INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RESEARCH AND INNOVATION IN SOCIAL SCIENCE (IJRISS)
ISSN No. 2454-6186 | DOI: 10.47772/IJRISS | Volume IX Issue XXX December 2025 | Special Issue
Page 243
www.rsisinternational.org
Analysis of Demographic Factors of Young Voters on the Change in
Support for Government Leadership Towards Civil Malaysia
Siti Khatijah Yasin
1
, Farah Syazrah Mohd Ghazali
2
, Nurshuhada Mohammad
3
Faculty of General Studies and Advanced Education, Universiti Sultan Zainal Abidin
DOI: https://dx.doi.org/10.47772/IJRISS.2025.930000031
Received: 10 December 2025; Accepted: 16 December 2025; Published: 25 December 2025
ABSTRACT
The change in government leadership after the 14th General Election has undoubtedly marked an important
milestone in history after more than 60 years of Barisan Nasional controlling the country’s leadership. The new
leadership that is so committed ensures that the country continues to develop and sustain the community’s agenda
towards a more progressive. The objective of this study is to analyse the demographic factors of young voters
towards the change in support for government leadership. The quantitative research involved 384 respondents
representing seven states that experienced changes in support for government leadership. The study was
conducted using a survey method by distributing questionnaires based on stratified random and simple sampling.
The data obtained from the field was then analysed using the Statistical Package for Social Science (SPSS) 26.0.
The data was analysed using descriptive analysis to obtain inferential analysis to test the study hypothesis. The
study results showed demographic differences in young voters in the polling place and residential area towards
changes in support for government leaders. The findings of this study have significant implications for the
government in ensuring that the highlighted leaders can shoulder fair responsibilities in realising the wishes and
dreams of voters and moving towards a superior, civilised country.
Keyword: Demographic Factors, Young Voters, Support Changes, Government Leadership, Civil Malaysia
INTRODUCTION
Building a developing country requires having leaders who carry out responsibilities fairly across religious, party
and racial boundaries. Changes in support for government leadership will occur if the current leadership cannot
shoulder the trust and bring the country’s stability in a better direction. These changes are primarily a result of
the pressure borne by the people, such as political repressions, human rights violations and so on; for example,
in the Philippines, the people rose up against the autocratic Marcos regime and finally, President Marcos was
overthrown by the people in 1986 (Dori Efendi & Jayum Jawan, 2017). A change of government also occurred
in Tunisia in 2011, namely the people’s uprising against nepotism and corruption led by Ben Ali (Ottaway &
Hamzawy, 2011). Malaysia is no exception to receiving a change in support for the government leadership after
the 14th General Election (GE) after being controlled by the Barisan Nasional (BN) for a long time. However,
GE-15 also saw a change in government leadership, proving that Malaysia practices a democratic system.
The Malaysian general election has been held 15 times since 1955. The transition of power from BN to the
leadership of Pakatan Harapan (PH) took place in GE-14 (Asmady, Asri & Mohd Rizal, 2021). The results of
GE-15 reveal that BN could only defend 30 parliamentary seats (Election Commission, 2022). However, studies
have identified that after GE-14, there were two changes in support for the government leadership before GE-
15. After the GE-15 was passed, voters also accepted the change in government leadership at the state level and
the formation of the Unity Government at the federal level. The support of young voters is an element that plays
an important role in influencing the change in government leadership towards a civilised Malaysia. The 10th PM
brought this idea to map out an effective administrative and governance strategy based on the principles of
values, ethics and morality.
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RESEARCH AND INNOVATION IN SOCIAL SCIENCE (IJRISS)
ISSN No. 2454-6186 | DOI: 10.47772/IJRISS | Volume IX Issue XXX December 2025 | Special Issue
Page 244
www.rsisinternational.org
Within the context of the study Analysis of Demographic Factors of Young Voters on the Change in Support for
Government Leadership towards Civil Malaysia, two hypotheses were formulated to examine the relationship
between demographic factors and changes in young voters’ support for government leadership, as follows:
H
01
: There is a significant relationship between polling location and changes in support for government
leadership.
H
02
: There is a significant relationship between voters’ residential area and changes in support for government
leadership.
LITERATURE REVIEW
The Role of Young Voters in Government Leadership Changes
Young voters now receive more attention in national politics than before when this group was sidelined in
discussing political issues. The change in government leadership has opened the eyes of all parties to the
importance of the next generation to a sovereign and constitutional country (Nur Ellyanis Mohd Basori & Junaidi
Awang Besar, 2020). The proof is how the government’s concern for young people in national politics has led
to the approval of the 18-year-old vote (SPR, 2019) to work together in planning the development and future of
the country. A study by Yazid Saleh et al. (2020) on the support patterns of young voters before the GE-14
demonstrates that young voters have different and distinctive views when selecting candidates. Of course,
matters involving leaders' misconduct are the main reason that prompted them to make changes in the last GE14
(Case, 2017; Hutchinson, 2018).
Nur Ellyanis and Junaidi (2020) believe that many young voters showed courage in determining changes to the
country’s leadership in GE-14. According to him, most of the voters on the fence are young voters, and this
group is what drives the change in government leadership when the GE arrives. If examined, various offers in
the manifesto for young people include PTPTN exemption, GST elimination, and gradual toll elimination if PH
wins GE-14. Researchers Muhamad Takiyuddin and Muhamad Nadzri (2018) believe that the sustainability of
implementation is quite limited, but it has managed to influence almost 40 per cent of young voters to express
support for the opposition in GE-14. However, can the politician’s promises be fulfilled in practice, or is it just
political rhetoric.
Mohammad Agus Yusoff and Shah Mohd Akmal Abdul Halim (2019) explained that young voters focus more
on important issues, including economic development, welfare, education, job opportunities and public facilities.
In GE-14, the young people’s power was so great that it changed the government that had ruled the country for
decades. However, after the change happens, would the voice of young people still be a priority in national
development, or was it just bait to win elections? The results of GE-15 also indicate the contribution of young
voters, especially first-time voters, that led to a change in government leadership after GE-15.
In addition, in the 2017 British General Election, the Labour Party succeeded in addressing the hearts of young
voters due to the effectiveness of a manifesto specifically for young people. Tuition fee restrictions, many job
opportunities and financial aid for students are among their demands, and finally, the Labour Party has succeeded
in defeating the Conservative Party in the British General Election (Norris, 2017; Sloam, Raqib & Henn, 2018).
This is also supported by previous studies that reveal that the change in the political landscape of Türkiye also
occurred due to the young voters. According to Haziman (2017), the victory of the Welfare Party was due to the
full support of this group because of the ‘social welfare’ campaign that guarantees a fairer life for them. Realising
the above fact, the support of young voters will change if they still enrich the old leadership in managing the
country’s governance, and the impact on young people will be high.
The support of young voters is critical and necessary in making the best decisions for the country. A study by
Suresh Kumar and Sivarajan (2018) found that young voters focus more on current issues, the attitude of leaders,
party policies, and candidate credibility than older voters, who are more sentimental about party politics and
reciprocity. PH has succeeded in influencing young voters with the manifesto of promises regarding the issues
that young people are concerned about and that the previous government ignored, while statistics illustrate that
90 per cent of young voters under the age of 30 chose PR in GE-13 in 2013. In this regard, young voters prefer
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RESEARCH AND INNOVATION IN SOCIAL SCIENCE (IJRISS)
ISSN No. 2454-6186 | DOI: 10.47772/IJRISS | Volume IX Issue XXX December 2025 | Special Issue
Page 245
www.rsisinternational.org
candidate leaders who are aware of political morality, integrity, democracy, and basic human rights, and the party
offers policies for future interests. Young voters are no longer concerned with material development; rather,
conducive leadership is necessary for a civilised country, in line with the requirements of religion, which highly
demands responsible leaders and carries out trust fairly in realising the concept of civil Malaysia, which is the
main thrust of national administration.
The voter behaviour model by Ghazali Mayudin (2006) explains that voter behaviour is closely related to the
democratic process and electoral practices in Malaysia. According to Ghazali, there are three behavioural
approaches that influence voters’ tendencies in selecting political leaders, namely party identification behaviour,
rational choice behaviour, and sociological behaviour. He further argues that these three approaches can be
measured and analysed based on the electoral processes in Malaysia. These behavioural approaches are
interrelated and remain relevant within the context of the present study. The findings of this study indicate that
all three behavioural approaches are appropriate for assessing the extent to which voters adapt following changes
in their support for government leadership.
The study also reveals that the three theories outlined have been applied by previous scholars, including Barry
(1970), who identified two primary approaches: the economic and sociological approaches. These theories
explain the functioning of democratic political systems and their relationship with political issues and voter
behaviour, particularly voting decisions, with a focus on the United States. Gomez (1990), on the other hand,
emphasised that within the framework of voter behaviour, the rational choice approach highlights the influence
of business and economic considerations within political parties, which subsequently increases party
membership and strengthens voters’ support tendencies towards a particular political party.
Based on the conceptual discussion and relevant previous studies concerning voter behaviour models, it can be
concluded that the three theories party identification, rational choice, and sociological approaches, particularly
those proposed by Ghazali are crucial in understanding Malay voter behaviour in relation to changes in support
for government leadership. Through an understanding of these behavioural approaches, clearer insights can be
gained into individual voting patterns. This study also seeks to identify and evaluate voters’ political responses
to policies, governance strategies, issues, and related factors within the electoral decisionmaking process.
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
This study uses statistical analysis within quantitative research methodology regarding the demographic factors
of young voters that influence the change in government leadership towards a civil Malaysia. A questionnaire
was designed to conduct a survey and used as a data collection instrument. A total of 384 respondents from seven
states were involved, namely Terengganu, Selangor, Melaka, Negeri Sembilan, Johor, Kedah, and Perak.
Respondents were taken according to the sample size set by Krejcie and Morgan (1970). Data obtained from the
questionnaire were analysed using the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) Version 26 software.
The study data were analysed using a descriptive analysis test, the ANOVA test, which is an analysis of variance
conducted to compare the mean values of three or more independent sample groups (Chua, 2014). This study
conducted the ANOVA test to determine socio-demographic aspects, such as constituency areas and residential
area.
Reliability test
Reliability refers to the stability and consistency of the instrument to measure a concept outlined. According to
Mohd Majid (2000), a popular and often-used test to measure consistency in a concept is Cronbach’s Alpha.
Cronbach’s Alpha reliability value is between 0.0 and 1.0. Cronbach’s Alpha value of more than 0.60 is often
used as an index of reliability for research conducted, including in this study. Therefore, the study has set a
Cronbach’s Alpha value of more than 0.06 as the reliability value for each part of the questionnaire tested. Pallant
(2016) states that a Cronbach’s Alpha value of 0.7 and above is acceptable. Next, a pilot study was conducted to
determine the reliability value of the prepared questionnaire.
Reliability Value of Change in Support for Government Leadership
This study will analyse the reliability value of the construct and each item of change in support of government
leadership, which is explained in detail in the Table below.
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RESEARCH AND INNOVATION IN SOCIAL SCIENCE (IJRISS)
ISSN No. 2454-6186 | DOI: 10.47772/IJRISS | Volume IX Issue XXX December 2025 | Special Issue
Page 246
www.rsisinternational.org
Table 1: Reliability Value of Change in Support for Government Leadership
Variable
Cronbach’s Alpha
Change in Government Leadership
0.867
Table 1 highlights that the construct for the variable of change in support for government leadership has a
Cronbach’s Alpha value of 0.867. This indicates that all items in this construct achieve the required internal
reliability.
Table 2: Reliability Value of Each Item of Change in Support for Government Leadership
Total
Total Item
Cronbach Alpha if Item Deleted
1
Support from young voters
0.865
2
BN performance declined
0.858
3
Guaranteed economic stability
0.882
4
National issues resolved
0.849
5
Religious institutions more secure
0.854
6
Manifesto fulfilled
0.849
7
Guaranteed the rights of the Malays
0.851
8
Leaders involved in corruption removed
0.841
9
People’s living standards are more secure
0.849
10
Election promises of each party fulfilled
0.848
According to Table 2, for the variable of change in support for government leadership, the highest Cronbach’s
Alpha value is 0.882 on item question 3, while the lowest Cronbach’s Alpha value is 0.841 on item question 8.
All Cronbach’s alpha values show values exceeding the minimum limit of 0.6, so all constructs are reliable and
relevant (Hair et al., 2014). This indicates that all items in this construct achieve the required internal reliability.
ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION
Results of Respondent Demographic Profile Analysis
The demographic profile below (see Table 3) shows the distribution of respondent profiles according to detailed
categories to identify the frequency and percentage of results. It includes age groups, polling places, occupations,
and residential areas. The total number of respondents who were registered Malay voters was 384.
The descriptive analysis in this study explains the interpretation of the data obtained, such as the average value
(mean), percentage (per cent), total (total), standard deviation (standard deviation), range, variance (variance),
minimum value, maximum value and so on. However, this study only uses the average value (mean) and
percentage (per cent) to analyse the data obtained.
Table 3: Demographic Profile of Young Voter Respondents
Demographics
Frequency
Percentage (%)
Polling Place:
Terengganu
32
8.3
Selangor
106
28
Johor
80
21
Kedah
50
13
Perak
67
17
Negeri Sembilan
27
7
Melaka
22
5.7
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RESEARCH AND INNOVATION IN SOCIAL SCIENCE (IJRISS)
ISSN No. 2454-6186 | DOI: 10.47772/IJRISS | Volume IX Issue XXX December 2025 | Special Issue
Page 247
www.rsisinternational.org
Residential Area:
Urban
134
34.9
Semi-Urban
139
36.2
Rural
111
28.9
TOTAL
384
100%
The findings in Table 3 depict that Selangor is the state with the highest number of respondents, namely 106
respondents (28per cents), followed by Johor with 80 respondents (21per cent), Perak with 67 respondents (17per
cent), Kedah with 50 respondents (13 per cent), Terengganu with 32 respondents (8.3 per cent), Negeri Sembilan
with 27 respondents (7 per cent) and the lowest number of respondents representing the state of Melaka with 22
respondents (5.7 per cent). All respondents involved were from seven states, and the number of samples taken
was not the same because the number was according to the voter population in each state. For the respondents’
residential area, 139 respondents (36.2 per cent) were in semi-urban areas, followed by 134 respondents (34.9
per cent) in urban areas and 111 respondents (28.9 per cent) in rural areas.
Results of Analysis of Differences in Demographic Profiles of Young Voters Against Changes in
Government Leadership Polling Place Profile Analysis
This test analyses the significant relationship between changes in government leadership according to polling
place through H1b. This test is formed based on the following hypothesis:
H1b: There is a significant difference between polling places and changes in government leadership.
ANOVA test analysis was conducted to compare the mean difference between the polling place factors and
changes in government leadership. The results of the analysis found that there was a significant difference
between polling places and changes in government leadership. The analysis displays a value of F = 5.905 and P
= 0.000, which shows a value of P < 0.05. Therefore, this hypothesis is accepted because there is a significant
difference between polling places and changes in government leadership. The results of the analysis are
illustrated in Table 4.
Table 4: ANOVA Test based on Polling Station
Source of Variation
Sum of Squares
df
Mean Square
F
Sig.
Between Groups
77.140
6
12.857
5.905
0.000
Within Groups
820.803
377
2.177
Total
897.942
383
The ANOVA test depicts a significant value, and a follow-up Post-Hoc Test was conducted to examine the
significant mean difference between polling stations. Based on Table 4.1, the results of the Post-Hoc Multiple
Comparisons tests showed that there was a significant difference in the mean score of government leadership
change according to polling stations. The analysis revealed that Terengganu and Selangor differed based on the
significant value of (P = 0.003 < ɑ = 0.05). The analysis also showed that Kedah and Negeri Sembilan also had
a difference where the significant level was (P = 0.008 < ɑ = 0.05). However, the analysis presented that the
polling stations in the states of Perak and Johor found no significant difference, namely P= 0.976 > ɑ = 0.05.
The analysis also revealed that the polling stations in Melaka and Negeri Sembilan states found no significant
difference, namely P= 1.000 > ɑ = 0.05. The entire Post Hoc test analysis has been explained in Table 4.1.
Table 4.1: Post Hoc Tests of Government Leadership Changes between Polling Stations
(I) Polling Station
(J) Polling Station
Mean Difference (I–J)
Std. Error
Sig.
Terengganu
Selangor
1.14197*
0.29586
0.003
Terengganu
Johor
1.19068*
0.30472
0.002
Terengganu
Kedah
0.46578
0.32964
0.795
Terengganu
Perak
0.97984*
0.31230
0.030
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RESEARCH AND INNOVATION IN SOCIAL SCIENCE (IJRISS)
ISSN No. 2454-6186 | DOI: 10.47772/IJRISS | Volume IX Issue XXX December 2025 | Special Issue
Page 248
www.rsisinternational.org
Terengganu
Negeri Sembilan
1.71414*
0.38290
0.000
Terengganu
Melaka
1.70152*
0.40613
0.001
Selangor
Terengganu
-1.14197*
0.29586
0.003
Selangor
Johor
0.04871
0.22008
1.000
Selangor
Kedah
-0.67620
0.25347
0.109
Selangor
Perak
-0.16213
0.23046
0.992
Selangor
Negeri Sembilan
0.57217
0.31968
0.556
Selangor
Melaka
0.55954
0.34716
0.675
Johor
Terengganu
-1.19068*
0.30472
0.002
Johor
Selangor
-0.04871
0.22008
1.000
Johor
Kedah
-0.72491
0.26376
0.089
Johor
Perak
-0.21084
0.24173
0.976
Johor
Negeri Sembilan
0.52346
0.32790
0.685
Johor
Melaka
0.51083
0.35474
0.780
Kedah
Terengganu
-0.46578
0.32964
0.795
Kedah
Selangor
0.67620
0.25347
0.109
Kedah
Johor
0.72491
0.26376
0.089
Kedah
Perak
0.51407
0.27248
0.490
Kedah
Negeri Sembilan
1.24837*
0.35118
0.008
Kedah
Melaka
1.23574*
0.37637
0.019
Perak
Terengganu
-0.97984*
0.31230
0.030
Perak
Selangor
0.16213
0.23046
0.992
Perak
Johor
0.21084
0.24173
0.976
Perak
Kedah
-0.51407
0.27248
0.490
Perak
Negeri Sembilan
0.73430
0.33495
0.302
Perak
Melaka
0.72167
0.36127
0.418
Negeri Sembilan
Terengganu
-1.71414*
0.38290
0.000
Negeri Sembilan
Selangor
-0.57217
0.31968
0.556
Negeri Sembilan
Johor
-0.52346
0.32790
0.685
Negeri Sembilan
Kedah
-1.24837*
0.35118
0.008
Negeri Sembilan
Perak
-0.73430
0.33495
0.302
Negeri Sembilan
Melaka
-0.01263
0.42379
1.000
Melaka
Terengganu
-1.70152*
0.40613
0.001
Melaka
Selangor
-0.55954
0.34716
0.675
Melaka
Johor
-0.51083
0.35474
0.780
Melaka
Kedah
-1.23574*
0.37637
0.019
Melaka
Perak
-0.72167
0.36127
0.418
Melaka
Negeri Sembilan
0.01263
0.42379
1.000
The findings of the analysis show that there is a difference between polling stations and changes in government
leadership. This can be identified through the results of the GE-14, which showed a historic result for PH that
has succeeded in overcoming BN at the national level and in several states. Among the states in the peninsula
that have undergone changes, namely Terengganu, Selangor, Melaka, Negeri Sembilan, Johor, Kedah, and Perak,
Pahang and Perlis still remain with the BN administration. At the same time, PAS managed to remain in Kelantan
and reclaim Terengganu and Kedah (SPR, 2018). Political observers also labelled the GE-14 a “People’s
Tsunami” without religion, the races unanimously rejecting authoritarian rule (Shahidah, Arif & Ahmad Firdaus,
2019). However, the GE-15 also witnessed a change of government leadership in several states.
According to Junaidi et al. (2015), the voting patterns of Malay voters differ according to the state, and this study
is in line with the findings which demonstrate that the support and behaviour of Kedah and Negeri Sembilan
voters also have differences towards the change of government leadership. This difference also occurs in the
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RESEARCH AND INNOVATION IN SOCIAL SCIENCE (IJRISS)
ISSN No. 2454-6186 | DOI: 10.47772/IJRISS | Volume IX Issue XXX December 2025 | Special Issue
Page 249
www.rsisinternational.org
states of Terengganu and Selangor, which indicates that the majority of support in Terengganu is from Malay
voters compared to Selangor, a multi-ethnic state. It is clear that the change of government leadership in each
state is different.
The voting preferences of Malay voters across the seven selected states were found to vary considerably. In
Terengganu, the transition of state leadership from Barisan Nasional (BN) to the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party
(PAS) was particularly significant, as PAS secured a substantial number of State Legislative Assembly (DUN)
seats during that period. Malay voters in Terengganu predominantly supported PAS in the 14th General Election
(GE-14), while Pakatan Harapan (PH) failed to secure a single DUN seat in the state. In contrast, the voting
behaviour of Malay voters in Selangor exhibited a different pattern. PAS did not emerge as the preferred choice
among Selangor voters; instead, PH achieved a decisive majority in the state. The discussion of the findings
suggests that Malay voters across different states demonstrate distinct voting behaviours in the selection of
political leadership. These variations indicate the presence of multiple determining factors that influence voters’
decisions prior to casting their votes.
Residential Area Profile Analysis
This test aims to analyse the significant relationship between changes in government leadership according to the
respondents’ residential areas through H1d. This test is formed based on the following hypothesis:
H1d: There is a significant difference between residential areas and changes in government leadership.
ANOVA test analysis was conducted to compare the mean difference between residential areas and changes in
government leadership. The results of the analysis found that there was a significant difference between the
respondents’ residential area and changes in government leadership. The analysis showed a value of F = 3.699
and P = 0.026, revealing a value of P < 0.05. Therefore, H1i is accepted because there is a significant difference
between the respondents’ residential area and changes in government leadership. The results of the analysis are
depicted in Table 7.
Table 5: ANOVA Test based on Residential Area
Sum of Squares
df
Mean Square
F
Sig.
Between Groups
31.753
2
15.877
3.699
0.026
Within Groups
613.487
346
1.773
Total
645.240
348
Next, a follow-up Post-Hoc Test was conducted to examine the significant mean difference based on the voters’
area of residence. Based on Table 5.1, the results of the Post-Hoc Multiple Comparisons tests showed a
significant difference in the mean score of government leadership change according to the voters’ area of
residence. The analysis highlights that the residential area of voters in urban areas and semi-urban areas differed
based on the significant value of (P = 0.036 < ɑ = 0.05). However, the analysis showed that voters in rural areas
and those in urban areas found no significant difference, namely P= 0.076 > ɑ = 0.05. The entire Post Hoc test
analysis is depicted in Table 7.1.
Table 5.1: Post Hoc Tests for Government Leadership Changes between Residential Areas
(I) Residential Area
(J) Residential Area
Mean Difference (I-J)
Standard Error
Sig.
Urban
Semi-Urban
.45576
*
.18408
.036
Rural
.42477
.19514
.076
Semi-Urban
Urban
-.45576
*
.18408
.036
Rural
-.03098
.19355
.986
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RESEARCH AND INNOVATION IN SOCIAL SCIENCE (IJRISS)
ISSN No. 2454-6186 | DOI: 10.47772/IJRISS | Volume IX Issue XXX December 2025 | Special Issue
Page 250
www.rsisinternational.org
Rural
Urban
-.42477
.19514
.076
Semi-Urban
.03098
.19355
.986
The findings indicate that the residential areas of urban and semi-urban voters show differences in the change of
government leadership. The study found that the rejection of BN by urban voters is due to anger against Najib’s
rule, such as the FELDA issue, the issue of old and new candidates, GST and several internal party issues that
have caused voters’ dissatisfaction with his administration (Junaidi Awang Besar, 2020). However, voters in
semi-urban areas are less likely to support BN Terengganu due to candidates who are not liked by young voters
and voters on the fence in GE-13. However, BN remains in control of Terengganu. In line with the analysis
obtained, urban and semi-urban voters differ in determining leaders during elections based on the issues and
problems among them.
However, the residential areas of rural voters and urban voters show no difference, as a previous study by Junaidi
Awang Besar (2021) explains that Terengganu voters are smart in choosing leaders. In GE-11, PAS was given
the mandate to govern the state of Terengganu, but the transition of power changed to BN in GE-12 and GE-13
after voters lost trust in PAS to govern the state. However, in GE-14 and GE-15, PAS was again accepted by
voters and almost swept the state seats in GE-14 due to the support of rural and urban voters, which is in line
with the results of the analysis obtained. GE-15 PAS continued to receive great support from Terengganu voters.
In addition, the study elaborates on the victory of Pakatan Harapan (PH) in the 14th General Election (GE-14),
which demonstrated dominance in urban and semi-urban constituencies in the state of Pahang, specifically Indera
Mahkota (urban), Kuantan (urban), Bentong (semi-urban), and Temerloh (semi-urban). In contrast, semi-urban
constituencies such as Paya Besar and Pekan, as well as all rural parliamentary seats, remained under the control
of Barisan Nasional (BN). The findings of this study provide empirical evidence that voters’ residential location
whether urban, semi-urban, or rural plays a significant role in influencing changes in support for government
leadership in the post GE-14 period.
Nevertheless, by-elections (PRK) held after GE-14 in several parliamentary and state legislative assembly
(DUN) constituencies, encompassing both urban and rural areas, also experienced shifts in political support from
PH to BN. PH was unable to sustain its electoral dominance and remain the preferred choice of voters in the post
GE-14 period, largely due to the strengthened political cooperation between BN and the PanMalaysian Islamic
Party (PAS). This alliance successfully influenced voters, particularly Malay voters. The discussion of the
findings suggests that BN and PAS were perceived as parties that championed the interests of Islam and the
Malay community, thereby becoming a significant source of political hope among Malay voters during that
period.
The study further examines how PH’s victory in GE-14 was not solely driven by urban voters; rather, voters
from rural and semi-urban areas also contributed to the leadership transition. This observation is supported by
previous studies indicating that despite the Malay ethnic composition of FELDA communities exceeding 85 per
cent in rural and semi-urban areas, BN failed to retain its electoral dominance in GE-14, even though these areas
had traditionally been regarded as BN strongholds (Mohd Firdaus & Azmil Tayeb, 2022). However, in the post
GE-14 context, support for BN gradually increased as support for PH declined, largely due to the emergence of
issues that generated dissatisfaction among Malay voters, including concerns related to religious sensitivities,
the Jawi script, unfulfilled manifesto promises, and related matters.
In conclusion, the study found that polling places and residential areas show differences in changes in
government leadership. However, for the demographic profile of age and occupation, both show no differences
in changes in government leadership.
CONCLUSION
The young voter factor is significant in leading to changes in government leadership and contributing to the
percentage in determining the political party that wins the General Election, just as the government’s action in
introducing the 18-year-old vote and first-time voters being able to vote automatically contributed to the change
in government leadership in the last GE-15. Young voters want leaders with morals and integrity who have their
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RESEARCH AND INNOVATION IN SOCIAL SCIENCE (IJRISS)
ISSN No. 2454-6186 | DOI: 10.47772/IJRISS | Volume IX Issue XXX December 2025 | Special Issue
Page 251
www.rsisinternational.org
primary interests and the manifesto to be fulfilled. The study concluded that young voters are the heart of the
country in determining the direction of more competent and productive development. Young voters are seen as
the primary focus for every political party because the rise of this group can change a government institution’s
ability to achieve dreams and visions towards a civilised Malaysia.
REFERENCES
1. Ahmad Al-Munzir, Nor ‘Azzah & Mohd Yakub. (2024). Strategi perhubungan awam Islam dan
peranannya dalam membangunkan Masyarakat madani. Jurnal Syariah, 32(1), 129–157
DOI:https://doi.org/10.22452/syariah.vol32no1.5
2. Asmady Idris, Asri Salleh & Mohd Rizal Mohd Yaakop. (2021). Kupasan Artikel ‘Malaysia: The 2020
Putsch for Malay Islam Supremacy. Jurnal Pengajian Melayu-JOMAS, 32(1): 118-137.
3. Barry, B. (1970). Sociologists, economists and democracy. Landon: The MacMillan Company.
4. Chua Yan Piaw. (2014). Kaedah dan Statistik Penyelidikan. McGraw-Hill Education (Malaysia) Sdn.
Bhd.
5. Dettman, S., & Gomez, E.T. (2020). Political Financing reform: Politics, policies and patronage in
Malaysia. Journal of Contemporary Asia, 50 (1): 36-55.
6. Dori Efendi & Jayum Jawan. (2017). Pembangunan Politik dan Pendemokrasian: Suatu Analisis
Konseptual. Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities, 12(3): 1-13.
7. Ghazali Mayudin Jamaie Hamil, Sity Daud & Zaini Othman. (2006). Demokrasi Kepimpinan dan
keselamatan dalam politik Malaysia. Bangi: Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia.
8. Gomez, E.T. (1990). Politik dalam perniagaan: Pelaburan korporat UMNO (Terjemahan Mohd Nazri
Ismail). Kuala Lumpur: FORUM Enterprise.
9. Eko Prayitno Joko, Zaini Othman & Saat Awg Damit. (2016). Belia dan Kelangsunganhegemoni Barisan
Nasional: Kajian Kes Pilihan Raya Umum 13 di Sabah. Jurnal Komunikasi, 14, 1-18.
10. Hair, J, Tomas, H. G., Christian, R., & Marko, S., (2014). A Primer on Partial Least Squares Structural
Equation Modeling (PLS-SEM). SAGE.
11. Junaidi Awang Besar. (2015). Pilihan Raya Umum (PRU) 2013: Satu Tinjauan Kritis Terhadap Pola
Pengundian Etnik Melayu. Jurnal Melayu, 4(1), 64-91.
12. Junaidi Awang Besar. (2020). PRU-14 dan Pasca PRU-14: Analisis Politik di Negeri Johor Darul Takzim,
Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities, 17(5), 81-98.
13. Junaidi Awang Besar. (2021). Melaka dalam geopolitik Malaysia pada pra PRU-14, PRU-14 dan pasca
PRU-14. International Journal of Law, Government and communication (IJLGC), 6(24), 144-176.
14. Krejcie, R. V., & Morgan, D. W., (1970). Determining Sample Size for Research Activitis. Education
and psychological measurement, 30, 607-610.
15. Mohammad Agus Yusoff & Shah Mohd Akmal Abdul Halim. (2019). Tingkah laku pengudi felda dalam
PRU-14: Identifikasi Parti, Sosiologikal atau Pilihan Rasional, Akademika, 89(3), 167-182.
16. Mohd Firdaus Abd Aziz & Azmil Tayeb. (2022). Dinamika Sistem Dua Blok Parti Pada PRU 14: Kajian
Kes di FELDA Trolak Utara, Perak. Malaysian Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities (MJSSH),
7(8), 1-11. https://doi.org/10.47405/mjssh.v7i8.1661
17. Mohd Fuad Md Jali & Junaidi Awang Besar. (2012). Pendapat dan keperluan generasi muda di kawasan
Parlimen Muar, Johor. E-Bangi-Journal of social sciences and Humanities, 7(1), 50-63.
18. Mohd Haziman Mahmood. (2017). Impak Penyertaan Pengundi muda dalam PRU 2013 terhadap
Politik Malaysia. e-Bangi: Journal of Social Science and Humanities, 12(1), 1-18.
19. Mohd Majid Konting. (2000). Kaedah Penyelidik Pendidikan. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan
Pustaka.
20. Mohd Nizar Sudin, Moh Fuad Mat Jali, Junaidi Awang Besar & Marlisa Abdul Rahim. (2017).
Kerelevanan Calon Muda Menjelang Pilihan Raya Umum ke-14. The 2nd International Conference on
Communication, Media, Information Technology, Environment, Tourism, Economics, Politics, Art and
Heritage (ICDETAH 2017). Mac 2017.
21. Muhamad Takiyuddin Ismail & Muhamad Nadzri Mohamed Noor. (2018). Revolusi Senyap 9 mei 2018.
Jebat Malaysian Journal of History, Politics & Strategic Studies, 45(2), 161-185.
22. Norris, P. (2017). Why the Younger Generation of Corbynistas? In Thorsen, T., Jackson, D. & Lilleker,
D. UK Election Analysis 2017: Media, Voters and the Campaign, 22-23, Poole: The Centre for the study
of Journalism, Culture and Community.
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RESEARCH AND INNOVATION IN SOCIAL SCIENCE (IJRISS)
ISSN No. 2454-6186 | DOI: 10.47772/IJRISS | Volume IX Issue XXX December 2025 | Special Issue
Page 252
www.rsisinternational.org
23. Nur Ellyanis Mohd Basori & Junaidi Awang Besar. (2020). Pengaruh Media Terhadap Sokongan Kepada
Parti Politik Di Malaysia. Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities, 17(5), 62-80.
24. Nur Ellyanis Mohd Basori & Junaidi Awang Besar. (2020). Politik Belia dan Pilihan Raya Umum ke-14
di Malaysia. Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities, 17(7), 49-65.
25. Ottaway, M. & Hamzawy, A. (2011). Protest movements and political change in the Arab world.
Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowmnet for International Peace.
26. Pallant, J. (2016). SPSS Survival Manual: A Step By Step Guide to Data Analysis Using SPSS Program
(6th ed.). Landon, UK: McGraw-Hill Education.
27. Shahidah Abdul Razak, Ariff Aizuddin Azlan & Ahmad Firdaus Abdul Jalil. (2019). Pilihan Raya Umum
Ke-14 di Malaysia: Berakhirnya Era Rejim Autoritarian, Malaysian Journal of Social Sciences and
Humanities (MJSSH), 4(2), 90-101.
28. Sloam, J., Mohammad Raqib Ehsan & Henn, M. (2018). ‘Youthquake’: How and Why, Young People
Reshaped the Political Landscape in 2017. Political Insight, 4(1), 4-8.
29. Suresh Kumar N Vellymalay & Sivarajan Ponniah. (2018). Tsunami India dalam Pilihan RayaUmum Ke-
14: Peralihan Sokongan daripada Politik Etnik kepada Politik Multietnik, Jebat: Malaysian Journal of
History, Politics & Strategic Studies, 45(2), 206-231.
30. Yazid Saleh, Siti Noranizahhafizah Boyman, Hanifah Mahat, Mohmadisa Hashim, Nisar Nayan
Saiyidatina Balkhis Norkhaidi & Samsudin Suhaili. (2020). Pola Sokongan Pengundi Muda Sebelum
Pilihan Raya Umum Ke-14 di Malaysia. Malaysian Journal of Society and Space, 16(1), 80-94.
