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A Qualitative Exploration of Social Media Usage and its Influence on
Social Capital among Youths Residing in Urban Areas of Nigeria
Dr. Michael A. Senkoya, Dr. Praise R. Akogwu, Blessing E. Senkoya
Institut Universitaire La Grace (IUG Ex-ECOTES), Cotonou, Litorral, Benin
DOI: https://dx.doi.org/10.51244/IJRSI.2025.1210000162
Received: 13 October 2025; Accepted: 23 October 2025; Published: 11 November 2025
ABSTRACT
Background: In Nigeria, social media adoption has grown rapidly, particularly among urban youths, who use
these platforms as a primary mode of communication. As Nigeria continues to experience rapid urbanization and
population growth, particularly among its youth, understanding how social media shapes social capital is crucial
for addressing both social and economic development challenges. This study aims to explore social media usage
and its influence on social capital development and sustainability using qualitative methods.
Methods: This study employed a qualitative design using in-depth interviews (IDI) and focus group discussions
(FGD). The population consisted of youths aged 18-35 years residing in urban areas such as Lagos, Abuja, Port
Harcourt, and Kano. Eight youths were selected for IDIs and seven for one FGD using convenience sampling.
Data were collected via semi-structured interviews and discussions, transcribed verbatim, and analyzed using
inductive thematic analysis.
Results: Five key themes emerged: (1) Usage Patterns and Motivations, highlighting platform-specific roles
(e.g., Instagram for visual connection, TikTok for entertainment); (2) Network Building and Trust, emphasizing
social media's role in forming and maintaining relationships with varying trust levels; (3) Civic Participation
through Social Media, showing platforms' facilitation of information access and mobilization; (4) Comparative
Impact of Instagram, TikTok, and Facebook, revealing differential influences on interactions (e.g., Instagram for
intimacy, Facebook for community trust); and (5) Overall Perception of Social Media’s Role, indicating positive
impacts on social life with caveats about misinformation and overload.
Discussion: The findings extend social capital theory by illustrating how platform affordances in the Global
South context differentially support bonding (Instagram/TikTok) and bridging (Facebook) capital among urban
Nigerian youth. Novel contributions include mechanisms like Instagram's visuality fostering intimacy and
Facebook's groups enabling civic mobilization. Implications include recommendations for policymakers and
educators.
Conclusion: Urban Nigerian youth leverage social media for bonding and bridging social capital, with platforms
reshaping interactions in digitalized contexts.
Keywords: Social media, Instagram, Facebook, Lagos, Social capital
BACKGROUND
In Nigeria, social media adoption has grown rapidly, particularly among urban youths aged 18-35, who use these
platforms as a primary mode of communication (Abdulrahman et al., 2025). With more than half of Nigeria's
population under 30 years old, platforms like Instagram, TikTok, and Facebook have become central to daily
life and social interactions (Tsebee, 2024). These platforms facilitate communication and serve as vehicles for
creating, maintaining, and expanding social capital, the networks, trust, and resources derived from social ties
(Imoka, 2023).
Urban environments in Nigeria, characterized by high density and diversity, foster social capital development
but also present challenges like unemployment and social exclusion (Jemiluyi & Jeke, 2024). In these settings,
youths turn to social media for support, advice, and opportunities (Ezeaka et al., 2025). Research indicates social
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media fosters bonding capital (close ties) and bridging capital (diverse networks), providing access to
information and resources (Phua et al., 2017). Given Nigeria’s dynamic urban contexts, social media offers
alternative spaces for network building amid limited traditional support.
Understanding these dynamics is essential for addressing youth development challenges, including employment
and civic participation (Nwankwor et al., 2024). This study explores social media usage and its influence on
social capital among urban Nigerian youth using qualitative methods.
METHODS
This study employed a qualitative design to explore participants lived experiences, utilized in-depth interviews
(IDIs) and focus group discussions (FGDs) for rich, contextual data (Mantell et al., 2025).
Population and Sampling
The target population comprised youths aged 18-35 residing in major urban areas of Nigeria (Lagos, Abuja, Port
Harcourt, and Kano), selected for their high social media penetration and demographic diversity (Imoka, 2023).
Inclusion criteria were: aged 18-35, active users of at least one of Instagram, TikTok, or Facebook (self-reported
usage ≥3 times/week), and urban residency (≥6 months). Exclusion criteria included non-English speakers (to
ensure interview feasibility) and those without access to video conferencing for remote sessions.
Convenience sampling was used due to resource constraints and the exploratory nature of the study. Participants
were recruited via social media advertisements (e.g., targeted posts on Instagram and Facebook groups for
Nigerian youth), university networks, and community youth groups. This approach mitigated biases by
diversifying recruitment channels beyond online-only methods, including in-person flyers at urban cafes and
events. Potential biases from online recruitment (e.g., favoring tech-savvy individuals) were addressed by
including offline recruitment and screening for varied education/employment levels.
Eight participants were recruited for IDIs, and seven for one FGD, totaling 15 participants. This sample size was
justified by data saturation principles; no new themes emerged after the sixth IDI and during the FGD, aligning
with guidelines for exploratory qualitative studies where 12-15 participants suffice for thematic saturation in
homogeneous groups (Wutich et al., 2024). Saturation was assessed iteratively during analysis, with memos
noting theme repetition.
Participant Characteristics
Table 1 summarizes participant demographics, drawn from self-reported data during recruitment and interviews.
Table 1: Participant Characteristics
Identifier
Method
Age
Gender
Education Level
Employment Status
IDI-1
IDI
24
Male
Undergraduate
Student
IDI-2
IDI
28
Female
Postgraduate
Employed full-time
IDI-3
IDI
22
Male
Vocational
Self-employed
IDI-4
IDI
30
Female
Undergraduate
Unemployed
IDI-5
IDI
25
Male
Postgraduate
Employed part-time
IDI-6
IDI
21
Female
Secondary
Student
IDI-7
IDI
32
Male
Undergraduate
Self-employed
IDI-8
IDI
27
Female
Postgraduate
Employed full-time
FGD-1
FGD
23
Male
Undergraduate
Student
FGD-2
FGD
26
Female
Vocational
Employed part-time
FGD-3
FGD
29
Male
Postgraduate
Self-employed
FGD-4
FGD
20
Female
Secondary
Unemployed
FGD-5
FGD
31
Male
Undergraduate
Employed full-time
FGD-6
FGD
24
Female
Postgraduate
Student
FGD-7
FGD
33
Male
Vocational
Self-employed
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Data Collection
A semi-structured interview guide was developed with open-ended questions on usage patterns, network
building, trust, civic participation, and platform comparisons. IDIs lasted 45-60 minutes and were conducted
one-on-one (in-person or via Zoom) for depth. The FGD lasted 90 minutes, facilitating group dynamics and
diverse perspectives (Kyambade & Namatovu, 2025). Sessions were audio-recorded with consent and conducted
in English.
Ethical Considerations
Ethical clearance was granted by the Institutional Review Board of the British American Open University
(BAOUC). Participants provided written informed consent and were assured of confidentiality, voluntary
participation, and the right to withdraw at any stage. Anonymity and confidentiality of audio recordings and
transcripts were ensured by using pseudonyms, storing data on password-protected devices, and limiting access
to the research team. No incentives were provided, and debriefing was offered post-session to address any
discomfort.
Data Analysis
Transcripts were verbatim from recordings. Inductive thematic analysis was conducted using NVivo 25 (Seals,
2024). The first author coded transcripts, identifying initial codes and themes. The second author independently
coded 50% of transcripts; consensus coding resolved discrepancies (>90% agreement). Validity was enhanced
through triangulation (IDI vs. FGD data), member checking (summaries shared with three participants), and
reflexivity (authors noted their Nigerian academic/youth backgrounds, mitigating bias via memos).
RESULTS
Five themes emerged from the data, supported by verbatim quotes (with identifiers) and occurrence notes.
Theme 1: Usage Patterns and Motivations
This theme examines how respondents incorporate Instagram, TikTok, and Facebook into their daily routines,
highlighting both habitual usage patterns and the underlying motivations for engagement. Instagram emerged as
the platform most frequently used, functioning as a “visual hub” for staying connected, discovering trends, and
finding inspiration. Participants emphasized daily interaction:
“Instagram is where I stay updated on everything, from my friends’ lives to the latest fashion trends” (FGD
participant 2, Female, 26). “It’s visually engaging, and I can easily connect with my friends and favorite
influencers” (IDI, Male, Lagos, 24).
TikTok was primarily used for entertainment, humor, and creative expression. Users reported engaging with
content during short breaks and for light-hearted amusement:
“I open TikTok when I just want quick entertainment or to laugh at something funny” (IDI, Female, Lagos, 21).
“The algorithm knows me so well, it shows videos that match my mood or current interests” (FGD participant
1, Male, 23).
Facebook, while less frequently accessed, was valued for maintaining family ties and community connections:
“Facebook is where I catch up with family and local news, but I don’t post often” (IDI, Female, Abuja, 28). “It
feels more grounded, like connecting with home and old friends” (FGD participant 3, Male, 29).
Age and routine influenced platform choice, with younger participants (18–25) favoring Instagram and TikTok,
while older respondents (26–35) preferred Facebook:
“Morning is for Instagram inspiration, TikTok during lunch for fun, and Facebook at night for family updates”
(IDI, Female, Lagos, 27).
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Theme 2: Network Building and Trust
Respondents described using social media to build relationships, sustain social ties, and develop trust. Instagram
and Facebook were considered key tools for networking, whereas TikTok was more hobby-oriented:
“Instagram has been great for networking through mutual friends and events, while TikTok feels more
anonymous, I connect with people who share my hobbies” (IDI, Male, Lagos, 27).
“Facebook helped me reconnect with old school friends and join local tech meetups” (IDI, Male, Abuja, 32).
“We often chat on Facebook Messenger and share updates on Instagram; that keeps our friendship strong even
though we’re in different cities” (FGD participant 6, Female, 24).
Trust in online interactions developed gradually and was strongest among familiar contacts:
“On Instagram, I trust acquaintances but stay cautious with strangers” (IDI, Female, Port Harcourt, 30).
“I trust people more on Facebook, especially in my community group, someone there even helped me find a
reliable electrician” (FGD participant 7, Male, 33). “I’ve built trust with members of a Nigerian women-in-tech
group on Facebook; we support and advise each other” (IDI, Female, Abuja, 28). “I met some friends on
Instagram through a photo challenge; over time, we started sharing personal stories” (FGD participant 4, Female,
20).
Theme 3: Civic Participation through Social Media
Participants reported using social media to engage with civic life, from staying informed to mobilizing for social
causes. Instagram and Facebook were key sources of information, whereas TikTok provided immediate,
engaging updates:
“I mostly rely on Instagram for breaking news or updates about social issues” (IDI, Male, Lagos, 24). “TikTok
often shows me short clips of news that people are discussing, it feels more immediate, like news for my world
right now” (FGD participant 1, Male, 23).
Respondents also described attending offline events discovered online:
“I attended a peaceful protest in Lagos after seeing posts shared by influencers I follow” (IDI, Female, Lagos,
21). “Last year, I joined a charity event in Abuja through a Facebook post, it felt great to actually do something”
(IDI, Male, Abuja, 32). “I joined a climate change march after seeing Instagram posts about it, it made me feel
part of something bigger” (FGD participant 2, Female, 26).
Social media was also used to mobilize others:
“I used Instagram to share mental health resources during a campaign, it felt meaningful” (IDI, Female, Lagos,
22). “I organized a small fundraiser for a local charity through Instagram stories; friends donated right away”
(IDI, Female, Lagos, 27). “A cleanup event went viral after we shared it on TikTok, the turnout was much higher
than expected” (FGD participant 1, Male, 23).
Theme 4: Comparative Impact of Instagram, TikTok, and Facebook
Respondents distinguished platforms by their interaction styles, trust levels, and community engagement.
Instagram was associated with personal connection, TikTok with casual creativity, and Facebook with trusted,
long-term relationships.
“Instagram feels more professional; I’m careful with what I post or say there because people judge based on
visuals” (IDI, Male, Lagos, 22). “When I share photos of my daily life, people comment and message me, it feels
like they actually know me better” (FGD Participant 2, Abuja). “Instagram is where I post about real things, not
just memes. It helps people trust that I’m genuine” (IDI, Female, Port Haarcourt, 30).
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TikTok encouraged casual, playful engagement:
“TikTok is just for laughter and vibes; I don’t think anyone goes there to make real friends” (IDI, Female, Lagos,
28). “It’s more about creativity, I feel free to be myself without caring what people think” (FGD Participant 4,
Kano). “You trust people’s content, not necessarily their personality” (IDI, Male, Abuja, 32).
Facebook reinforced familiarity and community:
“Facebook helps me keep in touch with family, it’s where people share serious things, not just trends” (FGD
Participant 5, Lagos). “I still use Facebook groups to learn about jobs and church events. It’s more community-
based” (IDI, Male, Port Harcourt, 30). “The groups feel safe; people talk about real issues like family and work”
(FGD Participant 5, Lagos).
Theme 5: Overall Perception of Social Media’s Role
Participants generally held positive views about social media’s influence, while acknowledging potential
drawbacks.
“Social media has helped me stay connected with people, find new communities, and even discover opportunities
I wouldn’t have known about otherwise” (IDI, Male, Lagos, 24).
“It has made it easier to stay in touch with people, find like-minded individuals, and stay connected to what's
going on in the world” (FGD Participant 6, Abuja). “Social media has definitely had a positive impact on my
social life. It's helped me stay connected with friends and family, expand my social circle, and stay informed
about current events” (IDI, Female, Lagos, 21).
Participants also recognized the role of social media in promoting civic engagement:
“Social media has made me more aware of local events and causes that I can get involved in. It’s also helped me
find volunteer opportunities and mobilize support for different causes in my community” (IDI, Male, Port
Harcourt, 30). “Social media has made me more active. I feel more informed about local events and movements,
and I’ve participated in things I wouldn’t have known about otherwise” (FGD Participant 2, Abuja). “Social
media has made me more aware of social issues and has motivated me to take action, even if it's just by sharing
information or donating to a cause” (FGD Participant 3, Port Harcourt).
Respondents highlighted the importance of balancing online and offline engagement:
“I also recognize the importance of balancing online engagement with offline action and community
involvement” (IDI, Female, Lagos, 21). “It's easier to get involved now and share experiences with others, which
encourages even more participation” (FGD Participant 5, Lagos).
Some participants noted potential downsides of social media:
“It can feel overwhelming at times, especially with the pressure to maintain an online image” (IDI, Male, Abuja,
32). “Social media is addictive and time-consuming; we need to use it mindfully” (FGD Participant 4, Kano). “I
recognize the need to balance online interactions with real-life connections to avoid feeling isolated” (IDI,
Female, Lagos, 27).
DISCUSSION
The findings of this study reveal nuanced patterns of social media use among Nigerian urban youth,
demonstrating that Instagram, TikTok, and Facebook serve distinct yet complementary functions in shaping
social connections, trust, and civic participation. Users engage with these platforms not merely for leisure but to
cultivate social capital and navigate relational networks in ways that reflect both global digital practices and
local cultural norms. Instagram emerged as a platform facilitating connection, inspiration, and relational
intimacy. Its visual affordances enable users to present curated yet authentic self-images, supporting emotional
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closeness and bonding social capital. As one participant noted, “Instagram is where I post about real things, not
just memes. It helps people trust that I’m genuine” (IDI, Female, Lagos, 21). TikTok, by contrast, fosters
entertainment, creativity, and algorithmically mediated engagement, encouraging bridging social capital through
humor, trends, and shared interests, rather than deep personal relationships: “It’s more about creativity, I feel
free to be myself without caring what people think” (FGD Participant 4, Kano). Facebook remains a critical site
for trust-based, community-oriented engagement, particularly for maintaining family ties and local networks:
“Facebook helps me keep in touch with family, it’s where people share serious things, not just trends” (FGD
Participant 1, Lagos).
These patterns reflect both Uses and Gratifications Theory (Fronczak et al., 2022; Keuchenius et al., 2021) and
social capital frameworks (Luoma-Aho, 2018), illustrating how Nigerian urban youth navigate bonding and
bridging capital across platforms. Instagram and TikTok expand weak ties through shared interests, while
Facebook reinforces close, trust-based relationships within familiar networks. Trust online is relational and
contingent, developing over repeated interactions, collaboration, and community participation, supporting the
notion of platforms as digital “trust incubators” (Gohil et al., 2024; Serres, 2023). Moreover, the immediacy of
TikTok’s short-form content enhances emotional engagement and collective creativity, which can translate into
offline participation in protests, charity events, and volunteer activities, highlighting the capacity of social media
to bridge digital awareness with tangible civic action (Van Raemdonck et al., 2025).
Importantly, these findings extend existing scholarship by situating platform affordances within the cultural
context of the Global South (Luoma-Aho, 2018). Unlike generalized studies of Western youth, Nigerian users
attach significance to aesthetic presentation, familiarity, and respectability online. Instagram’s visuality supports
both intimacy and reputation management, TikTok fosters playful yet transitory sociality, and Facebook
maintains continuity within trust-laden, community-based networks (Liu et al., 2025). While social media is
recognized as a vehicle for connectivity and civic engagement, participants also expressed caution regarding
pressures of online identity, information overload, and digital stress, echoing Oyedemi & Choung, (2020).
Collectively, these insights underscore that social media functions as a multi-dimensional ecosystem,
simultaneously facilitating social bonding, bridging, trust formation, and civic participation among urban youth
in Nigeria.
IMPLICATIONS
For policymakers: Enforce anti-misinformation laws and promote digital access to bridge urban divides (Tsang
& Zhou, 2025). NGOs/educators: Leverage Instagram for youth outreach (e.g., visual campaigns on mental
health) and Facebook groups for employment bridging (e.g., job networks). Counter TikTok risks via literacy
programs teaching critical evaluation to mitigate overload/cyberbullying (McCashin & Murphy, 2022).
CONCLUSION
This study demonstrates that Nigerian urban youth engage with Instagram, TikTok, and Facebook in distinct yet
complementary ways, reflecting platform-specific affordances and cultural norms. Instagram primarily
facilitates visual self-expression, relational intimacy, and bridging social capital; TikTok encourages
entertainment, creativity, and trend-based connections; and Facebook supports trust-based, community-oriented
networks and bonding social capital. Users navigate these platforms strategically throughout the day, fulfilling
social, emotional, and informational needs while balancing online and offline engagement. Trust emerges as
relational and cultivated through repeated interaction, collaboration, and shared experiences, illustrating how
digital networks can strengthen both personal relationships and social cohesion.
Moreover, social media serves as a catalyst for civic participation, enabling awareness of local events,
volunteering opportunities, and social causes, while also fostering a sense of belonging and collective action.
Participants highlighted both the opportunities and challenges of platform use, including pressures of online
identity, information overload, and digital stress, emphasizing the need for mindful engagement. Overall, the
findings underscore that social media functions as a multi-dimensional ecosystem in which Nigerian youth
simultaneously build social capital, maintain trust, express creativity, and contribute to civic life, offering critical
insights into digital behavior in the Global South.
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LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY
The study's small sample (n=15) limits depth, potentially missing nuances across strata; convenience sampling
via social media may bias toward digitally literate participants, reducing representativeness. Urban-only focus
excludes rural comparisons, where access differs (Fu et al., 2024). Selection bias from recruitment could
overrepresent engaged users; qualitative design precludes causality, unable to isolate social media's effects from
confounders. Future quantitative/mixed-methods studies could survey larger samples to test generalizability and
causal links.
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