Fanen Terdoo

, Chinaza Samuel

Adibe

, Romoke Shakirat Ojo

, Francisca Ogechukwu Oshim

Department of Geological Sciences, Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka, Anambra State, Nigeria

Department of Geological Sciences, University of Greater Manchester, Bolton, England

Department of Development Studies, Cranfield University

*Corresponding Author

DOI:

https://dx.doi.org/10.51244/IJRSI.2025.1210000201

Received: 20 October 2025; Accepted: 28 October 2025; Published: 15 November 2025

rainfall, and drying streams have diminished access to water and fertile land, increasing competition and

triggering violent disputes, particularly over farmland boundaries and fishing rights. Community observations

identified poor borehole infrastructure, reliance on seasonal streams, and fragmented governance structures.

Land and water emerged as flashpoints, with conflicts often escalating into intercommunal violence and

herderfarmer clashes, some resulting in deaths and military intervention. Field data indicates that the

community’s governance is largely traditional but poorly resourced, with low to moderate conflict-mediation

capacity. While local actors employ traditional mediation and avoidance behaviors, state responses remain

reactive and under sustained. Participants expressed hope for future state-led interventions, particularly around

boundary demarcation and water infrastructure, yet also criticized elite manipulation, political fragmentation,

and institutional delays. Despite pervasive conflict, adaptive behaviors such as rain harvesting, informal

Keywords: Climate change; Climate-security risks, Resource scarcity; Resource conflict; Violent conflicts;

Communal tensions, Inter-communal violence, Land disputes, Conflict mitigation, Anambra-Nigeria.

Climate change represents one of the most profound and complex challenges confronting human societies and

natural ecosystems in the 21st century. Its multifaceted impacts extend beyond the physical environment,

farming and pastoralism, climate change is not only an environmental issue but also presents a critical issue as

a likely driver of livelihood insecurity and conflict (Adedeji et al, 2021). Irregular rainfall patterns, prolonged

droughts, flash floods, and rising temperatures have disrupted traditional agricultural cycles and decreased the

availability of fertile land and freshwater resources (Abaje et al., 2016; McDonald et al., 2011). These

environmental stressors are further exacerbated by deforestation, land degradation, and weak natural resource

governance, heightening competition among rural groups and contributing to the outbreak of violent conflicts

(Urama and Ozor, 2010; Homer-Dixon, 1991).

One of the most prominent manifestations of this trend in Nigeria is the increasing frequency and intensity of

farmer-herder conflicts which are increasingly taking on religious and ethnic dimensions (Gürsoy, 2020). As

These developments reflect broader global patterns where environmental change intersects with social,

political, and economic vulnerabilities to produce complex forms of insecurity and conflict (Cattaneo and

Massetti, 2015). In Nigeria, the situation is compounded by rapid population growth, historical patterns of

marginalization, land tenure disputes, and weak institutional responses. Resource-related disputes in rural areas

are thus rarely isolated environmental problems; they are embedded in a web of socio-political dynamics that

reflect broader structural inequalities and failures of governance (Mullen, 2024).

Despite growing attention to climate-conflict linkages in the global discourse, empirical studies at the local

level in Nigeria remain limited. Much of the existing literature focuses on the northern regions (Duyille and

GowonAdelabu, 2025; Tiwo, 2023; Sambo and Sule, 2023; Oyewo, 2024), while the dynamics of climate-

induced resource conflicts in the southeast, particularly in states like Anambra, have been largely

adaptation and conflict management strategies do communities employ in response to environmental and

resource-related stress? Omor thus serves as a critical site for examining how climate change-induced

livelihood pressures interact with local histories of contestation, ecological vulnerability, and state absence. By

focusing on the community of Omor in Ayamelum Local Government Area, Anambra State, an agrarian area

facing both climatic and resource pressures, this study is expected to increase understanding on how climate-

induced environmental changes shape resource availability, conflict dynamics, and social relations (e.g.,

community versus government conflict mediation), in a rural setting in southeast Nigeria.

In addition, the study aims to contribute to filling a critical geographic and empirical gap and provides locally

grounded insights that can inform more region-sensitive conflict mitigation and climate adaptation policies,

particularly for that region. Thus, contributing to ongoing debates on the climate-security nexus by centering

the lived experiences and agency of rural communities. By illuminating the specific ways in which

environmental stress intersects with local social dynamics at the local context, it offers policy-relevant insights

theoretical framework, followed by a section that examines the patterns and dynamics of climate-related

conflicts in Africa and Nigeria.

This study adopts a combined theoretical approach to deepen understanding of the relationship between

climate change and conflict in Africa, with a particular focus on Nigeria. By integrating diverse perspectives,

this approach offers a holistic view of climate-related conflicts, especially the case examined in this study. The

frameworks employed include Environmental Scarcity Theory (EST), Political Ecology (PE), Eco-Violence

Theory (EVT), and the broader paradigm of Environmental Security (ES). Combining these four approaches

which posits that environmental degradation can lead to violent conflict when three interrelated types of

scarcity, namely: supply-induced, demand-induced, and structural scarcity converge. Supply-induced scarcity

arises from resource depletion; demand-induced scarcity results from population growth and increased

consumption; and structural scarcity reflects unequal access due to governance failures or elite capture

(Benjamin, 2001). HomerDixon (1994, 2010) argues that rapid population growth and expanding global

economies are driving down access to renewable resources such as cropland, fresh water, and forests,

particularly in developing countries. These scarcities rarely trigger violence directly; rather, they interact with

poverty, large-scale migration, social fragmentation, and institutional weakening, creating fertile conditions for

insurgencies, ethnic clashes, and urban unrest (e.g., Chiapas, Mexico; sub-Saharan Africa; parts of Asia). He

emphasizes that while capable governance, functioning markets, and informed citizens can mitigate these

especially significant, as unequal access to land and water, mediated by customary tenure, political patronage,

or social status, exacerbates marginalization and injustice. These dynamics mirror broader patterns across

Nigeria and sub-Saharan Africa, where environmental scarcity interacts with socio-political vulnerabilities to

heighten conflict risk (Dramé, 2024; Nweke, 2024; Nwaugha et al., 2024; Wiriranai, 2023).

change for national and human security. It “emphasizes how environmental factors, including climate change,

Table 1: Patterns of climate-induced resource scarcity in Nigeria

sources (Lanshima, 2020; Adigun, 2019; George et al., 2022). These changes intensify during dry seasons,

compounding stress on water availability and grazing land and contributing to the southward migration of

pastoralists (Thoenig et al., 2020). Resource scarcity manifests in several forms (see Table 1). Across the

studies reviewed, the depletion of pastoral resources, like water, pasture, and arable land, was often reported as

a key driver of competition between herders and sedentary farming communities. In Benue State, for instance,

Jeje et al. (2020) found that both farmers and herders perceived rainfall variability and rising temperatures as

significant contributors to land degradation. These perceptions were accompanied by increased reports of crop

destruction and livestock loss, highlighting the dual burden of ecological and economic impacts. Similarly,

Castaing (2021) reported that cross-border transhumance during peak dry periods has intensified pressure on

Nigeria’s shrinking grasslands, raising tensions particularly along the Niger–Nigeria corridor.

Mechanisms through which climate-related scarcity escalates conflict were found to be both direct and

mediated by socio-political structures (see Table 2). Direct mechanisms include competition over critical

resources such as water and pasture, particularly during the dry season (Furini, 2019). Indirect mechanisms, on

the other hand, involve factors such as poor land tenure systems, weak governance, political manipulation of

resource claims, and insecurity linked to criminal elements such as cattle rustling (Okwor, 2016; Olumba,

2021). Studies such as Nnaji et al. (2022) also report significant consequences of these conflicts for household

food security, underlining the compounding effects of violence on agricultural productivity and rural resilience.

The reviewed literature also provides insights into the complexity of conflict escalation. For example, Thoenig

highly vulnerable to climate shocks and are often the sites of the most severe clashes. Empirical analysis

suggests that a +1°C increase in temperature corresponds to a +54% increase in the probability of conflict in

such mixed areas (Thoenig, Eberle and Rohner, 2020). Importantly, several studies also highlight the role of

policy failures in either mitigating or exacerbating conflict.

Table 3: Mediating Factors and Policy Implications in Farmer–Herder Conflicts

Table 3 summarizes key mediating factors and policy implications identified across the literature. Issues such

as cross-border migration policies, land tenure reform, climate adaptation strategies, and local governance

capacity are central to understanding how similar environmental stressors yield different outcomes across

regions. In Plateau State, for instance, Okwor (2016) emphasized that political economy and access-related

issues were equally, if not more, important than environmental degradation in explaining the persistence and

escalation of conflicts. Despite the abundance of literature from the Middle Belt, very few studies have

explored these dynamics in Nigeria’s southeast. Omor, an agrarian community in Anambra State, experiences

the majority of these conflicts are framed around access to land and water, some studies emphasize ethnic and

political dimensions.

By applying the theoretical insights developed in the previous section to a new regional context, this study

makes an important empirical contribution to the broader climate-conflict literature in Nigeria. It uses

grassroots qualitative methods, field observations and interviews to uncover how environmental stress,

livelihood disruption, and social identity converge to shape local narratives of conflict. These findings will be

compared with established patterns in the Middle Belt, helping to discern both commonalities and divergences

that may inform more inclusive and geographically-sensitive policy responses.

This section is divided into two subsections: the first describes the study area, while the second outlines the

methods used for data collection and analysis.

Main Study area

The study was carried out in Omor and its environs, located on the banks of the Omambala River in the

Ayamelum Local Government Area of Anambra State, Nigeria. Geographically, the area lies between latitudes

existing studies focus on the Middle Belt, Omor has emerged as a new hotspot for farmer–herder conflict,

making it a compelling site for a focused investigation of this nature.

Figure 1 a): Map of Nigeria showing Ayamelum LGA

Figure 1b: Map showing study area (Omor, Umumbo and Anaku)

Aside from the location, Omor experiences a tropical climate with a significant rainy season, typically from

April to October, and a dry season from November to March (Olorunfemi, 2013). Rainfall patterns contribute

to soil erosion, with high erosivity rates observed due to intense rainfall, leading to varying soil loss across the

region (Fagbohun et al., 2016). The soils in Omor are primarily classified into different types, with some areas

exhibiting Class II soils suitable for diverse crops like yams and maize (Ayadiuno et al., 2021). Soil erosion is

urban expansion, leading to reduced productivity and land availability (Anaeto et al., 2005; Ho, 2022).

Environmental hazards, such as gully erosion and flooding, are exacerbated by land misuse and infrastructural

development (Ho, 2022; Efobi and Anierobi, 2013).

Methods of Data Collection

This study employed a latitudinal qualitative research design to examine how climate-induced resource stress

contributes to conflict between herders and farmers in Nigeria, with particular attention to how these dynamics

evolve and are experienced across multiple, ecologically linked communities over time. A latitudinal design

was deemed most appropriate, as it allows for data collection at two or more intervals, thereby enabling the

researcher to assess changes in perceptions, pressures, and local responses to climate-related conflict. This

approach aligns with the study's objective of capturing evolving community-level perspectives in response to

land and water resources, making them jointly vulnerable to climate-induced pressures. The inclusion of Anaku