among them al-Attas (1993) who emphasizes aspects of musyawarah and justice. Nevertheless, they are often
caught in an attempt to graft two entities that may be fundamentally incompatible - a political system based on
divine authority and a system that exalts popular sovereignty. This is no easy task. Unfortunately, these studies,
despite good intentions, fail to address the core question: how bay’ah, which ought to be a moral and political
contract, is reduced to a mere ceremony of legitimation, a rubber stamp for the status quo? We find many
scholars, for instance Muhammad Natsir (1980), who highlight the role of bay’ah in the formation of an Islamic
state, but they tend to glorify the Rashidun Caliphate model without sufficient critical analysis of the challenges
of its implementation in a vastly different modern context - this is a dangerous simplification. More alarmingly,
some studies, as outlined by Hashim Kamali (2001), attempt to find common ground between bay’ah and human
rights principles; this may be a noble endeavor, yet it often overlooks the actual power dynamics at play on the
ground, where bay’ah frequently becomes a tool of oppression rather than liberation. My criticism is that no one
has been brave enough to ask: has the excessive emphasis on the symbolic aspect of bay’ah obscured the deeper
demands for accountability? Some historians, such as Lapidus (2002), provide an overview of the evolution of
Islamic institutions as a whole, but they do not delve deeply enough into the conceptual fragmentation of bay’ah
itself; how the essence of the pledge of allegiance transformed from one era to another, from a binding personal
promise to a general and less binding public declaration. Conversely, many view bay’ah as a manifestation of
the will of the ummah - as articulated by Esposito (2004) - but this view rarely explains why this will of the
ummah is so easily manipulated or disregarded by rulers. It is too vast a gap. Thus, the existing literature, while
rich in descriptive and normative discussions, lacks critical analysis of the cognitive dissonance between the
idealism of bay’ah and the harsh political realities. They often overlook how bay’ah, from a bilateral agreement
binding the ruler and the ruled, transformed into a unilateral submission. This is a fundamental problem that we
must confront. This research aims to fill that void, questioning how a concept that should strengthen justice and
legitimacy ultimately became a tool to justify injustice and authoritarianism. The failure to examine the causes
of this decline more deeply is a significant weakness in previous studies, which often contented themselves with
superficial interpretations and existing narratives.
METHODOLOGY
This study is not an endeavor to collect field data; it is an in-depth exploration of intellectual heritage, a
conceptual journey. The methodology employed is conceptual analysis, or library research, which is critical and
interpretive — we are not merely reading, but debating, questioning, and reconstructing understanding. This is
not a passive process. This approach is chosen based on the conviction that the question of political legitimacy
through bay’ah not only requires exposure to the original texts, but also demands a critical reinterpretation of
them in a vastly different contemporary context. We need a new lens. Its primary objective is to construct a more
robust conceptual framework, not merely to summarize existing theories. The research process begins with the
identification and collection of primary materials — especially the texts of the Qur'an and Hadith related to
bay’ah, as well as the views of classical scholars such as al-Mawardi, Ibn Khaldun, and Ibn Taymiyyah. This is
the foundation. Subsequently, secondary materials consisting of works by modern scholars — both from the
Islamic world and the West — who study bay’ah, political legitimacy, and Islamic state theory, are also collected.
Text selection is not random; each source is evaluated based on its relevance, argumentative rigor, and potential
to spark intellectual debate. We reject works that are overly descriptive without offering in-depth analysis. The
next stage involves systematic content analysis. Each text is broken down into main themes: the definition of
bay’ah, its conditions, its moral and political implications, and its application throughout Islamic history. This is
not merely extracting information, but questioning the underlying assumptions of each perspective. Are these
arguments consistent? Where do their weaknesses lie? We compare conflicting views, seeking points of conflict
and gaps in the discourse. For example, the difference between bay’ah given by ahl al-hall wa al-'aqd (those
who bind and loosen) and general bay’ah from the people - this requires careful scrutiny. Emphasis is placed on
the historical and socio-political context in which each interpretation of bay’ah emerged, because a concept
cannot be understood in isolation from its time and place. This is the richness of conceptual analysis. Finally, a
critical synthesis is conducted. This is the most challenging stage, where we not only combine various
perspectives but also evaluate the strengths and weaknesses of each argument, and subsequently develop new
interpretations that are more coherent and relevant. We attempt to propose a conceptual model of bay’ah that
can unravel the ties between sacred texts and modern political needs, without sacrificing the original essence or
permitting misuse. This involves an iterative process — returning to the original texts, comparing them with
modern interpretations, and then formulating more solid arguments. Essentially, this methodology is an