tribal households in Karnataka report electricity access, compared to over 90% among urban and peri-urban
groups (NFHS-5, 2021).
Livelihood and Subsistence Practices
Agriculture remains the principal occupation for 62% of Jenu Kuruba, whereas only 38% of HakkiPikki are
engaged in farming. This shift among HakkiPikki away from agriculture toward small trade and service reflects
an ongoing livelihood transition. Livestock ownership, a key livelihood asset, was also higher among the
HakkiPikki (42%) than among the Jenu Kuruba (27%), highlighting differential access to resources. These
findings are consistent with anthropological observations that tribal adaptation varies in response to exposure to
market systems and mobility (Heggade& Bhat, 2019; Kshatriya & Acharya, 2016).
Anthropological Interpretation
From an anthropological perspective, the Jenu Kuruba represent a relatively isolated, forest-dependent tribal
group undergoing slow socio-economic change, while the HakkiPikki illustrate a transitional community
integrating into market and urban economies. The dual pattern of persistence and transition reflects what Rao et
al. (2006) termed “asymmetrical modernization” among Indian tribes, where exposure to external systems leads
to uneven development across communities.
The socio-demographic gap observed here also reflects the broader processes of marginalization within
marginalization, where PVTGs like the Jenu Kuruba remain excluded even within tribal development
frameworks (Popkin et al., 2020). The persistence of low education, high landlessness, and poor sanitation
among Jenu Kuruba underscores the need for targeted interventions that go beyond universal tribal welfare
schemes and focus on contextual, culturally sensitive development models.
CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
The present study provides a comprehensive socio-demographic overview of two tribal communities in
Karnataka—Jenu Kuruba, categorized as a Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Group (PVTG), and HakkiPikki, a
Scheduled Tribe (ST). The comparison reveals distinct patterns of social and economic differentiation shaped
by ecological setting, livelihood practices, and exposure to modernization.
The Jenu Kuruba community continues to experience multiple layers of deprivation—high illiteracy,
landlessness, dependence on daily wage labor, and limited access to sanitation and safe drinking water. Their
socio-economic profile mirrors the characteristic vulnerabilities of PVTGs documented nationally (Kshatriya &
Acharya, 2016; Ministry of Tribal Affairs, 2019). In contrast, the HakkiPikki have demonstrated greater social
mobility and adaptation to semi-urban conditions, characterized by higher literacy rates, diversified occupations,
and improved housing and infrastructural facilities. These differences demonstrate the heterogeneity within tribal
populations and the inadequacy of one-size-fits-all development models.
From an anthropological standpoint, these findings illustrate the asymmetric modernization of tribal
communities, where particular groups transition rapidly toward integration, while others remain trapped in
structural isolation (Rao et al., 2006). The results emphasize that tribal development cannot be achieved solely
through uniform policy interventions but requires context-specific strategies that consider the unique ecological,
economic, and cultural contexts of each community.
Policy Implications
1. Education: Tailored literacy programs for PVTGs, such as Jenu Kuruba, should prioritize community-
based schooling, mobile education units, and incentives for school retention, especially among girls.
2. Livelihood Development: Sustainable livelihood initiatives focusing on non-timber forest products,
honey collection, and small-scale agriculture should be strengthened for Jenu Kuruba. For HakkiPikki,
microenterprise and skill development programs can enhance their ongoing economic transition.
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