Refugees are increasing worldwide and according to United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees

(UNHCR), their hosting is the preserve of the destination countries and the international community. Support

to refugees is sometimes challenging because refugee agencies and host governments lack adequate resources

to take care of their welfare. Most of the refugees are left to fend for themselves. The main objective of this

study was to establish the challenges that South Sudanese refugees face in their livelihood strategies in Eldoret

City. The study incorporated both the individualist theory and the model developed by Harris and Todaro. The

study adopted a descriptive research design and utilized mixed methods approach. The target population

conducted for government officers. Data was coded, entered and cleaned with the aid of SPSS software.

Quantitative analysis was done using descriptive statistics while qualitative data was thematically analyzed and

interpreted. The quantitative findings of the study were presented using tables and charts while the qualitative

data was presented using themes, narrative descriptions and use of participant quotes. The study findings

indicated that 30.2% of the refugees believed that provision of job opportunities could be a way out to solve

the challenges they have on livelihoods. Data from qualitative interviews indicated that sometimes refugees

lack money to use, and in such situations the religious members assist them. In addition, other challenges

experienced include discrimination by landlords and security enforcement officers. The challenges experienced

on refugee livelihoods was exacerbated by inadequate refugee funding. The study concluded that there was a

myriad of challenges which refugees face in their day-to-day life and engagement in business is not able to

living in urban areas in Jordan are struggling more than ever to cope with inadequate housing, high debts,

of more than 2,200 Syrian refugees, 90 percent of the refugees are living in debt to relatives, landlords,

shopkeepers and neighbors and rents have increased by almost a third in the past year. The insecurity to

provide for their families causes increasing levels of stress and sets women at risk of sexual exploitation. In

started refugee families are becoming more and more destitute. More than 80 percent of the refugees in Jordan

do not live in camps, but in poor neighborhoods in the urban areas or the outskirts of Jordan’s cities, often in

inadequate dwellings, informal tented settlements and makeshift shelters. Often, they have to share tiny, run-

down flats with more than one family.

unable to ensure essential needs for all prolonged refugee populations (Jamal, 2000).

Urban refugees face similar challenges as the urban poor such as growing slum areas, rising unemployment

rates, insecure housing access, increased pressure on state and community resources, compounded with

barriers such as xenophobia and insecure legal status that makes them more vulnerable to exploitation and

marginalization. The situation of Columbian refugees in Ecuador (Lo, 2005) as cited in De Vriese (2006)

illustrates this rather sharply: unlike the urban poor with whom they share many hardships, Columbians face

the additional strains of severe discrimination, problems regarding legal status. They also lack the community

and family networks that most Ecuadorians depend upon for daily survival and in times of crisis, and so their

livelihood tends to be of a gamble. Apart from economic limitations, other factors may limit the pursuit of

refugee livelihoods. For example, although the refugee certificate issued by the Government of Gabon implies

good their intentions - lack the resources to immediately grant the full range of the 1951 Refugee Convention

rights to sudden large influxes of refugees. It is a sad but common feature of mass influx situations that

refugees are denied many of the economic and social protections stipulated by the Convention. Nevertheless,

Durieux and McAdam continue by stating that while some rights restrictions may be justifiable during the

initial emergency phase of a mass influx, protection should, in the spirit of the Convention, improve over time

rather than stagnate or deteriorate. Except a handful of refugees who are entirely dependent on remittances and

charitable support from fellow refugees and the church, a number of refugees are making a living in the private

sector affirms Omata (2012). Studies have shown that even in countries where refugees are restricted in work,

in reality, refugees do engage in petty trading or gain employment in small-and medium-sized businesses

(Omata, 2012; Pavanello et al. 2010). Majority refugees are also self-employed and can even create jobs and

experienced by other urban poor. In many cases financial shocks come in the form of school fees and hospital

bills that exceed their monthly income and may indebt them to their community or employers (UNHCR, 2011).

which often define who they are and their relations to host nations. In all these, there are constant meanings

from diverse instruments that stakeholders use. Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) in the Article

23.1, and in the Article 6 of the International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights (ICESCR);

The Right to Work is a right established which allows men and women of all ages and backgrounds to live in

dignity and to become self-reliant. According to Articles 17, 18 and 19 of the 1951 Geneva Convention, this

right to work includes refugees.

wage labour, self-employment and the conclusion of valid contracts, access to school education, access to

credit; protection against physical and sexual abuse, harassment, unlawful detention and deportation. De Vriese

(2006) states that; by depriving refugees from access to education, refugees will lack the means to a better life

for their children in any future durable solution. Education is a way to prevent the recurrence of violence and to

With the declining financial commitment of the international donor society, it has become clear that UNHCR is

unable to ensure essential needs for all prolonged refugee populations (Jamal 2000). These challenges have

pressed UNHCR and other refugee-supporting agencies to pay attention to refugees’ economic capacity and to

improve their understanding of how refugees construct their livelihoods (Conway, 2004). For example, in

According to Ecuadorian law, asylum-seekers are not permitted to work until their legal status is resolved. The

waiting period, which can be as long as one year, is full of fear and anxiety and is more stressful because of the

refugees’ inability to legally engage in formal employment, the lack of labour opportunities and discrimination.

In contrast, the ability of Liberian refugees in Ghana to exercise the rights of freedom of movement, access to

employment and public education has contributed to their relative success to become self-reliant (Dick, 2002).

It is worth noting that the categorizing of refugee strategies is rather superficial, especially given that most

households do not limit themselves to one activity. On the contrary, many authors have found that

diversification is often used as a livelihood strategy. By carrying out different income-generating activities,

refugees try to make the most of the opportunities available to them. The strategies are not just limited to

diversification of activities but also of location. As illustrated by Levron (2006) Liberian and Sierra Leonean

search for a livelihood is mainly complicated by the following two factors. First, Somali refugees are forced

into the “informal sector” because their economic activities are considered illegal given the fact that they are

not granted work permits. Second, the location of the Dadaab refugee camp further complicates attempts to

secure a livelihood because the camp is located in an ecologically marginal area where refugees can hardly fall

back on available natural resources.

In urban settings, protection and livelihoods are closely intertwined. Forcibly displaced people need to acquire

goods and services, and cash every day, but many aspects of urban settings make the pursuit of livelihoods

risky. Host government policy often makes it illegal for refugees to work or to own property or businesses.

Even in situations where refugees can legally work, access to decent employment continues to be a huge

obstacle. Cases of discrimination and harassment by the state (police, immigration authorities) can make it

difficult for refugees to move around freely to work or engage in economic activities (UNHCR, 2011). This is

despite instruments such as Geneva Convention, International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural

Rights (ICESCR), and Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) in their various stipulations upholding

and linking right to life with certain obligations.

According to Nahr (2015), “Syrian refugee women living in Iraq’s host communities are more vulnerable to

the Middle East and Europe (www.womenforwomen international.org.uk).

In conclusion, the challenges faced by Syrian refugees living in urban areas, including inadequate housing,

high debt, and rising costs of living. Many refugees rely on child labor or engage in risky coping strategies

such as prostitution and smuggling. Female refugees living outside of camps are particularly vulnerable to

exploitation and unsanitary living conditions. These challenges are exacerbated by discrimination from

landlords and employers, and financial burdens associated with accessing public services.

Limitation of the Study

The study was limited by the fact that the South Sudan refuges could not be accessed in large numbers, as they

opted to be represented by their community leaders. It is also worth noting that a good number of refugees,

especially the elderly had language barrier, such that they were unable to communicate effectively either using

anonymity and hence treating the information obtained as confidential.

Theoretical Framework

The study used the individualist theory of migration proposed by (John Locke's (1689). The key texts where

Locke proposed his ideas include "Two Treatises of Government", where he laid out his theories on natural

rights, the social contract, and the role of government. These works have had a profound influence on the

development of political thought and are foundational to classical liberalism. Harris and Todaro (1970)

proposed the Harris-Todaro Model, which is anchored on individualistic theory. The model explains rural-

urban migration in developing countries. This Itpostulates that refugees move from designated camps as a

matter of personal benefits. It is a rationally guided decision whereby individuals are guided by their skills e.g.

educational level, training and work experience. The theory was used to compare agricultural wages and the

a compound terminology which encompasses stakeholders benefitting from refugees as a business, it again

links itself to the subject of this research in a way of terming their livelihood strategies as their economy.