indicate that independent-samples t-test results reveal a

statistically significant difference in career maturity based on students’ gender, while the overall level of career

maturity among UniSZA students is at a moderate level. The analysis further identifies interrelated conceptual

dimensions as central to understanding career maturity among UniSZA students: the persistent tension between

guarantees a clear path; instead, it often leads to profound uncertainty, a chasm between expectation and grim

reality, forcing a critical re-evaluation of what 'preparedness' truly signifies for young adults entering the

workforce. This predicament is particularly acute in developing economies, where rapid industrial shifts collide

with deeply entrenched societal expectations, leaving institutions like Universiti Sultan Zainal Abidin (UniSZA)

in a difficult position, ostensibly producing graduates for roles that may not exist or for which students are simply

not adequately equipped. The conventional wisdom—that students merely need more 'skills'—is demonstrably

insufficient; it sidesteps the more profound, internal struggle concerning identity, aspiration, and realistic

selfassessment. Few, it seems, question the foundational premise of what constitutes career maturity in a rapidly

evolving, often unforgiving, global economy, especially when viewed through the lens of a regional university.

The existing discourse often presumes a linear, Western-centric trajectory of career development, ignoring the

such as Super (1980), whose developmental stage theory provided an enduring, if increasingly challenged,

framework for understanding vocational progression. Super posited a series of life stages, each marked by

specific tasks and psychological adjustments, suggesting a universal trajectory from exploration to

establishment. Yet, one might suspect this linear progression, so neatly delineated, struggles for universal

applicability; its genesis in a mid-20th century Western context renders it somewhat tenuous when applied

uncritically to contemporary non-Western populations, particularly in rapidly industrialising nations where

traditional career paths are dissolving (Patton & McMahon, 2014). This rather deterministic view, while

Indeed, the concept has morphed and expanded, with researchers like Savickas (2005) offering a more

postmodern, constructivist perspective through his career construction theory. Savickas pushed back against the

Beyond these individual-centric models, a significant body of work has explored the environmental and

contextual factors influencing career development. Studies have repeatedly pointed to the profound impact of

family expectations and cultural norms on career choice, particularly within collectivist societies where filial

piety often dictates vocational pathways (Choudhuri et al., 2016). For many Malaysian students, career decisions

are rarely purely individualistic ventures; they are intricate negotiations between personal ambition, parental

aspirations, and community values (Salleh & Yahaya, 2011). This interplay introduces a layer of complexity that

purely Western-derived theories often fail to fully apprehend, frequently underestimating the psychological

Furthermore, the economic realities of a region cannot be ignored. The availability of relevant jobs, the perceived

More contemporary research has begun to disentangle the role of career self-efficacy—an individual's belief in

their ability to successfully execute career-related tasks—as a critical component of career maturity (Betz &

Luzzo, 1996). High self-efficacy in career decision-making, job searching, and skill acquisition appears strongly

correlated with positive career outcomes. This seems plausible. Yet, the question of how this selfefficacy

develops in an environment where role models might be scarce, and exposure to diverse professional settings

limited, remains somewhat underexplored. UniSZA students, for instance, might come from rural backgrounds

with limited exposure to the breadth of modern industries, potentially stunting the development of robust career

The prevailing literature, while rich in empirical data concerning career readiness levels, frequently treats ‘career

understanding that acknowledges both the psychological and the socio-structural forces at play, specifically

This study employed a mixed-methods design integrating quantitative and qualitative approaches. The

quantitative component utilized a survey method based on the Career Maturity Inventory–Revised (1995), which

was translated into Malay and adapted as the Malay Revised Inventori Kematangan Kerjaya (1995). The study

sample comprised 1,060 UniSZA students, including 530 male and 530 female participants, selected using

systematic sampling. The qualitative component focused on a critical conceptual analysis, adopting a rigorous

interpretative approach that differs fundamentally from conventional systematic reviews, which typically

prioritise empirical synthesis. This approach is particularly appropriate when the research objective is to develop

or refine theoretical understanding, especially in fields where quantitative evidence offers only fragmented

insights. Accordingly, this study does not seek to measure prevalence, but rather to elucidate the underlying

in theoretical paradigms from trait-factor theories to more constructivist and contextual approaches. Crucially,

The next step involved an iterative process of conceptual refinement. We purposefully discarded outdated or

empirically unsupported theoretical tenets, favouring those that demonstrated robust explanatory power or

offered conceptual flexibility for adaptation. This meant a constant re-evaluation: *does this concept truly explain

what we observe in the current educational landscape, or is it a relic of a bygone era?* Special attention was

given to literature that discussed career development in non-Western contexts, particularly Southeast Asia and

Malaysia, allowing for the identification of culturally specific variables that general theories often neglect. This

included scholarly articles, book chapters, and relevant policy documents that provided insight into local

constructs, their definitions, the relationships between them, and the implicit assumptions underpinning various

of convergence, divergence, and outright contradiction. The goal was to build a comprehensive conceptual map,

Ultimately, this methodology allowed for the synthesis of disparate theoretical strands into a coherent framework.

It enabled the identification of gaps within existing knowledge and the proposition of new conceptual

offer fresh interpretations of existing phenomena, providing a foundation for future empirical investigation. It is

female students (n = 530, M = 86.1), with the difference reaching a high level of statistical significance (p <

.001). Differences in career maturity according to gender (N = 1,060). With respect to gender, female students

When interpreted in relation to the existing literature, the findings suggest that career maturity within the UniSZA

context should not be understood as a monolithic construct, but rather as an outcome shaped by the interaction

of several context-specific conceptual dynamics. This interaction is inherently complex. A salient conceptual

theme that emerged is the persistent tension between individual aspirations and dominant familial career scripts.

Although students ostensibly possess autonomy in selecting their academic and professional pathways, they

frequently find themselves navigating a network of implicit yet powerful expectations imposed by parents and

extended family members. This condition can be psychologically demanding. Perceptions of “career maturity”

are therefore often less dependent on autonomous self-exploration, as posited in Western career development

theories, and more contingent upon students’ capacity to accommodate—or subtly resist—external pressures.

Such dynamics frequently result in career choices driven by perceived responsibility rather than personal interest

(Choudhuri et al., 2016). This internal conflict is clearly evident and plays a formative role in vocational decision-

can see, inadvertently reinforcing the very limitations they seek to overcome. How can a student dream of being

responsibility to not only prepare students for “any” job but to critically evaluate the alignment between its

academic offerings and the actual demand, both local and national. This is not about capitulating to market