INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RESEARCH AND SCIENTIFIC INNOVATION (IJRSI)
ISSN No. 2321-2705 | DOI: 10.51244/IJRSI |Volume XII Issue X October 2025

Page 2042




The Intergenerational Cycle of Deprivation: A Narrative Review of
Early-Life Deprivation and Adult Socioeconomic Outcomes

Sreeja Nair

Department of Public Health and Mortality Studies, International Institute for Population Sciences

DOI: https://dx.doi.org/10.51244/IJRSI.2025.1210000180

Received: 06 November 2025; Accepted: 14 November 2025; Published: 14 November 2025

ABSTRACT:

Deprivation, viewed as a relative and multidimensional lack of customary societal resources, is increasingly
recognized as a stronger determinant of poverty than income alone. This review synthesizes empirical literature
to map the causal pathways through which early-life deprivation initiates and perpetuates a self-sustaining cycle
of socioeconomic disadvantage across generations. Employing an integrative narrative review design, a
systematic search of databases (Scopus, PubMed, Science Direct, and Google Scholar) was conducted using
keywords across three constructs: exposure, outcomes (cognitive, educational, health, employment), and linking
terms (e.g., life course, cumulative disadvantage). This process identified and synthesized 64 key studies.

The findings confirm that exposure to adverse conditions in-utero and during early childhood results in a
cumulative disadvantage that compromises Human Capital across three critical domains. First, deprivation
undermines cognitive development through factors like poor nutrition, sleep, and household socioeconomic
status. Second, this leads to setbacks in educational attainment exacerbated by factors like poor school quality,
the neighbourhood effect, and lack of parental resources. Third, it increases the incidence of poor physical and
mental health in adulthood, linked to increased psychological distress, chronic diseases, and reduced lifespan.
These compromised endowments then converge to limit labour market outcomes, resulting in significantly lower
employment probability, reduced wages, and sporadic employment, thereby creating the conditions for the
intergenerational transfer of deprivation. Thus, adopting a multidimensional, life-course perspective is crucial
for developing effective policy interventions.

Keywords: Childhood deprivation, early-life poverty, socioeconomic status (SES), multidimensional poverty,
cognitive development, educational attainment, health outcomes, labour market outcomes, employment, wages

INTRODUCTION

Deprivation is fundamentally a relative concept, defined by an individual's lack of resources such as diet,
housing, education, and social conditions- that are widely customary or approved in their society [1], [2]. This
societal notion of an 'acceptable' level establishes the relativity, enabling a comparison between the 'better' off
and those who are not. While income has long been the primary metric for poverty, its limitations spurred the
development of multidimensional measures, recognizing that socioeconomic and other individual factors
significantly determine subjective poverty, independent of income [3].

The strong, interlinked relationship between low income and high deprivation is evident [4], but a holistic,
multidimensional view allows for better identification of those who cannot afford essential items [5]. This shift
led to the creation of instruments like the global Multidimensional Poverty Index (MPI) in 2010 [6] and the
World Bank’s Multidimensional Poverty Measure (MPM), highlighting common areas of deprivation globally,
such as sanitation, educational attainment, and electricity access [7]. Deprivation is multidimensional,
encompassing political, physical, social, and material aspects [8]. A small shock in one dimension can cascade,
increasing overall deprivation [9]. This means that developing countries consistently hold the highest
concentrations of extremely poor people [10], with regions like Sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia, and
countries like India, accounting for significant portions of the global deprivation burden [6]. In India, for
instance, almost 75% of those in extreme poverty were found to be concentrated there, with specific states (e.g.,

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RESEARCH AND SCIENTIFIC INNOVATION (IJRSI)
ISSN No. 2321-2705 | DOI: 10.51244/IJRSI |Volume XII Issue X October 2025

Page 2043




Bihar, Jharkhand, Uttar Pradesh) and certain social groups (STs and SCs) facing compounded disadvantages
[11], [12].

This review synthesizes the extensive literature to detail how childhood deprivation initiates a self-sustaining
cycle that negatively impacts an individual's cognitive development, educational attainment, health trajectory,
and eventual labour market outcomes.

METHODOLOGY

This study employs an integrative narrative review design to synthesize existing literature and map the causal
pathways linking early-life deprivation to adult socioeconomic outcomes. The methodology was guided by the
principles of thematic synthesis, focusing on identifying, analyzing, and integrating themes across established
empirical studies and seminal review articles.

A systematic literature search was conducted to identify relevant publications that looked at the impact of
childhood deprivation across four key domains: cognitive development, educational attainment, health, and
employment. The search strategy utilized a combination of keywords related to three core constructs:

Exposure: "childhood deprivation," "early-life poverty," "socioeconomic status (SES),"
"multidimensional poverty."

Outcomes: "cognitive development," "educational attainment," "health outcomes," "labour market
outcomes," "employment," "wages."

Linking terms: "cumulative disadvantage," "life course perspective," "intergenerational mobility."

In order to understand the long-term effect of deprivation, searches were performed in Scopus, PubMed, Science
Direct, and Google Scholar to identify seminal works that may not have been captured by the primary database
search. While the systematic search was limited to post 2000 literature, seminal theoretical works and landmark
empirical studies published prior to this date were also included where they were critical to the conceptual
understanding of deprivation.

The study selection process involved an initial screening of titles and abstracts against the inclusion criteria,
which yielded 130 articles for full-text review. Following a detailed assessment of these full texts, 66 articles
were excluded. The primary reasons for exclusion were: lacking a clear analytical link between early-life
deprivation and one or more of the specified long-term outcomes, or being superseded by a more comprehensive
study. This rigorous screening process resulted in the final inclusion of 64 key studies, books, and reports.

The Thematic Results of Deprivation Across the Life Course

The long-lasting impact of childhood deprivation on adult life course outcomes can be understood through two
main theories. The first is the Cumulative Disadvantage Theory, which says that adverse conditions experienced
in-utero and throughout early life set in motion a sequence of setbacks that accumulate over time [13]. The
second is the Ecological Systems Theory, which understands the impact of deprivation understood through the
interplay of immediate settings (microsystem), social conditions (exosystem), and culture (macrosystem) affect
the child's development [14].

A. Deprivation and Cognitive Development

Cognitive development in children is influenced by an intricate network of factors, from internal physiology to
external environments. Internal factors, resulting from lifestyle, include sleep and nutrition. Poor sleep duration
or quality and frequent night awakenings are linked to lower cognitive performance, language development, and
IQ [15], [16]. Similarly, hunger severely impacts physical and brain development, causing a reduction in
cognitive capacity in early years [17].

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RESEARCH AND SCIENTIFIC INNOVATION (IJRSI)
ISSN No. 2321-2705 | DOI: 10.51244/IJRSI |Volume XII Issue X October 2025

Page 2044




Nutritional status is a strong determinant, with specific nutrient deficiencies (e.g., iron, zinc, iodine, B12) having
serious implications for brain development [18]. For example, a poor diet high in fat, sugar, and processed foods
in early childhood has been linked to a reduction in later-life IQ, while nutrient-rich diets may increase it [19].
This effect is compounded by the environment, where deprived households cannot afford the quality resources,
adequate physical activity, and necessary materials (e.g., play materials) that foster cognitive skills in the early
years [20], [21].

Socioeconomic factors and household poverty emerge as critical determinants, with children from lower
socioeconomic status (SES) households consistently performing poorer, regardless of their cognitive ability [22].
The timing and duration of poverty are crucial - persistent poverty and exposure during the early ages of a child
lead to gradually lower IQ outcomes [23]. The neighbourhood effect, of living in areas where poverty is
concentrated and facilities are inadequate, also contributes to this effect, leading to lower test scores, when
compared to children from affluent areas [24]. Finally, parental factors, particularly the mother’s education and
the lack of a father figure, also negatively impact cognitive development [25].

B. Deprivation and Educational Attainment

The cognitive deficits induced by early deprivation translate directly into setbacks in educational attainment,
initiating a crucial stage of the cycle. Exposure to neighbourhood deprivation is negatively associated with
academic success [26]. However, family-level variables are more significant, and children from disadvantaged
families often do not benefit from living in affluent neighbourhoods [27].

Family SES remains paramount. Family wealth, home-ownership, and the capacity to allocate resources towards
education (like higher education or early intervention programs) increase the probability of higher educational
attainment [28], [29]. Low learning levels at early ages - often due to the inability of deprived households to
afford pre-school participation - are associated with lower attainment and failure to complete primary education
[30]. The experience of Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACEs), often prevalent in poor households, also leads
to lower educational qualifications [31].

The quality of schooling is directly affected by household means. Children in private schools spend more time
studying than those in state-run schools [32]. This has serious implications for a country like India, which has a
strong male-bias when it comes to private school enrolment among lower-income and rural households [33].
Parental factors again play a definitive role here - the educational- aspirational- level of parents, particularly the
mother, are strong predictors of a child’s educational attainment [34], [35]. Poor dietary diversity, resulting in
conditions like stunting and wasting, is associated with substantially lower reading and math scores [36]. Even
with government interventions like Free School Meals (FSMs), the structural disadvantage is not fully mitigated,
as FSM beneficiaries still show the lowest educational attainment levels [37].

C. Deprivation and Health Outcomes

The physical and psychological stresses of sustained deprivation accumulate, leading to chronic health issues
over an individual’s life course [38], [39].

1) Psychosocial Health: Continued exposure to poor socioeconomic conditions results in chronic psychological
distress, aggression, and helplessness [40], [41]. ACEs - including physical/emotional neglect, parental mental
health issues, and food shortage - predict poor mental health, depression, and engagement in risky behaviours
(drug/alcohol use) in adulthood [42], [43]. For children who were institutionalized, the psychological damage is
lasting, worsening the later the intervention is received [44].

2) Physical Health: Children born into deprivation often experience poor health at birth (low birthweight) and
undernutrition (stunting), which are linked to high adult blood pressure and glucose concentrations [45]. Stunting
in childhood is associated with multiple adult diseases [46]. Childhood poverty is associated with poor adult
health behaviours, including smoking and lack of exercise [47]. This persistent poor health increases the risk of
premature mortality due to cardiovascular diseases, respiratory-related diseases, and various cancers [48], [49].
Poor housing conditions, such as crowding and lack of basic amenities such as indoor private tap water, are also

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RESEARCH AND SCIENTIFIC INNOVATION (IJRSI)
ISSN No. 2321-2705 | DOI: 10.51244/IJRSI |Volume XII Issue X October 2025

Page 2045




important determinants of higher adult mortality [48], [50]. While all children recover from health shocks, the
impact on low-SES children is greater due to the higher frequency of these shocks [51].

D. Deprivation and Employment

The long-term consequence of compromised cognitive ability, low educational attainment, and poor health
manifests in adverse adult labour market outcomes. Adults raised in poverty experience labour market exclusion,
facing significantly lower odds of employment and earning lower wages [52], [53].

Education serves as the most effective mechanism to offset the negative impact of childhood adversity,
increasing both the probability of employment and eventual wages [52]. Conversely, the inability to pursue
higher education due to wealth constraints creates a cycle of reduced earnings and persistent economic hardships
[54]. This results in a higher likelihood of individuals being NEET (Not in Education, Employment, or Training)
in adulthood [55].

The neighbourhood effect persists into adulthood, with growing up in poor or disadvantaged areas increasing
the chances of being jobless and having lower wages, an effect that remains even if the individual moves to a
more affluent area [56], [57].

The health pathway is critical. Poor childhood health, both physical and mental, affects an individual's lifetime
earnings by leading to absenteeism and preventing the fulfilment of academic potential [58], [59]. Poor physical
and, especially, poor mental health in childhood lead to an inability to work and fewer workweeks as an adult,
drastically reducing lifetime income [60], [61]. Consequently, early interventions targeting disadvantaged
children are shown to yield significant economic returns by improving adult productivity [62].

Conceptual Framework: The Self-Sustaining Cycle of Deprivation

The literature demonstrates that deprivation, viewed through the lens of the Life Course Theory [63], is not a
single event but a sequence of linked adversities that shape a person’s trajectory. The impact is cumulative and
self-reinforcing.













Fig. 1 The Conceptual Framework of Deprivation and Adult Outcomes

Household Deprivation

Early-Life Outcomes

Cognitive Development
Educational Attainment

Health

Adult Outcomes

Health
Employment


Intergenerational Transmission

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RESEARCH AND SCIENTIFIC INNOVATION (IJRSI)
ISSN No. 2321-2705 | DOI: 10.51244/IJRSI |Volume XII Issue X October 2025

Page 2046




The framework illustrates the central argument: early-life deprivation (microsystem and exosystem stress)
compromises Human Capital [64] formation in childhood across three critical domains: Cognition, Education,
and Health (Social Determinants of Health). These compromised endowments - specifically, low cognitive
function, low educational attainment, and poor physical/mental health - converge to limit health and labour
market outcomes (low employment, low wages). This restricted economic capacity then creates the conditions
for adult socioeconomic disadvantage and the intergenerational transfer of deprivation, restarting the cycle for
the next generation. The theory of Cumulative Disadvantage explains the widening gap between deprived and
non-deprived individuals over time as these disadvantages compound.

Gaps in Literature

While the existing literature provides a robust mapping of multidimensional deprivation, there are critical gaps
which impede a deeper, causal understanding of its long-term consequences. This review identifies three primary
areas where future research is needed:

The literature establishes that deprivation is inherently multidimensional [6], yet a significant gap exists in
quantifying the relative causal influence of core deprivations. Research is needed to quantify whether, for
instance, nutritional deficits in childhood exert a stronger independent effect on the long-term outcomes than
deficiencies in housing quality or sanitation.

While disadvantages faced by the Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs) in India are well known
[11], there is a pressing need for recent empirical work that applies an intersectional lens. Focussed research
should be done which details how caste and tribal identity, compounded by multidimensional deprivation,
specifically channel individuals into (or away from) certain opportunities, such as access to quality private versus
state schooling and subsequent job outcomes.

A critical methodological gap is the scarcity of longitudinal studies in the India context. Without such data, our
understanding of how exposure to household deprivation during childhood dynamically shapes critical life
course outcomes (including cognitive development, educational attainment, health status, and employment
opportunities) remains fragmented and often inferential.

CONCLUSIONS

The evidence overwhelmingly supports the existence of a robust, self-sustaining cycle wherein early-life
deprivation compromises cognitive, educational, and health capital, severely limiting labour market success and
perpetuating socioeconomic disadvantage across generations. This process is effectively explained by the
Cumulative Disadvantage Theory, where initial setbacks compound over the Life Course, creating a persistent
and widening gap between deprived and non-deprived individuals.

The mechanisms detailed herein - from nutritional deficits compromising cognitive potential to poor health
resulting in job absenteeism - converge to restrict human capital formation, ultimately leading to labour market
exclusion and the intergenerational transfer of deprivation. Adopting a multidimensional, life-course
perspective is, therefore, crucial for effective policy-making. Only through comprehensive, integrated
interventions targeted at the earliest stages of life can policymakers disrupt this powerful cycle of
intergenerational deprivation and foster equitable social mobility. Examining the structural deprivations
identified in this review, particularly the gaps that exist in quantifying causal influence, and addressing specific
social and regional inequalities, must be the focus of future empirical research.

REFERENCES

1. Townsend, P. (1979). Poverty in the United Kingdom: A survey of household resources and standards of
living. University of California Press.

2. Bossert, W., D'Ambrosio, C., & Peragine, V. (2007). Deprivation and social exclusion. Economica,
74(296), 777-803.

3. Gasparini, L., Escudero, W. S., Marchionni, M., & Olivieri, S. (2008). Income, deprivation, and

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RESEARCH AND SCIENTIFIC INNOVATION (IJRSI)
ISSN No. 2321-2705 | DOI: 10.51244/IJRSI |Volume XII Issue X October 2025

Page 2047




perceptions in Latin America and the Caribbean: New evidence from the Gallup World Poll.
4. Mondal, S., Kumar, V., & Sahoo, P. (2023). Multidimensional Deprivation in Rural India. Economic &

Political Weekly, 58(33), 37-45.
5. Saunders, P., & Naidoo, Y. (2009). Poverty, deprivation and consistent poverty. Economic Record,

85(271), 417-432.
6. Alkire, S., Kanagaratnam, U., Nogales, R., & Suppa, N. (2022). Revising the global multidimensional

poverty index: Empirical insights and robustness. Review of Income and Wealth, 68, S347-S384.
7. World Bank. (2022). Poverty and shared prosperity 2022: Correcting course.
8. Chambers, R. (2006). What is poverty? Who asks? Who answers? Institute of Development Studies.
9. Alkire, S., Nogales, R., Quinn, N. N., & Suppa, N. (2021). Global multidimensional poverty and COVID-

19: A decade of progress at risk? Social Science & Medicine, 291, 114457.
10. Yang, D., Luan, W., Yang, J., Xue, B., Zhang, X., Wang, H., & Pian, F. (2022). The contribution of data-

driven poverty alleviation funds in achieving mid-21st-Century multidimensional poverty alleviation
planning. Humanities and Social Sciences Communications, 9(1).

11. Gaiha, R., Imai, K. S., Kulkarni, V. S., & Thapa, G. B. (2007). Disparity, deprivation and discrimination
in rural India. Brooks World Poverty Institute Working Paper, (13).

12. Alkire, S., Calderón, C., Conceição, P., Evans, M., Fortacz, A., Jahic, A., Ghorai, M., Given Sjolander,
C., Mirza, T., Nogales, R., Scharlin-Pettee, S., Soomro, M., Kumar Shrestha, S., Suppa, N., Tapia, H.,
Conconi, A., Ana Lugo, M., Narayanang, B., Nath Tiwari, B., … Wilson, E. (2022). Unpacking
deprivation bundles to reduce multidimensional poverty.

13. Dannefer, D. (2003). Cumulative advantage/disadvantage and the life course: Cross-fertilizing age and
social science theory. The Journals of Gerontology Series B: Psychological Sciences and Social
Sciences, 58(6), S327-S337.

14. Bronfenbrenner, U. (1977). Toward an experimental ecology of human development. American
Psychologist, 32(7), 513.

15. Liu, J., Zhou, G., Wang, Y., Ai, Y., Pinto-Martin, J., & Liu, X. (2012). Sleep problems, fatigue, and
cognitive performance in Chinese kindergarten children. The Journal of pediatrics, 161(3), 520-525.

16. Smithson, L., Baird, T., Tamana, S. K., Lau, A., Mariasine, J., Chikuma, J., ... & CHILD Study
Investigators. (2018). Shorter sleep duration is associated with reduced cognitive development at two
years of age. Sleep Medicine, 48, 131-139.

17. Jepkemboi, G. (2018). The Effects of Hunger on Physical and Cognitive Development of Children. In
Szente J (Ed.), Assisting Young Children Caught in Disasters (Vol. 13, pp. 105–114). Springer.

18. Benton, D. (2010). The influence of dietary status on the cognitive performance of children. Molecular
Nutrition & Food Research, 54(4), 457–470.

19. Northstone, K., Joinson, C., Emmett, P., Ness, A., & Paus, T. (2012). Are dietary patterns in childhood
associated with IQ at 8 years of age? A population-based cohort study. J Epidemiol Community Health,
66(7), 624-628.

20. Carson, V., Hunter, S., Kuzik, N., Wiebe, S. A., Spence, J. C., Friedman, A., ... & Hinkley, T. (2016).
Systematic review of physical activity and cognitive development in early childhood. Journal of Science
and Medicine in Sport, 19(7), 573–578.

21. Santos, L. M. D., Santos, D. N. D., Bastos, A. C. S., Assis, A. M. O., Prado, M. S., & Barreto, M. L.
(2008). Determinants of early

22. cognitive development: Hierarchical analysis of a longitudinal study. Cadernos de Saúde Pública, 24(2),
427–437.

23. Morris, T., Dorling, D., & Smith, G. D. (2018). How well can we predict educational outcomes?
Examining the roles of cognitive ability and social position in educational attainment. In Exploring Social
Inequality in the 21st Century (pp. 52-66). Routledge.

24. Najman, J. M., Hayatbakhsh, M. R., Clavarino, A., Bor, W., O’Callaghan, M. J., & Williams, G. M.
(2009). Family poverty over the early life course and recurrent adolescent and young adult anxiety and
depression: A longitudinal study. American Journal of Public Health, 100(9), 1719–1723.

25. McCulloch, A., & Joshi, H. E. (2001). Neighbourhood and family influences on the cognitive ability of
children in the British National Child Development Study. Social science & medicine, 53(5), 579-591.

26. Crookston, B. T., Forste, R., McClellan, C., Georgiadis, A., & Heaton, T. B. (2014). Factors associated
with cognitive achievement in late childhood and adolescence: The Young Lives cohort study of children

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RESEARCH AND SCIENTIFIC INNOVATION (IJRSI)
ISSN No. 2321-2705 | DOI: 10.51244/IJRSI |Volume XII Issue X October 2025

Page 2048




in Ethiopia, India, Peru, and Vietnam. BMC Pediatrics, 14(1), 253.
27. Nieuwenhuis, J., Kleinepier, T., Janssen, H., & van Ham, M. (2021). Neighbourhood deprivation and the

Big Five personality traits: associations with adolescent problem behaviour and educational attainment.
Journal of Housing and the Built Environment, 36(3), 943-963.

28. Boyle, M. H., Georgiades, K., Racine, Y., & Mustard, C. (2007). Neighborhood and family influences
on educational attainment: Results from the Ontario Child Health Study Follow-up 2001. Child
Development, 78(1), 168–189.

29. Duncan, G. J., Kalil, A., & Ziol-Guest, K. M. (2013). Early childhood poverty and adult achievement,
employment, and health. Family Matters, 93, 27–35.

30. Sánchez, A., & Singh, A. (2018). Accessing higher education in developing countries: Panel data analysis
from India, Peru, and Vietnam. World Development, 109, 261-278.

31. Afridi, F., & Barooah, B. (2017). Educational attainment and learning in India, 2004–2012. In A.
Batabyal & P. Nijkamp (Eds.), Regional growth and sustainable development in Asia (Vol. 7, pp. 221–
236). Springer.

32. Hardcastle, K., Bellis, M. A., Ford, K., Hughes, K., Garner, J., & Rodriguez, G. R. (2018). Measuring
the relationships between adverse childhood experiences and educational and employment success in
England and Wales: findings from a retrospective study. Public health, 165, 106-116.

33. Choudhuri, P., & Desai, S. (2021). Lack of access to clean fuel and piped water and children’s educational
outcomes in rural India. World Development, 145, 105535.

34. Kaul, V. (2018). Early childhood education in India: Progress, challenges, and future directions.
International Journal of Early Childhood, 50(2), 195–209.

35. Ou, S. R., & Reynolds, A. J. (2008). Predictors of educational attainment in the Chicago Longitudinal
Study. School Psychology Quarterly, 23(2), 199–229.

36. Gil-Flores, J., Padilla-Carmona, M. T., & Suárez-Ortega, M. (2011). Influence of gender, educational
attainment and family environment on the educational aspirations of secondary school students.
Educational review, 63(3), 345-363.

37. Acharya, Y., Luke, N., Haro, M. F., Rose, W., Russell, P. S. S., Oommen, A. M., & Minz, S. (2019).
Nutritional status, cognitive achievement, and educational attainment of children aged 8–11 in rural
South India. PLOS ONE, 14(10), e0223001.

38. Parsons, S. (2016). Childhood adversity, life-course development, and health in adulthood. Longitudinal
and Life Course Studies, 7(1), 1–19.

39. Drakopoulos, S. A., Lakioti, E., & Theodossiou, I. (2011). Childhood socioeconomic deprivation and
later adulthood health. International Journal of Social Economics, 38(1), 23–38.

40. Mensah, F. K., & Hobcraft, J. (2008). Childhood deprivation, health and development: Associations with
adult health in the 1958 and 1970 British birth cohorts. Journal of Epidemiology & Community Health,
62(7), 599–606.

41. Kestilä, L., Koskinen, S., Martelin, T., Rahkonen, O., Pensola, T., Aro, H., & Aromaa, A. (2006).
Determinants of health in early adulthood: What is the role of parental education, childhood adversities
and own education?. The European Journal of Public Health, 16(3), 305-314.

42. Evans, G. W. (2016). Childhood poverty and adult psychological well-being. Proceedings of the National
Academy of Sciences, 113(52), 14949–14952.

43. Houtepen, L. C., Heron, J., Suderman, M. J., Tilling, K., Howe, L. D., & Davies, A. R. (2020). Adverse
childhood experiences in the context of multiple deprivation: Pathways to adult mental health. BMC
Public Health, 20(1), 1327.

44. Mäkinen, T., Laaksonen, M., Lahelma, E., & Rahkonen, O. (2006). Associations of childhood
circumstances with physical and mental functioning in adulthood. Social Science & Medicine, 62(8),
1831-1839.

45. Sonuga-Barke, E. J. S., Kennedy, M., Kumsta, R., Knights, N., Golm, D., Rutter, M., & Kreppner, J.
(2017). Child-to-adult neurodevelopmental and mental health trajectories after early life deprivation: The
young adult follow-up of the longitudinal English and Romanian Adoptees study. The Lancet,
389(10078), 1539–1548.

46. Victora, C. G., Adair, L., Fall, C., Hallal, P. C., Martorell, R., Richter, L., & Sachdev, H. S. (2008).
Maternal and child undernutrition: Consequences for adult health and human capital. The Lancet,
371(9609), 340–357.

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RESEARCH AND SCIENTIFIC INNOVATION (IJRSI)
ISSN No. 2321-2705 | DOI: 10.51244/IJRSI |Volume XII Issue X October 2025

Page 2049




47. Galobardes, B., Lynch, J. W., & Davey Smith, G. (2004). Childhood socioeconomic circumstances and
cause-specific mortality in adulthood: Systematic review and interpretation. Epidemiologic Reviews,
26(1), 7–21.

48. Umeda, M., Oshio, T., & Fujii, M. (2015). The impact of the experience of childhood poverty on adult
health-risk behaviors in Japan: A mediation analysis. International Journal for Equity in Health, 14, 1–
10.

49. Claussen, B., Smith, G. D., & Thelle, D. (2003). Impact of childhood and adulthood socioeconomic
position on cause-specific mortality: The Oslo Mortality Study. Journal of Epidemiology & Community
Health, 57(1), 40–45.

50. Smith, G. D., Hart, C., Blane, D., & Hole, D. (2003). Adverse socioeconomic conditions in childhood
and cause-specific adult mortality: Prospective observational study. In G. D. Smith (Ed.), Health
Inequalities (pp. 191–204). Bristol University Press.

51. Dedman, D. J., Gunnell, D., Smith, G. D., & Frankel, S. (2001). Childhood housing conditions and later
mortality in the Boyd Orr cohort. Journal of Epidemiology & Community Health, 55(1), 10–15.

52. Currie, J., & Stabile, M. (2002). Socioeconomic status and health: Why is the relationship stronger for
older children? National Bureau of Economic Research Working Paper No. 9098.

53. Blanden, J., Hansen, K., & Machin, S. (2008). The GDP cost of the lost earning potential of adults who
grew up in poverty. Joseph Rowntree Foundation Report.

54. Bäckman, O., & Nilsson, A. (2007). Childhood poverty and labour market exclusion. Institute for Futures
Studies Working Paper, 13, 1–25.

55. Gibbs, L., Sherriff, A. C., & Williams, M. (2012). Childhood poverty, educational attainment, and long-
term health: Evidence from the UK Millennium Cohort Study. Public Health, 126(7), 592–598

56. De Vries, T. R., Arends, I., Oldehinkel, A. J., & Bültmann, U. (2023). Associations between type of
childhood adversities and labour market participation and employment conditions in young adults.
Journal of Epidemiology & Community Health, 77(4), 230–236.

57. Urban, S. (2009). Is the neighbourhood effect an economic or an immigrant issue? A study of the
importance of the childhood neighbourhood for future integration into the labour market. Urban Studies,
46(3), 583–603.

58. Holloway, S. D., & Mulherin, M. A. (2004). The role of parental involvement in children's education:
Evidence from the United States. Educational Research Review, 9(1), 23–47.

59. Case, A., Paxson, C., & Fertig, A. (2003). From cradle to grave? The lasting impact of childhood health
and circumstances. National Bureau of Economic Research Working Paper No. 9788.

60. Aizer, A. (2017). Poverty and childhood health. Focus, 33(2), 29-30.
61. Delaney, L., & Smith, J. P. (2012). Childhood health: Trends and consequences over the life course. The

Future of Children, 22(1), 43–63.
62. Smith, J. P., & Smith, G. C. (2010). Long-term economic costs of psychological problems during

childhood. Social Science & Medicine, 71(1), 110–115.
63. Heckman, J. J. (2006). Skill formation and the economics of investing in disadvantaged children. Science,

312(5782), 1900-1902.
64. Elder Jr, G. H. (1998). The life course as developmental theory. Child Development, 69(1), 1-12.
65. Becker, G. S. (1964). Summary and Conclusions. In Human Capital: A Theoretical and Empirical

Analysis with Special Reference to Education, First Edition (pp. 153–159). National Bureau of Economic
Research.