time, historians like Fatimi (1963) have put forth strong arguments about the role of merchants and preachers
from the Middle East, particularly Hadramaut, in introducing Islam to the Malay Archipelago. However, this
argument is often contested by several other scholars who emphasize the role of traders from India or China
(Drewes, 1968), seemingly diminishing the significance of direct ties with the birthplace of Islam. It is surprising
how some parties tend to overlook the direct impact from the Arabian Peninsula, choosing instead to view the
process of knowledge dissemination as a more circuitous and indirect chain.
In the context of Terengganu, writings by Abdullah Zawawi (1975) and Abdullah Al-Qari (1987) do touch upon
Arab-descended ulama, but tend to be bibliographical in nature, merely listing names and basic contributions
without deeply exploring the power structures or intellectual networks they established. This is a significant
shortcoming. This is because only lists of names are provided, but there is no in-depth analysis of how these
names interacted, how they formed "madrasahs" or schools of thought, or how they influenced broader political
and social structures. Recent works by Mohd Rosli (2019) and Abdul Rahman (2021) attempt to fill this gap,
more boldly examining the role of Arab-descended ulama in politics and education, particularly in resisting
British colonialism and the formation of modern educational institutions. They, at the very least, attempted to
view these ulama not merely as religious preachers, but as agents of social change.
However, there are disagreements regarding the level of "integration" of these ulama into Malay society. Did
they remain influential "outsiders," or did they truly assimilate, bringing their Arab identity into the mold of
Malay culture? Syed Naquib Al-Attas (1972), in his renowned work, asserted that Islam itself brought a
civilization that intrinsically transformed local culture, thus the original identity of the "bearers" of Islam might
be less relevant compared to the "content" brought. This view, while weighty, might underestimate personal
influence and lineage networks. Conversely, Al-Jufri's (2020) study on Hadrami ulama in Southeast Asia shows
that despite assimilation, ancestral identity and "nasab" (lineage) networks remained a strong form of social
capital, often used to consolidate their religious and social authority, a point often overlooked in local studies.
There is also an argument that the role of Arab-descended ulama was merely an extension of local ulama who
had been "Arabized" (Ariffin & Mansor, 2022), a view that might too easily encapsulate the complexity of
cultural and intellectual interactions. This seems to deny the unique contributions of the Arab ulama themselves,
instead reducing their role to mere "transmitters" or "reinforcers" of existing traditions. Nevertheless, a growing
consensus is that Arab-descended ulama, through familial and marital networks, successfully integrated into the
local elite, but did not necessarily lose their original identity entirely (Wan Mohd Saghir, 2005; Ibrahim, 2018).
Ironically, much academic writing still fails to elaborate in detail how this "integration" mechanism functioned,
or how these networks operated in more specific aspects such as the formulation of fatwas, the establishment of
sharia courts, or even in the customary legal system. This literature review reveals that while the contributions
of Arab-descended ulama are acknowledged, their full profile and impact in Terengganu remain vague,
insufficiently analyzed with a critical perspective emphasizing power dynamics, intellectual conflicts, and
complex identity formation. We still need a better narrative, one that goes beyond mere fact-gathering, to fully
understand their contributions.
METHODOLOGY
This study is fundamentally shaped by the method of conceptual analysis. It requires high intellectual rigor and
sharp critical ability. It is not merely about data collection, but also about how existing data, often scattered and
sometimes contradictory, is shaped into a coherent intellectual framework. Therefore, this method does not
involve any field surveys or interviews, but instead focuses on an in-depth examination of relevant library and
archival sources.
This process begins with the identification and collection of primary and secondary materials. This includes old
manuscripts preserved in national or state archives and university libraries, local historical records, and academic
journals publishing studies on the history of Islam in Terengganu and the Malay Archipelago in general. Each
source is meticulously examined, not just for surface facts, but for "subtexts", deeper implications about power,
influence, and social networks often hidden behind more direct narratives. For instance, a family genealogy
might merely list names, but with a critical lens, it can reveal marriage patterns, power affiliations, and the
dissemination of scholarly institutions.