INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RESEARCH AND SCIENTIFIC INNOVATION (IJRSI)
ISSN No. 2321-2705 | DOI: 10.51244/IJRSI |Volume XII Issue IX September 2025
Page 3250
www.rsisinternational.org
Role of Community Leaders in Ensuring Secure Electoral Process in
Nairobi City County, Kenya
Jairus Mutinda Kilatya., Ngari Lazarus Kinyua., Odhiambo Evans Onyango
Department of Security, Diplomacy and Peace Studies, Kenyatta University, September, 2025
DOI: https://doi.org/10.51244/IJRSI.2025.120800294
Received: 20 September 2025; Accepted: 25 September 2025; Published: 06 October 2025
ABSTRACT
This study specifically analyzed assessed the role of community leaders in ensuring secure electoral process in
Nairobi City County. Human Security and Securitization Theories explained how community leaders in
Nairobi’s informal settlements enhance electoral security by framing threats, mobilizing residents, coordinating
with security actors, and guiding responses, ultimately reducing violence, increasing voter participation, and
strengthening citizen-state relations. The study used a mixed-method design with 400 purposively sampled
respondents from Nairobi’s informal settlements. Data were collected through interviews, questionnaires, and
focus groups, and thematic analysis was applied to organize qualitative insights into themes, providing a
comprehensive understanding of electoral security and social dynamics. This study observed that Community
policing plays a vital role in ensuring safe elections, with elders, youth leaders, religious figures, and women’s
groups actively promoting peace, mediating conflicts, and mobilizing voters. Its effectiveness depends on
community support, neutrality, and resources, while challenges include politicization, lack of training, and
limited capacity. This study proposes a formal Community Electoral Security Council (CESC) of vetted
community leaders to ensure impartial, well-resourced, and trusted community policing, strengthening electoral
security and preventing politicization.
BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY
The electoral environment in informal settlements is closely tied to national security due to the socio-political
and economic fragilities that define these areas. Overcrowding, poverty, joblessness, inadequate state presence,
and weak security structures create fertile ground for political manipulation, ethnic or patronage-based politics,
and criminal activity during elections. Such vulnerabilities allow gangs and militant groups to flourish, fueling
instability that threatens both community safety and national cohesion (Haysom, 2013; Wilkinson, 2004).
This is not unique to Kenya; similar patterns emerge globally. In India, slums are shaped by clientelist politics
(Sharma, 2013), while in Brazil, favelas remain under the influence of gangs and militias despite a formal
electoral framework (Wacquant, 2008). Karachi’s informal settlements in Pakistan have long been arenas of
violent competition between political militias (Gazdar, 2007). In Mexico, cartels distort elections through
intimidation and collusion (Camp, 2017), while in the Philippines, political dynasties and warlords maintain
dominance through coercion (Mendoza, 2012). Across Africa and the Middle East including Ghana, Nigeria,
Sudan, Egypt, Morocco, South Africa, and Uganda weak institutions, authoritarian tendencies, violence, and
exclusion undermine the credibility of elections and erode security (Gyimah-Boadi, 2009; Lindberg, 2006;
Mwagiru, 2012).
Kenya reflects these global dynamics, with informal settlements becoming flashpoints for electoral violence
driven by ethnic mobilization, competition for political power, and the influence of organized criminal groups
(Kanyinga & Long, 2009). Despite interventions by bodies like the National Cohesion and Integration
Commission (NCIC) and civil society organizations promoting voter education, challenges such as mistrust in
electoral institutions, rapid urban growth, and fragile governance structures perpetuate insecurity (Mutahi, 2018;
Omolo, 2010). Taken together, the global and local picture demonstrates that in marginalized urban spaces,
electoral politics and insecurity are deeply intertwined, making credible, inclusive, and peaceful elections
indispensable for sustaining national stability.
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RESEARCH AND SCIENTIFIC INNOVATION (IJRSI)
ISSN No. 2321-2705 | DOI: 10.51244/IJRSI |Volume XII Issue IX September 2025
Page 3251
www.rsisinternational.org
Statement of the Problem
Despite repeated efforts by the state and civil society to address electoral insecurity in Kenya, informal
settlements such as Mathare, Kibera, Korogocho, and Mukuru continue to experience high levels of violence,
intimidation, and political manipulation during elections. Weak state presence, socio-economic deprivation, and
the manipulation of electoral processes by political elites have made these areas hotspots of insecurity.
Community leaders including elders, youth representatives, religious leaders, and grassroots organizers play a
critical role in shaping the security environment during elections. Their influence enables them either to foster
peace through mediation and advocacy or to escalate tensions through incitement and partisan mobilization.
However, their lack of formal mandates, institutional support, and political neutrality often undermines their
effectiveness in preventing violence and promoting secure elections. At the same time, state interventions remain
reactive, poorly coordinated, and mistrusted by residents, further weakening confidence in electoral institutions.
This situation underscores the urgent need to critically examine the role of community leadership in ensuring a
secure electoral process, particularly within Nairobi’s informal settlements where the risk of violence is
persistently high.
Objective of the Study
Assessing the role of community leaders in ensuring secure electoral process in Nairobi City County
Justification
Elections in Nairobi’s informal settlements are often insecure and violent, with community leaders playing a
crucial yet under-documented role in maintaining peace. Studying their influence is vital for national stability
and democratic consolidation, as it provides evidence to inform policy, academic debate, and grassroots peace-
building.
This study will benefit the Government, especially the Ministry of Interior, by offering policy insights to address
divisive politics that threaten security. Citizens will also gain awareness of the dangers of being exploited by
political factions during campaigns. Academically, the research contributes to knowledge by examining
underexplored areas such as campaign strategies, the role of community leaders, government interventions, and
displacement patterns in informal settlements.
LITERATURE REVIEW
Elections are politically volatile moments where security is critical to prevent violence and uphold legitimacy.
Community policing based on partnership, decentralized decision-making, and proactive intelligence gathering
has gained global relevance as a democratic policing style that can enhance electoral security. By fostering trust
between police and citizens, it can identify risks early, curb hate speech, and deter violent mobilization. However,
its effectiveness is limited by political manipulation, weak institutions, and structural inequalities.
Innes (2016), studying the UK, shows how community intelligence built on trust helps detect risks, though
partisan policing undermines its benefits. This highlights a research gap on how such intelligence exchanges
reduce electoral risks without infringing on political rights. Similarly, Ferreira (1996), examining transitional
democracies in Eastern Europe, demonstrates that community policing restored trust and electoral legitimacy
during post-communist transitions. Yet, without institutional safeguards, these gains erode, and Ferreira does
not address sustaining such models in fragile or resource-poor states, a gap especially relevant in Africa.
Charlotte Cross (2014) shows that in Tanzania, community policing, though introduced as a security reform,
became politicized through patronage and loyalties, leading to partisan policing during elections and eroding
community trust. She highlights that effectiveness in Africa depends on political context as much as operational
design, but does not suggest how to counter such risks through oversight or institutional checks.
Ochieng and Ruhode (2013), studying electronic voting in South Africa, highlight that electoral technologies are
only as credible as the institutions managing them. Where functional community policing exists, citizens are
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RESEARCH AND SCIENTIFIC INNOVATION (IJRSI)
ISSN No. 2321-2705 | DOI: 10.51244/IJRSI |Volume XII Issue IX September 2025
Page 3252
www.rsisinternational.org
more likely to accept results, as they feel empowered to monitor the process. This underscores community
policing as a potential trust-building tool, though the study does not clearly link such effects directly to policing
structures, leaving a gap between technological integrity and local security partnerships.
Blair (2021), in experimental studies from Uganda and Liberia, find that community policing alone does little to
build trust or reduce crime unless paired with broader institutional reforms in accountability, training, and
transparency. Applied to elections, this suggests that while community policing may enhance surveillance, it
cannot by itself guarantee secure electoral environments. Unlike assumptions of inherent trust-building, their
evidence shows its effectiveness depends on systemic change.
Pommerolle (2023) critiques Kenya’s pre-2010 community policing reforms, arguing they often functioned as
decentralized repression, with mechanisms used to gather intelligence on political rivals rather than ensure
impartial electoral safety. This highlights the risk of community policing becoming a partisan tool without strong
safeguards, and the extent to which constitutional reforms after 2010 addressed these weaknesses remains
underexplored.
Skilling (2016) offers a more optimistic view, showing that accountability, transparency, and citizen involvement
can foster trust in police during elections, making community policing a stabilizing force. Yet, she notes financial
constraints, uneven implementation, and the absence of longitudinal studies tracking sustainability across
election cycles as major limitations.
Mutisya Kioko (2017) examines local peace committees and the Nyumba Kumi initiative in Kenya, showing
how these grassroots hybrid policing systems help resolve conflicts and monitor crime during elections, thereby
preventing localized violence. However, he cautions that without strong legal frameworks, such structures risk
inconsistency and political bias, raising unresolved questions about standardization and oversight.
Overall, the reviewed studies suggest that community policing can strengthen electoral security through
intelligence gathering, trust-building between police and citizens, and local conflict management, though its
effectiveness depends heavily on political context, institutional safeguards, and sustainable implementation.
Several research gaps emerge from the reviewed literature. First, there is a lack of longitudinal studies examining
how community policing influences successive elections, making it difficult to assess sustainability over time.
Second, comparative analyses across African contexts are scarce, limiting understanding of how different
political environments shape the effectiveness of community policing during elections. Third, the relationship
between community policing and new electoral technologies remains underexplored, despite evidence
suggesting that trust in policing influences public acceptance of technological innovations (Ochieng & Ruhode,
2013). Finally, citizen perceptions of the legitimacy of community policing during elections are poorly studied,
even though such perceptions are crucial to its success. Addressing these gaps would guide reforms to prevent
politicization and enable community policing to achieve its full potential in securing elections.
Theoretical Framework
This study adopted the theories of Human Security Theory by the United Nations Development Programme
(1994) and Securitization Theory by Barry Buzan (1998). Human Security theory emphasizes protecting
individuals from multiple threats and empowering them to safeguard their welfare. In Nairobi’s informal
settlements, elections often cause violence, displacement, and livelihood disruptions, making elections agents of
insecurity. Community leaders operationalize this theory by preventing conflicts, mediating disputes, fostering
trust with security agencies, and addressing local vulnerabilities to ensure safer electoral processes.
Securitization Theory, developed by Barry Buzan, views security as socially constructed through speech acts
that frame issues as existential threats. In Nairobi’s informal settlements, electoral struggles are often securitized,
justifying increased state presence or coercive actions. Applying this theory shows how community leaders
influence electoral security by framing threats, mobilizing residents, coordinating with security actors, and
guiding responses, ultimately reducing violence, enhancing voter participation, and strengthening citizen-state
relations.
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RESEARCH AND SCIENTIFIC INNOVATION (IJRSI)
ISSN No. 2321-2705 | DOI: 10.51244/IJRSI |Volume XII Issue IX September 2025
Page 3253
www.rsisinternational.org
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
Research Design
The study used a mixed-method design combining a descriptive survey and historical research to examine
electoral security in Nairobi’s informal settlements, focusing on Kibera, Kawangware, and Mathare. The
research involved about 2 million residents and key political and security actors, capturing patterns of election-
related insecurity and tracing historical trends in violence and local peace mechanisms.
Sample Size and Sampling Procedure
Purposive sampling was employed to select participants with in-depth knowledge of electoral politics and
security challenges, including local leaders, security officers, election monitors, and residents with first-hand
experiences of electoral violence. A total of 370 respondents participated, 100 from four settlements (Kibera,
Mathare, Korogocho, and Eastleigh) and 300 political actors and community representatives with 274 completed
questionnaires, ensuring contextually rich data on the complex relationship between electoral processes and
security in marginalized urban areas.
Table 1.1: Sample Size
Category
Population
Proportion
Sample Size= (Proportion*Total
Sample size(400))
Citizens
2,000,000
Purposively selected
200
Political players
69
17.5%
34
IEBC
11
2.5%
6
Election observers
30
7.5%
15
Religious leaders
50
12.5%
25
NPS
200
50%
100
Representative of Residents
40
10%
20
Total
100%
400
Source: Researcher (2025)
Methods of Data collection and Analysis
The study sampled 400 respondents to capture diverse perspectives across Nairobi’s heterogeneous informal
settlements, allowing comparisons between population subsets and enhancing statistical power to examine links
between electoral processes and national security. Data collection combined interviews, semi-structured
questionnaires, and focus group discussions (FGDs), providing in-depth insights from key informants,
standardized quantitative data, and community perspectives on electoral security. Thematic analysis was used to
code and group qualitative data into themes, capturing participants’ experiences and views, with findings
presented in tables, diagrams, and narrative form to provide a rich interpretation of complex social dynamics.
Role of Community Leadership in Ensuring a Secure Electoral Process
Introduction
Community leadership is vital to securing elections in Nairobi’s informal settlements, where congestion and
insecurity make electoral periods highly volatile. By fostering trust and partnerships with residents, grassroots
actors, and the police, community leaders enhance information exchange and collective ownership of security.
Initiatives such as community policing in Mlango Kubwa and Kibera illustrate how involving residents in
surveillance and crime reporting improves safety and empowers democratic participation. Nonetheless, elections
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RESEARCH AND SCIENTIFIC INNOVATION (IJRSI)
ISSN No. 2321-2705 | DOI: 10.51244/IJRSI |Volume XII Issue IX September 2025
Page 3254
www.rsisinternational.org
in these areas remain tense and conflict-prone. Community leaders play a dual role either as peace advocates
who promote dialogue and stability or as tools of political manipulation that fuel insecurity.
Demographic Information
Response Rate
The study targeted 400 participants from Nairobi’s informal settlements, with 370 completing the questionnaires,
yielding a 92.5% response rate. This exceeds the 70% threshold considered reliable in social science research,
supporting the validity and generalizability of the findings. The 30 non-responses, likely due to attrition, lack of
cooperation, or inaccessibility, pose minimal risk of bias given the high response rate, thereby ensuring the
accuracy of the results.
Table 1.2: Sample Size
Target Respondents
Actual Responses
Response Rate (%)
400
370
92.5
Source: Researcher (2025)
Age Distribution
Table 1.3: Age Distribution of Respondents
Age Group
Frequency (n)
Percentage (%)
18-24
120
32.4%
25-34
120
32.4%
35-44
55
14.9%
45-54
40
10.8%
55+
35
9.5%
Total
370
100%
Source: Researcher (2025)
Most respondents (65%) were aged 18–34, the dominant voting and mobilizing group in informal settlements
and the most exposed to election-related insecurity. As a result, the study mainly reflects youth perspectives on
security, politics, and elections. Older age groups were underrepresented 14.9% aged 35–44 and only 9.5% aged
55+ which limits generalizability, as their distinct experiences and views on long-term security and electoral
violence could have added valuable insights.
Gender Distribution
The gender composition of the respondents was 58% male and 42% female. This reflects a fairly balanced
representation considering the gender demographics of Nairobi's informal settlements.
Table 1.4 Gender Distribution
Gender
Frequency
Percentage (%)
Male
215
58
Female
155
42
Source: Researcher (2025)
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RESEARCH AND SCIENTIFIC INNOVATION (IJRSI)
ISSN No. 2321-2705 | DOI: 10.51244/IJRSI |Volume XII Issue IX September 2025
Page 3255
www.rsisinternational.org
Both male and female perspectives were critical in understanding how different gender roles affect perceptions
of election campaign strategies, local leadership mediation, and security concerns.
Education Level of Respondents
Table 1.5 Education levels of Respondents
Education level
Frequency (n)
Percentage (%)
Primary
157
42.4%
Secondary
120
32.4%
Tertiary
83
22.4%
None
10
7.7%
Total
370
100%
Source: Researcher (2025)
The majority of respondents had primary (42.4%) or secondary (32.4%) education, indicating a generally basic
level of schooling that shapes both their political understanding and vulnerability to manipulation. A smaller
group (22.4%) had tertiary education, reflecting greater critical thinking and civic awareness, while 7.7% lacked
formal education, making them highly vulnerable in electoral participation. These findings underscore the need
for voter education programs focused on primary and secondary levels, the mobilization of tertiary-educated
residents for leadership, and targeted support for the uneducated minority through inclusive communication
strategies.
Occupation of Respondents
Table 1.6: Occupation of Respondents
Occupation
Frequency
Percentage (%)
Informal sector
195
52.7
Formal employment
65
17.6
Unemployed
75
20.3
Students
35
9.4
Source: Researcher (2025)
Most respondents (52.7%) worked in the informal sector, highlighting their economic vulnerability to political
instability and unrest. Unemployed respondents (20.3%) faced deprivation that increased susceptibility to
political manipulation, while the formally employed (17.6%) sought stability and security for their assets.
Students (9.4%) formed a small but politically important group, driven by future opportunities yet prone to
manipulation. Overall, the varied occupational backgrounds reflect the complex social fabric of informal
settlements and shape diverse responses to elections and national security.
This study investigated four key aspects of the role of community leadership in securing the electoral process:
This included; community leadership concerns during the electioneering period, community leaders’ policing
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RESEARCH AND SCIENTIFIC INNOVATION (IJRSI)
ISSN No. 2321-2705 | DOI: 10.51244/IJRSI |Volume XII Issue IX September 2025
Page 3256
www.rsisinternational.org
strategies during elections, community perceptions of the effectiveness of security management and the
relationship between community leadership and national security.
Community leadership Concerns during Electioneering Period
Security is a major concern in Nairobi’s informal settlements, where election periods often see increased
violence. Local leaders are central to managing these security concerns, whether through direct action or
coordination with law enforcement and other stakeholders.
Figure 1.1 Security Concerns during Election Periods
Source field data 2025
The pie chart shows that the greatest perceived threats to secure elections are electoral violence (45%) and
political intimidation (30%), together making up 75% of concerns. Violence manifesting as physical clashes and
disruptions directly threatens voter turnout and the credibility of results, while intimidation undermines free
expression and voter choice. Voter fraud accounts for 15%, reflecting worries about manipulation of the electoral
process, and 10% fall under "other" issues. Overall, the findings suggest that safeguarding elections requires
prioritizing the reduction of violence and intimidation, alongside strengthening electoral integrity.
The data highlights a major vulnerability in Kenya’s electoral process, where violence and intimidation often
driven by youth recruitment pose direct threats to both democracy and national security. Politicians exploit
unemployed and economically marginalized youth by offering short-term incentives to act as agents of violence,
particularly in informal settlements like Mathare and Kibera (Mueller, 2014). This cycle undermines voter
integrity, disrupts communities, and fuels instability.
To counter these risks, proactive measures must focus on addressing youth vulnerability, promoting inclusive
political participation, and empowering community and religious leaders to discourage violence and hold
politicians accountable. Grassroots initiatives such as peace meetings, sports programs, and civic education
provide alternative narratives and strengthen resilience against manipulation (Wairuri, 2019). Such interventions
enhance trust in elections, reduce intimidation, and ultimately safeguard national security.
Community leaders' policing strategies during the electioneering process
Community policing employs the help of elders, youth leaders, religious leaders, and women's groups; these
implications have a strict influence on security during elections, with the direct means of voter mobilization. The
findings of the interview and survey conducted in the informal settlements in Nairobi were analyzed, which
45%
30%
15%
10%
Security Concerns Raised by Respondents Regarding
Electioneering period
Electoral Violence Political Intimidation Voter Fraud Other
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RESEARCH AND SCIENTIFIC INNOVATION (IJRSI)
ISSN No. 2321-2705 | DOI: 10.51244/IJRSI |Volume XII Issue IX September 2025
Page 3257
www.rsisinternational.org
brought forth a few important themes on how local leaders mediate during election campaigns and security
concerns. Table 1.7 indicates the reservations of the main respondents.
Table 1.7 Community Leadership Policing Strategies
Statement
N
SD
D
N
A
SA
Mean
Std. Deviation
Most leaders from the informal
settlements have been encouraging
dialogue among different ethnic
communities during election campaigns
to prevent violence
274
7%
13%
3%
50%
27%
3.85
0.22
Local leaders act as crucial
intermediaries between political parties
and the community. They are deeply
involved in voter mobilization,
disseminating political information,
organizing rallies, and encouraging
voter registration
274
10%
7%
2%
42%
39%
4.08
0.13
community leaders help in mediating
conflicts and peace-building to de-
escalate tensions during elections
period
274
8%
9%
1%
47%
35%
4.13
0.11
There is enhanced youth engagement
and empowerment through shifting the
focus from political competition to
shared community safety and socio-
economic concerns
274
6%
8%
2%
43%
41%
4.23
0.10
The local leaders have a significant role
to play in promoting security in the
informal settlement during election
campaigns
274
12%
16%
5%
35%
32%
3.35
1.00
Average Scores
274
3.94
0.99
Source: Research Data (2025)
The findings in Table 1.7 reveal that community leaders in Nairobi’s informal settlements play a central role in
promoting dialogue, mediating conflicts, and enhancing security during elections. A majority of respondents
agreed that leaders encourage inter-ethnic dialogue to prevent violence (Mean=3.85, SD=0.22) and act as
significant intermediaries between political parties and communities (Mean=4.08, SD=0.13), facilitating
mobilization, information sharing, and voter registration. Many also confirmed that leaders mediate conflicts
(47% agreed, 35% strongly agreed) and engage youth in peace-building, with strong support for empowerment
initiatives (Mean=4.23, SD=0.10). Leaders were further viewed as crucial in enhancing local security, although
responses varied (Mean=3.35, SD=1).
The study highlights that community leaders influence both peace and insecurity: they can foster harmony
through dialogue, peace forums, and joint patrols with police, or worsen tensions through inflammatory rhetoric
and mobilization of gangs (Birch, 2020; Turnbull, 2021). Community leaders, elders, youth and women
representatives are heavily relied on for political communication, mobilization, and distribution of resources,
reflecting their dual role as both mediators and political actors (Onyango, 2019).
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RESEARCH AND SCIENTIFIC INNOVATION (IJRSI)
ISSN No. 2321-2705 | DOI: 10.51244/IJRSI |Volume XII Issue IX September 2025
Page 3258
www.rsisinternational.org
Practical interventions include community-police partnerships, early warning systems, peace meetings, youth
dialogues, and civic education, which build trust, reduce violence, and strengthen democratic resilience (Mugaju,
2020; Kamau & Nzioki, 2019; Mwangi, 2021). Importantly, youth engagement is highlighted as both a risk and
an opportunity: while vulnerable to political manipulation, young people can be transformed into peace agents
when included in dialogue and community initiatives (Mkutu, 2021).
Overall, the evidence underscores that community-based mediation, youth empowerment, and grassroots peace
forums are essential to reducing electoral violence in informal settlements. These approaches not only secure the
electoral process but also enhance long-term national security by fostering trust, social cohesion, and peaceful
coexistence. Neighborhood leaders always liaise with law enforcement agents to offer voters safety. They assist
in recognizing vulnerable populations and areas and coordinate with the police to install safety facilities at
venerable locations.
Figure 1.2. Effectiveness of Local Leaders’ Strategies in maintaining security
Community Perceptions on the Effectiveness of Managing Security
Community perceptions are an important issue in relation to community policing and how the locals perceive
the entry of community policing in matters of campaigning, electoral, and ensuring security. This section deals
with the community's attitudes towards community policing and how this affects the process of elections. The
primary respondents participated in a questionnaire administered to them, and their replies are shown in Table
1.8.
The bar graph shows that community dialogues are the most common strategy used by local leaders in Nairobi’s
informal settlements (55%), highlighting their effectiveness in conflict resolution and preventing electoral
violence. Collaboration with police follows at 30%, indicating reliance on formal security mechanisms, though
to a lesser extent than grassroots approaches. Public peace and security campaigns account for 15%, reflecting
external awareness-raising efforts. Overall, these findings demonstrate a multi-pronged strategy by local leaders
combining dialogue, police cooperation, and public campaigns that strengthens electoral security and contributes
to broader national stability
55%
30%
15%
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
Community Dialogues Collaboration with Police Public Peace and security
Campaigns
Percentage of Leaders Using It
Strategy
Effectiveness of community Leadership’ Strategies in
Maintaining security
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RESEARCH AND SCIENTIFIC INNOVATION (IJRSI)
ISSN No. 2321-2705 | DOI: 10.51244/IJRSI |Volume XII Issue IX September 2025
Page 3259
www.rsisinternational.org
Table 1.8: Community perceptions on Effectiveness of Managing Security
Statement
N
SD
D
N
A
SA
Mean
Std.
Deviation
The community places greater trust in local
leaders compared to external police or
political figures.
274
7%
14%
3%
40%
36%
3.84
0.56
The community’s leaders are considered
the "first line of defense" in peacekeeping,
filling gaps where formal security
institutions fall short.
274
9%
9%
2%
41%
39%
4.02
0.43
The community views local leaders as "one
of us," implying a greater sense of
accountability and commitment to the
community's well-being
274
5%
13%
2%
47%
33%
4.01
0.49
Despite the high expectations and trust
placed in them, local leaders face
significant resource limitations.
274
9%
8%
1%
48%
34%
4.10
0.25
Average Scores
274
3.99
0.43
Source: Research Data (2025)
The results in Table 1.8 show that communities in Nairobi’s informal settlements place greater trust in local
leaders than in police or external political actors (Mean=3.84, SD=0.56). A large majority (40% agreed, 36%
strongly agreed) indicated that leaders are perceived as the first line of peacekeeping, supported by further
findings (Mean=4.01, SD=0.49) showing that communities view them as “one of their own.” Respondents also
highlighted strong consensus that, despite this trust, local leaders face severe resource limitations (Mean=4.10,
SD=0.25), constraining their ability to meet community expectations.
Key informant interviews and FGDs affirmed that local leaders’ elders, youth leaders, and religious figures are
central in mediating disputes, mobilizing voters, and collaborating with police to avert violence. Their
embeddedness in local contexts enhances their legitimacy and ability to predict tensions, making them vital
actors in securing peaceful elections and, by extension, national security (Resnick, 2019; Lynch, 2014).
However, research cautions that without institutional safeguards, community policing may be manipulated by
elites for partisan ends (Blair, 2021; Pommerolle, 2023).
Overall, the data underscores both the indispensable role and the vulnerabilities of local leaders. They are trusted
intermediaries who prevent election violence and foster peace, yet they struggle with inadequate resources. This
gap between community expectations and leaders’ limited capacity risks disillusionment, highlighting the need
for institutional support and resource strengthening to sustain their contributions to electoral and national
security.
Relationship between the role of Community leadership and national security
The second study objective aimed at establishing the nexus between the role of community leadership and
national security in Nairobi’s informal settlements. This subsection presents the model summary, ANOVA and
regression output where other factors are kept constant.
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RESEARCH AND SCIENTIFIC INNOVATION (IJRSI)
ISSN No. 2321-2705 | DOI: 10.51244/IJRSI |Volume XII Issue IX September 2025
Page 3260
www.rsisinternational.org
Table 1.9: Model Summary (Role of Community Leaders)
Model
R
R2
Adjusted R2
S.E Estimate
F Change
df1
df2
Sig. F Change
1
.711
a
.505
.502
.34831
244.140
1
273
.000
a. Predictors: (Constant), Role of Community Leadership
Source: Research Findings (2024)
The correlation results in Table 1.9 show a strong positive relationship between community leadership and
national security (R=0.711). The coefficient of determination (R²=0.491; adjusted R²=0.489) indicates that
approximately 48.9% of the variations in national security can be explained by the role of community leadership
in Nairobi’s informal settlements. The p-value (p=0.000) confirms that this relationship is statistically
significant. These findings underscore the critical role of community leadership in promoting peace and electoral
security, aligning with Soderberg and Bjarnesen’s (2018) conclusion that local leadership is central to sustaining
stability through constructive political rhetoric and peaceful engagement.
Table 1.10: ANOVA (Role of Community Leaders)
Model
Sum of Squares
Df
Mean Square
F
Sig.
1
Regression
8.987
1
8.987
56.243
.000
b
Residual
12.304
273
.160
Total
21.291
274
a. Dependent Variable: National Security
b. Predictors: (Constant), Role of Community leadership
Source: Research Findings (2025)
The ANOVA results in Table 1.10 show that the model is statistically significant (F-statistic, p<.05), confirming
that election campaign strategies of local leaders have a measurable effect on national security. This significance
indicates meaningful differences between the impacts of various leadership roles, including cultivating dialogue,
facilitating conflict resolution, adopting ideology-based campaigning, mobilizing youths, and fostering national
security initiatives. In line with Williams (2024), the findings demonstrate that different aspects of community
leadership contribute unequally to national security, highlighting the importance of evaluating these roles
distinctly when assessing their influence.
Table 1.11: Regression Output (Role of Community Leaders)
Model
Unstandardized
Coefficients
Standardized
Coefficients
t
Sig.
95.0% Confidence Interval for B
B
Std. Error
Beta
Lower Bound
Upper Bound
1
(Constant)
2.125
.193
11.012
.000
1.741
2.510
Role of
Community
leaders
.458
.062
.649
7.500
.000
.335
.578
a. Dependent Variable: National Security
Source: Research Findings (2024)
From the findings in Table 1.11, the model thus becomes;
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RESEARCH AND SCIENTIFIC INNOVATION (IJRSI)
ISSN No. 2321-2705 | DOI: 10.51244/IJRSI |Volume XII Issue IX September 2025
Page 3261
www.rsisinternational.org
Y=2.125 - 0.457X
2
+ e
The results in Table 1.11 show a significant positive relationship between local leadership and national security
when other variables are held constant (r=0.416, p<.05). This indicates that community leaders contribute
constructively to strengthening national security during electoral processes through peace-oriented messaging,
dialogue, and reconciliation in times of conflict. These findings align with Birch, Daxecker, and Höglund (2020),
who argue that political leaders can enhance peace and stability by promoting nonviolent campaigns. Similarly,
Soderberg and Bjarnesen (2018) caution that while poor political rhetoric can incite violence and undermine
security, community leaders also hold the potential to serve as central actors in fostering peace.
CONCLUSION
This study noted that community policing is a vital mechanism for ensuring a safe electoral process, particularly
in areas with a history of election-related violence. Key actors including elders, youth leaders, religious figures,
and women’s groups play critical roles in mediating conflicts, promoting voter participation, and fostering peace.
Their effectiveness, however, depends on neutrality, community trust, and adequate resources. Politicization or
bias can undermine their credibility and the success of community policing initiatives. The effectiveness of
community policing in elections relies on the trust and engagement of the community, as well as the impartiality
of its leaders. Supporting these actors through training and resources, while maintaining their neutrality, is
essential to achieving a secure and peaceful electoral process.
RECOMMENDATION
Institutionalizing Community Policing with Neutrality and Resource Capacity
The study recognizes community policing as an essential resource; however, due to the scarcity of funds and the
general belief of being politically biased to a particular group, its efficiency can be undermined. To overcome
this, what is suggested is to institutionalize community policing into a formal, non-partisan structure. Within this
framework, a new institution, the Community Electoral Security Council (CESC), would be linked to national
security agencies and legitimized in the eyes of community actors to represent their interests in, and engagement
with, national security agencies.
The CESC itself should be made up of a multi-ethnic, multi-religious, pre-vetted group of elders, and out of ten
more broadly, young people and religious leaders, as well as representatives of women's groups, whose integrity
and neutrality are beyond question. The members would be chosen during a wide-open, communal procedure.
They should be prepared to sign a written neutrality contract, any political association being an offence that will
exclude them. The institutionalization would also entail training these councils on formal handling of issues on
electoral security, early warning systems and dealing with conflicts in a formal manner.
More importantly, the government must provide the CESC with a source of funds that would enable it to acquire
basic communication equipment and a small operational budget. This would enable them to be independent and
play their beneficial role without being in need of political leaders' support. The national security agencies would
be required to adopt the CESC as a legitimate partner to whom they must work exclusively, as that is the only
way that they would be treated equally, as the rest in the electoral security architecture. This would not only
empower community policing to be able to conduct their activities, but would also prevent the community
policing activities from being co-opted by political power, which in turn would restore trust that is paramount in
maintaining a secure electoral process.
Areas of Further Research
i. Further analysis is needed to design and implement a framework of Conflict-Sensitive Campaigning,
with workable suggestions for political parties and candidates to address the security implications of
door-to-door campaigning and rallies.
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RESEARCH AND SCIENTIFIC INNOVATION (IJRSI)
ISSN No. 2321-2705 | DOI: 10.51244/IJRSI |Volume XII Issue IX September 2025
Page 3262
www.rsisinternational.org
ii. To assess how formal training and institutional assistance help community policing actors to remain
neutral and effective in times of electoral processes.
iii. To examine the efficacy of certain institutional changes and community-based structures of
accountability in countering the politicization of security agencies during electoral cycles in the informal
settlements.
REFERENCES
1. Alshenqeeti, H. (2014). Interviewing as a data collection method: A critical review. English Linguistics
Research, 3(1), 39–45.
2. Blair, R., Humphreys, M., & Hsieh, C. (2021). Community policing and institutional trust: Evidence from
Uganda and Liberia. Journal of Peace Research, 58(5), 876–890.
3. Birch, S., Daxecker, U., & Höglund, K. (2020). Peaceful elections: The role of political leaders in preventing
electoral violence. Electoral Studies, 66, 102158.
4. Camp, R. A. (2017). Mexico’s political development: Challenges of democracy. Oxford University Press.
5. Creswell, J. W., & Creswell, J. D. (2018). Research design: Qualitative, quantitative, and mixed methods
approaches (5th ed.). Sage Publications.
6. Ferreira, R. (1996). Community policing in transitional democracies: Lessons from Eastern Europe.
European Journal on Criminal Policy and Research, 4(2), 25–44.
7. Gazdar, H. (2007). Urban poverty and politics in Karachi: Ethnic and political militias in informal
settlements. Karachi: City Press.
8. Gyimah-Boadi, E. (2009). Political parties and governance in Africa. Journal of Democracy, 20(3), 122–
136. 7.
9. Haysom, S. (2013). Urban conflict and violence in informal settlements. London: Humanitarian Policy
Group.
10. Innes, M. (2016). Community intelligence and policing: Trust-building in the UK. Policing: A Journal of
Policy and Practice, 10(3), 210–225.
11. Kamau, G., & Nzioki, P. (2019). Community policing and electoral security in Kenya: A case study of
informal settlements. African Security Review, 28(2), 134–152.
12. Kanyinga, K., & Long, J. D. (2009). The political economy of electoral violence in Kenya. African Affairs,
108(430), 271–296.
13. Krueger, R. A., & Casey, M. A. (2015). Focus groups: A practical guide for applied research (5th ed.). Sage
Publications.
14. Lindberg, S. I. (2006). Democracy and elections in Africa. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press.
15. Lynch, G. (2014). Electoral violence and the role of local actors in Kenya. Journal of Modern African
Studies, 52(2), 233–257.
16. Mendoza, R. U., Beja, E. L., Venida, V. S., & Yap, D. B. (2012). An empirical analysis of political dynasties
in the Philippines. Philippine Political Science Journal, 33(2), 132–145
17. Mkutu, K. (2021). Youth, elections, and violence in informal settlements in Kenya. African Affairs,
120(479), 510–529.
18. Mueller, S. D. (2014). Political violence and youth mobilization in Kenya’s informal settlements. Journal
of Eastern African Studies, 8(2), 310–327.
19. Mugaju, J. (2020). Community policing and peacebuilding in Africa: Lessons for electoral security. African
Security Review, 29(3), 198–215.
20. Mutahi, P. (2018). Electoral politics and insecurity in Kenya’s urban informal settlements. Nairobi: Institute
of Policy Analysis and Research.
21. Mwagiru, M. (2012). Democracy and conflict in Africa: The Kenyan experience. Nairobi: Heinrich Böll
Foundation.
22. Omolo, J. (2010). Electoral violence in Kenya: A historical perspective. Nairobi: Institute of Development
Studies.
23. Onyango, E. O. (2019). The role of community leaders in conflict mitigation during elections in Nairobi.
Journal of Security Studies, 12(1), 45–63.
24. Pommerolle, M. (2023). Community policing reforms in Kenya: Between decentralization and political co-
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RESEARCH AND SCIENTIFIC INNOVATION (IJRSI)
ISSN No. 2321-2705 | DOI: 10.51244/IJRSI |Volume XII Issue IX September 2025
Page 3263
www.rsisinternational.org
optation. African Policing Review, 18(1), 77–95.
25. Resnick, D. (2019). Local leadership and electoral security in Africa: Insights from Kenya. Governance,
32(3), 459–478.
26. Sharma, K. (2013). Slums of hope and despair: Clientelist politics in India. New Delhi: Routledge.
27. Soderberg, M., & Bjarnesen, L. (2018). Political rhetoric and local leadership in election security. Conflict,
Security & Development, 18(2), 147–168.
28. Turnbull, M. (2021). Electoral violence in informal settlements: The role of community leaders. Journal of
Peacebuilding & Development, 16(1), 35–52.
29. Wacquant, L. (2008). Urban outcasts: A comparative sociology of advanced marginality. Cambridge: Polity
Press.
30. Wairuri, W. (2019). Youth vulnerability and electoral violence in Nairobi informal settlements. African
Journal of Political Science, 24(2), 101–120.
31. Williams, J. (2024). Assessing community leadership and national security during elections. Journal of
African Governance, 9(1), 22–40.
32. Wilkinson, S. I. (2004). Votes and violence: Electoral competition and ethnic riots in India. Cambridge
University Press.
