INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RESEARCH AND SCIENTIFIC INNO V A T ION (IJRSI)

ISSN No. 2321-2705 | DOI: 10.51244/IJRSI |V o lume XII Issue X October 2025

Understanding the Inability of Local and International NGOs in

Addressing the Humanitarian and Peace building Needs of the

Affected Population During the Cameroon Anglophone Conflict

Stephen Mokondo Moki¹, Johnson Efungani Malafa²

¹Senior Lecturer, Department of Management and Marketing, University of Bamenda, Cameroon

Visiting Lecturer, Department of Journalism and Mass Communication, University of Buea, Cameroon

²Department of International Relations and Conflict Resolution, University of Buea, Cameroon

DOI: https://doi.org/10.51244/IJRSI.2025.1210000311

Received: 04 November 2025; Accepted: 11 November 2025; Published: 21 November 2025

ABSTRACT

The Cameroon-Anglophone conflict has dominated political discussions and debates in Cameroon and abroad,

especially after the situation went violent in 2017. Various stakeholders, including international and local non-

governmental organisations (NGOs), have taken an interest in bringing in their humanitarian and

peacebuilding supports. Despite their efforts, it is reported in Malafa, Moki, Sunjo and Ewusi (2024) that

members of the affected communities found them to be ineffective in their humanitarian and peacebuilding

roles. The objective of this study is to examine the inability of these NGOs to address the humanitarian and

peacebuilding needs of the affected population during the Cameroon Anglophone conflict. The researchers

adopted the qualitative research approach using in-depth interviews. Considering the sensitivity of this

research topic, the researchers employed the purposive and snowballing sampling techniques to select officials

of some NGOs and key informants for the study by targeting individuals who were interested and versed in the

issue. A total of 24 participants were interviewed using a semi-structured interview guide. The findings

revealed that insecurity and the threat to life, inaccessibility to the needy population, lack of collaboration and

confidence from the affected population, poor communication network and language barrier, undue pressure

from some traditional leaders, corrupt practices and dishonesty of hired community mobilisers, unstable

population, lack of funding, donor fatigue, and lack of collaboration among NGOs were the factors that

contributed to the inability of the NGOs to effectively address the humanitarian and peacebuilding needs of the

affected population. Among the major recommendations are the following: NGOs should empower people in

affected communities to become self-sustaining rather than constantly providing for their needs with funds that

are often limited. Also, there should be periods of ceasefire between government forces and separatist fighters

to enable the NGOs to carry on their humanitarian and peacebuilding activities without being faced with the

risk of being hit by a targeted or stray bullet. This is in line with the collective model of the Seybolt’s

humanitarian systems theory that recommends NGOs should jointly carry out need assessments of the affected

population and decide what each organisation will supply as per their specialisation to curb domain overlap,

corruption and competition.

Keywords: Humanitarian support, Peacebuilding activities, NGOs, and Cameroon Anglophone Conflict.

INTRODUCTION

The Cameroon government has been battling with civil unrest that erupted back in October 2016 in the

English-speaking regions (North West and South West Regions) of the country (Moki, Ngange, Matute, and

Eyong-Eta, 2022). From strike actions initiated by Common Law Lawyers against the Cameroonian

government for constantly striving to suppress or eliminate the Anglo-Saxon judicial subsystem, the situation

mutated into an armed conflict in 2017. This metamorphorization has led to a violent conflict that has

dominated political discussions and debates in Cameroon.

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Moki (2020) stated that this devastating conflict has been described by observers as one of the bloodiest

internal conflicts Cameroon has ever witnessed since independence. The media and humanitarian organisations

have reported on the deteriorating humanitarian situation in the conflict affected regions. Six years into the

Anglophone conflict, Pelican (2022) reported a death toll of over 6000 and the displacement of 765,000

persons as large-scale insecurity continued affecting the population in some parts of these two regions of

Cameroon. These figures continue to rise as the conflict remains unresolved.

The Cameroon government has engaged in several peacebuilding efforts to restore peace, as well as

humanitarian actions to address the needs of the affected population. Various stakeholders, including

international and local non-governmental organisations (NGOs), have taken an interest in also bringing in their

humanitarian and peacebuilding support to the affected population. Despite their efforts, it was reported in

Malafa, Moki, Sunjo, and Ewusi (2024) that members of the affected communities found the NGOs ineffective

in their humanitarian and peacebuilding roles. The objective of this study is to examine the inability of these

NGOs to address the humanitarian and peacebuilding needs of the affected population during the Cameroon

Anglophone conflict.

LITERATURE REVIEW

A. The Cameroon Anglophone conflict and its genesis

Moki, Ngange, Matute, and Eyong-Eta (2022) showed that the current conflict disrupting peace and tranquility

in the Anglophone Regions of Cameroon was born around October 2016 after government security forces

crackdown Common Law lawyers for demonstrating to express their frustration to the government in what

they termed as the marginalisation of Anglophones in the publication of the OHADA Laws only in French

language. The common law lawyers claimed this act undermined the constitution that prescribes the bilingual

and bijurial nature of Cameroon. Teachers from the English part of Cameroon later joined the striking lawyers

on November 21, 2016 in a bid to express their own socio-professional claims. This paralysed the Anglophone

sub-system of education in the two English-speaking regions of Cameroon from basic to higher education,

leading to fierce confrontations between protesters and security officers, especially in the streets of the North

West Regional capital, Bamenda.

Despite the Cameroon government’s decision to dialogue and negotiate with the lawyers and teachers

independently in Yaoundé and Bamenda, respectively, between November 25, 2016, and January 13, 2017, a

lot of propaganda messages flooded various mass media spaces, especially social media (Moki, Ngange &

Tala, 2024). This culminated with the escalation of the conflict in October 2017 into an armed struggle

between the defence forces and separatists who henceforth called for the complete independence of the

Anglophone Cameroon (the Ambazonia State).

However, the ongoing Cameroon Anglophone conflict has a history that is associated with the geopolitical

history of the country, which has evolved. The country was initially annexed by the Germans in 1884 but later

partitioned into two parts after this colonial master lost the First World War in 1916. This division led to 20%

of the territory under the British control and 80% under the French as mandated territories under the League of

Nations (Awasom, 2000; Fanso, 1989; and Njeuma, 1995). As explained by Koreshi (2011), the collapse of the

League of Nations led to the change of the two parts of Cameroon from mandated territories under the British

and French to trusteeship territories under the United Nations at the end of the Second World War in 1946.

The approaches used by the British and French to administer the respective territories under their rules were

different in terms of political administration. Though as mandated territories, Dupraz (2019) stated that France

almost continued with the German political rigour, hegemony, and centralisation geared at assimilation as if

Cameroon was its colony. The “indigenat” (system of government that virtually deprived the natives of most of

their fundamental rights) was applied; they also established extrajudicial trials of natives for up to 10 years in

jail. The French administration had the power to impose extrajudicial sanctions upon natives for a wide range

of offences (Hodgkin, 1957:35).

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The British administered its part of the territory by dividing it into two parts. That is: British Northern

Cameroon and British Southern

Cameroons, and ruled it as an integral part of Nigeria (Tanjong, 2012). Lee & Schultz (2011) added that the

British approach was an indirect rule allowing the natives to execute judicial and executive decisions. This

meant that Cameroonians in this part were willingly rather than coercively made to comply (Jua, 1995). Jua

(1995) further explained that this state of affair gave citizens of British Cameroon autonomy that helped to

establish “a greater vitality of local political institutions in West Cameroon,” which was contrary to what was

obtained in the French-administered part.

Taking a critical look at these separate approaches, Fanso (1989) maintained that the 1916 Anglo-French

partition of Cameroon created separate nationalist aspirations and movements in the two territories. This has

implications for the cultural, social, and political differences that have existed between these two parts of

Cameroon, especially after reunification. After gaining independence in 1960 (for French Cameroon) and 1961

(for English Cameroon by joining the French part), Fanso (1989) reported that it soon became obvious that the

cultural, social, and political divides between the two linguistic groups were more fundamental and difficult to

bridge than the initial aspirations of the nationalists, whose aims were to establish a united and independent

Cameroon. The Federal Constitution, arrived at in 1961 by the fathers of reunification, kept the two linguistic

groups distinct, with the people of each community firmly attached to their colonial cultural heritage in terms

of education, judiciary, politics, and other social aspects.

Fru and Wassermann (2017:1) explained that complaints of the systematic abrogation of the federal

constitution (that stood as the basis for reunification), marginalisation, assimilation, and internal colonisation

emerged among the minority Anglophone population of Cameroon after the 1961 reunification of Cameroon.

The feeling of marginalisation leading to the Anglophone problem and eventually to the Anglophone conflict,

has been addressed by different scholars. Echu (2004) stated that Cameroonians decry being subjected to

communal disadvantage, which, according to them, constitutes an aftermath of reunification. Echu (2004)

further noted that Anglophones complained of being treated by both Francophones and the State of Cameroon

at large as second-class citizens in their own country.

As the “Anglophone Problem” continued to dominate the political agenda in Cameroon with some Anglophone

Cameroonians requesting a quest for federalism, Ngange and Moki (2019) reported that there was also an

emergence of a secessionist group known as the Southern Cameroon National Congress (SCNC) that started

demanding the independence of the former British Southern Cameroons territory.

The legal framework governing the functioning of NGOs in Cameroon

Non-Governmental Organisations in Cameroon are governed by Law No. 99/14 of 22 December 1999 and No.

90/53 of 19 December 1990 relating to freedom of associations, amended and supplemented by Law No. 99/11

of 20 July 1999, and Decree No. 2001/150/PM of 13 May 2001 relating to the organisation and functioning of

the Technical Commission in charge of NGO activities. Article 3 of Law No. 99/14 spells out the various

domains in which the status of an NGO would be granted, notably the legal, economic, social, cultural, health,

sports, education, and humanitarian sectors, or in matters of environmental and human rights protection.

However, for such status to be granted in any of the sectors, the relevant organisation must be a duly declared

association or duly authorised foreign association backed with at least three years of effective contribution in

any of the above-mentioned sectors. It is only after the granting of the status of NGO to an organisation that it

acquires its legal personality that is separate from that of the founder(s) and thus could act in its own name and

capacity (Boma, 2021).

These laws constitute the legal framework for the promotion and protection of human rights in Cameroon by

NGOs, which gave visibility to civil society organisations. The 1990 law therefore legitimised the existence

and operation of civil societies and authorised the free creation of associations whose coordination should be

government-led. This legal instrument was considered a significant improvement, as over the past, Law No.

67/LF.19 of 12 June 1967 on Freedom of Association made it mandatory that all associations be authorised by

the minister in charge of the Territorial Administration (Rutinwa, 2001).

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Though the state has the primary obligation to promote and protect human rights, there also exists a plethora of

associations with the same interest (Boma, 2021). The institution of the Law on Freedom of Associations

considerably promoted the increase in the number of NGOs involved in areas such as health, education,

training, environmental protection, women’s development, democracy and human rights, rural and urban

development, capacity building and research, HIV/AIDS sensitisation, and community development (Boma,

2021).

Importance and advantages of NGOs

Rauh (2010) remarked that the sphere of influence of NGOs in the field of global politics is on the rise, as they

represent political values, interests, and demands that cut across states’ borders. As well, they participate in

many transnational, world-level actions and programmes. They are recognised by policymakers as actors of the

world political system, the reserved domain of states. He, therefore, claims that NGOs are fundamental to the

transformation of the structure and processes of world politics and are considered a distinguished class of civil

society organisations. Simultaneously, considering NGOs’ high flexibility in mobilising funds, governments

often perceive them as a potential threat to their sovereignty.

Thus, governments sometimes either ignore them or hinder the smooth running of their activities. However,

Cakmak (2008) claimed that the recrudescence in NGOs is not equivalent to the state’s decline or weakness.

He adheres to the idea that rather, NGOs complement the state’s actions, as they play significant roles

unaccomplished by the state and international actors such as intergovernmental organisations. Moreover, he

thinks that civil society has the potential to flourish in conditions of strong, stable, and effective governments.

Beyond reasonable doubt, NGOs constitute a privileged partner to the state but have their flaws.

Galtung (1987) described the power of NGOs in both negative and positive terms. In the former, they lack

economic, military, and coercive potentials. In the latter, NGOs are endowed with cultural powers, which

bestow on them the ability to easily engage public opinions; political powers, which grant them autonomy in

programme management and contacts with national and international centres of power; and moral power,

characterised by adherence to values and the principles of international law. Barnes (2005) corroborated that

development agencies enhance civil society because they are optimistic about their potential to enormously

contribute to democratisation by providing an arena through which citizens can become politically engaged.

However, within the plethora of civil society organisations, international donors have elected to fund NGOs as

a channel for supporting democratisation in the global South (Fisher, 1997; Mercer, 2002). As well, Kaldor

(2003:3) and Duffield (2001) acknowledged that civil society has been considered central to the peacebuilding

process in war-affected areas.

In theory, the transformational nature of civil society supposes that it is ideally set up to initiate some of the

deep structural change indispensable for peacebuilding, as advocated for by Galtung (1987) and Lederach

(1995). However, questions still abound regarding how effectively local civil society organisations execute

such roles within the framework of partnership with their international counterparts. Richmond (2003) stated

that the gap is partly attributed to scholars’ focus concerning the involvement of local civil societies in

peacebuilding, which has been on the organisational weaknesses and its ability to contribute, rather than on the

strategies Southern organisations use to navigate the uneven playing field within which they operate.

Abia et al. (ibid.) regretted that, though NGOs have taken the central stage in the fight against poverty, social

injustice, and HR, most of them are considered weak due to their quasi-dependence upon funding from both

governmental and international aid bodies. However, Duffield (2001) regretted that such international

development aids are used as a means of containing and securing the global South rather than providing

genuine empowerment. In this perspective, Yenshu (2008) in Abia et al. (2016:3) decried the growing

expectation bestowed upon NGOs’ intervention to mediate and balance the power of states and markets in

providing a moral check, as well as maintaining the democratic integrity of states, has been short-lived. He

regrets that some NGOs have rather derogated to private money-making machines.

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There are many advantages offered by NGOs. However, after reading Cousins (1991), the authors have

summarised the advantages as follows:

1. They have the propensity to take risks and to freely experiment with innovative approaches;

2. They easily adapt to local situations, respond to local needs, and therefore can develop integrated and

sectoral projects;

3. They enjoy proximity and good working conditions with the populace. Thus, they can identify and

render micro-assistance to the needy and tailor appropriate assistance to their requirements;

4. They have the flexibility to communicate at all levels, from the grassroots to the top levels of

government;

5. They can easily recruit both experts and highly motivated staff with fewer restrictions than the

government.

D. Humanitarian intervention and peacebuilding challenges NGOs face

CARE (2020: 7-9) contended that NGOs’ paternalistic attitudes restrict the degree of participation in

programme/project design. Moreover, the existing societal unequal gender balance is worsened by a deeply

entrenched patriarchy (women are intimidated by men, and they are not authorised to contribute amidst

them…), poverty, conflicts, and degrading cultural practices such as coercive and/or early marriages that

relegate women to the rank of mere caregivers. CARE (2020) agreed that women's NGOs confront difficulties

that are attributed to traditions that forbid the participation of the female gender in public spheres, particularly

in rural areas.

Consequently, CARE (2020) regretted that, though there exist preponderant opportunities for women to engage

in the peace process at both grassroots and national levels, such challenges undermine their potential to

substantively contribute to the peace process. Consequently, such impediments have compelled women to

adopt reactive rather than proactive approaches to peace initiatives. However, to reverse such a tendency, Butt

(2013) noted that recently, NGOs have been focusing on moving from a “women-centred” to a more “gender”

approach, particularly in the domain of health development. The NGO Symposium on Health for All Women

and Men, a gender perspective that was held in Geneva in October 1997, recognises that “the concept of

gender refers to women’s and men’s roles and relationships that are shaped by social, economic, political, and

cultural factors rather than by biology.”

Also, NGOs’ peacebuilding activities are often restricted by scarce funding for peacebuilding activities.

Nikolov (2009) stated that the peacebuilding efforts of INGOs are often constrained by short-term funding as

well as want of evaluations, which most often hinder them from ensuring the completion of developmental and

service delivery programmes. Shivji (2007:31) submitted that an overwhelming number of NGOs are donor-

funded. They are void of any independent source of funding.

To survive, they seek funds through customary procedures set by the funding agencies. In that respect, the

degree of independence NGOs can exercise in relation to donor agendas varies depending on the perspectives

of their leadership. In a nutshell, the reduced replicability of an idea, due to the non-representativeness of

projects or their selected areas, relatively small project coverage, and dependence on external financial

resources, is subject to limitations of the scope of actions of NGOs involved in peacebuilding.

As a corollary to such predicaments, NGOs indulge in quick-fix solutions to addressing communal conflicts.

Most often, donors consider peacebuilding a post-conflict matter and not a priority, considering the

humanitarian crisis and the unpredictability of the security situation on the ground. Nikolov (2009: 2) stated

that most international NGOs are competing over funds, and they are constrained by local and international

political realities. Due to pressure and struggle geared towards obtaining and maintaining funding from donors,

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NGOs often focus little attention on management, which irreversibly leads to a lack of transparency,

accountability, and inefficiency in services delivered to the public.

There exists an inordinate lack of synergy and a common platform for NGOs that render coordination of their

activities unrealistic, which hinder them from setting new objectives likely to enable them to withstand the

ever-changing and challenging socio-political environment (Nikolov, 2009). The recently emerging triple

nexus approach (relief-development-peacebuilding), which emphasises joint context analysis, joint

programming, and longer-term funding for conflict affected states, potentially contributed to a shift in donors’

priorities for South Sudan. Nkwi (2006) and Abia et al. (2016) decried that NGOs in Cameroon suffer from an

acute lack of institutional structures and logistics that hinder their smooth running and hamper their

blossoming. Hence, they function in suitcases, and their peacebuilding impact therefore fails to reach targeted

communities.

Nikolov (2009) regretted that most international NGOs are constrained by local and international political

realities and circumstances, which may impede their peacebuilding efforts. Most NGOs are monitored and,

sometimes, censored by the government. Consequently, CARE (2020) regretted that such interference inhibits

the grassroots from receiving adequate information about peace agreements. Also, some scholars argue that

international interventions inhibit the ability of Southern civil society organisations to participate in responding

to armed conflicts.

Pugh (2000:128) &Paffenholz and Spurk (2006) contended that some joint initiatives pursued by local and

international organisations, such as project evaluation, may rather isolate communities’ peacebuilding

processes. Pearce (2005:42), Belloni (2008), Barakat & Strand (1995), Goodhand & Lewer (1999), as well as

Belloni (2001), corroborated that the structures of international funding rather promote local NGOs’

dependence vis-à-vis donors. Consequently, they may be unable to act as agents of change at the community

level. Also, Nikolov (2009:2) regretted that NGOs’ functions are overwhelmingly dictated by rules and

regulations attached to donor funding. Furthermore, NGOs spend inordinate time competing over the

acquisition of funding, and in return, they bestow little attention on the adequate needs of their targeted

populations, therefore derogating from their cardinal principles.

The "territorial possessiveness" of an area or project reduces cooperation between agencies, seen as threatening

or competitive. Scholars have demonstrated that a “donor-driven hierarchy” towards NGOs tends to adjust

their programmes to align with their interests. Consequently, they encourage international aid agencies to focus

their attention primarily on NGOs that are beholden to their policy and share their values, while marginalising

those wich portray radical views (Pugh 2000:119; Pearce 2005; Orjuela 2005).

Belloni (2008) lamented that such hierarchy may promote polarisation amongst both divergent categories of

NGOs. As well, Werker & Ahmed (2008: 23) contended that NGOs are confronted with problems that stem

from the existence of too many actors, leaders, and missions, without consequential coordination. In the same

vein, Ingram, Diestelhorst and Tih (2007), and Nkwi (2006) opposed the idea that Cameroon’s rich socio-

cultural diversity, characterised by the presence of over 200 ethnic languages, constitutes a major constraint for

NGOs.

Jarstad (2008: 19) qualified the peace agreement as a means but not an end. He states that the legacies of war

do not vanish with a peace agreement and that transitions to peace are characterised by many difficulties, such

as: lack of trust, demolished infrastructure, and a war-torn economy. As an example, he presents the case of

Nepal, where a failed democratisation process regressed into a decade-long armed conflict. Though the armed

conflict had ended, and Nepal had become a democratic federal republic, many challenges are still prevalent in

the efforts to sustain peace, democratisation, and development in the quest for positive peace. In light of such

noticeable recriminations, Belloni (2001) and Orjuela (2003:210) conclusively stated that NGOs’ contributions

to peacebuilding are necessary but not sufficient. Hence, they constitute a means to peacebuilding, but not an

end.

E. Theoretical framework

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Seybolt’s theoretical approach to humanitarian systems forms the theoretical basis of this study. According to

Kalita (2019), Taylor Seybolt conceived this theory in 2009. In this theory, Seybolt stated that the humanitarian

aid system gradually evolves toward a network. However, he decried that this network faces significant

constraints that prevent it from becoming a full-fledged network. Seybolt distinguishes two important models

of partnership in this network, notably the reciprocal and the collective models. In the reciprocal model of

partnership, the NGOs of the aid system work in isolation; they individually carry out need assessments,

elaborate their plans of action, and individually execute them and follow up without sharing their experience in

the field. Kalita (2019) maintained that such state of affair leads to a competitive tendency that becomes

problematic when the NGOs fail to plan. This results in low connectivity among them, thereby creating an

unstable system. This model leads to domain overlap and positive externalities that affect the efficiency of

NGOs in the field.

In the collective model of partnership, NGOs in the aid system work in synergy. They generally hold

concertation meetings where they collectively take decisions. They collaboratively carry out need assessments,

jointly elaborate their plans of action, and execute them, then collectively follow up activities on the field. As

well, they share their success stories and challenges faced on the field. This model significantly curbs domain

overlap and positive externalities. Hence, unlike the reciprocal model of partnership, the collective model

enhances the humanitarian output of NGOs in the field. Seybolt’s theoretical approach to the humanitarian

system is relevant to this study. It provides valuable insights in analysing, improving, and evaluating the

coordination and effectiveness of international and local NGOs in humanitarian and peacebuilding contexts, as

witnessed in the Cameroon-Anglophone conflict.

METHODOLOGY

The researchers adopted a qualitative research approach using in-depth interviews. This qualitative research

method (in-depth interview) has become a key research tool widely employed to collect data, especially in

qualitative studies (Coleman, 2019). This technique, as described in Boyce and Neale (2006), involves

conducting intensive individual interviews with a few participants in order to explore their standpoints on a

particular idea, programme, or situation. Considering the sensitivity of this research topic, the researchers

employed the purposive sampling technique to select some officials of NGOs and key informants for the study.

The purposive sampling technique is a non-probability sampling method where the researcher knowingly

targets a group of people or elements believed to be appropriate enough for the study (Ndue, 2017). Also, some

of the respondents helped to link the researchers to other participants using the snowballing sampling

technique. This was for convenience, considering the sensitive nature of the topic and the prevailing insecurity.

Against that backdrop, two categories of respondents were selected for this study. Firstly, officials of NGOs

(two international NGOs, notably the Danish Refugee Council and Plan International Cameroon, as well as

two local NGOs, Reach-Out Cameroon and the Martin Luther King Jr. Memorial Foundation) were retained

for the study. These NGOs were selected because respondents in the study, Malafa, Moki, Sunjo, and Ewusi

(2024), identified them as those that have been significantly involved in providing humanitarian and

peacebuilding support to the communities affected by the Cameroon Anglophone conflict. Secondly, key

informants constituting some focal persons, traditional leaders, quarter heads, who have been working in

synergy with the selected NGOs, and some focal persons from the administration who generally monitored the

activities of NGOs on the field were also identified and interviewed for this study. These respondents were

purposively selected and interviewed based on their knowledge in the humanitarian and peacebuilding

activities of the NGOs.

Kibuacha (2021) stated that the larger the researcher’s sample size, the more confident he is that respondents’

answers may truly reflect the entire population’s opinions. Against that backdrop, the researcher opted for a

larger and more representative sample size to enhance the validity and credibility of the study. A total of 24

participants were interviewed for this study, which falls within the range of 20–30

recommended by Creswell (2003). A semi structured interview guide was administered to participants. The

questions were coined to generate relevant data to significantly address the research questions and objectives.

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Data collection for this study was done face-to face, and in some cases, through mobile phones (direct phone

and WhatsApp calls). For the face-to face interactions, members of the research team booked an appointment

with the identified participants to agree on the location and time that were convenient for them. This enabled

comprehension between the interviewer and the interviewee, as both made their points clearer. In some

situations, the researcher rephrased the question when he felt the participants did not sufficiently answer the

main questions. The responses were recorded using a digital audio recorder and, at the end, transcribed. The

consent (verbally before proceeding to conduct the interviews) of the respondents was obtained before

recording the interviews.

The final population of this study was distributed as seen in table 1 below:

Table 1: Distribution of participants according to category and gender

SN Categories

Gender

Total

2

Male Female

Danish Refugee 1 1

1.

Council

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

Plan-Cameroon

Reach-Out

LUKEMEF

1

3

0

3

1

3

8

1

6

1

Key Informants 11

Total 16

14

24

Source: Field Work, 2025

According to the data, 2 persons (1 male and 1 female) were interviewed from the Danish Refugee Council,

which is an international NGO, while 1 (a male) was interviewed from Plan Cameroon, 6 (3 male and 3

female) from Reach-Out, 1 (female) from LUKEMEF, and 14 (11 male and 3 female) key informants.

However, in terms of gender, more males (16) were interviewed compared to females (8). During the

interview, males showed more willingness to participate than females, given the sensitive nature of the topic.

Bryman (2012) outlined a six-step approach to thematic analysis, which we followed for data analysis. Based

on the six-step approach, we began by reading carefully through the transcribed interviews to familiarise

ourselves with the data (understanding). In this stage, we took note of initial impressions and patterns in the

data. The next step was generating initial codes. This process is also known as indexing, where we identified

and labelled key words, phrases, sentences, actions, and concepts that captured the essence of the data and

assigned codes to them. In the third step, we searched for themes by deciding the most important codes and

then grouped them into broader categories. In the fourth step, we reviewed the themes and revised them to

ensure they accurately reflected the data and were connected to the research questions.

In the fifth step, we defined and named the themes, ensuring that they are concise and easy to understand. In

the sixth step, we created a report of our findings by extracting excerpts from the interviews as supporting

evidence for the identified themes and did the interpretation as seen in the findings below. Maguire & Delahunt

(2017) and Dawadi (2020) have attributed the six-step approach to thematic analysis to Braun & Clarke

(2006). For the purpose of confidentiality, we have assigned codes to the respondents. I-NGO-1 means

International NGO number one, while L-NGO-1 means Local NGO 1, and KI-1 also means Key Informant 1,

and so on.

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FINDINGS

Explaining the inability of NGOs to effectively address the humanitarian and peacebuilding needs of the

affected

population After an analysis of respondents’ assessments of the peacebuilding role and the quality of the

humanitarian assistance to the affected communities, it is also important to find out from the NGOs what

explains their inability to properly address the humanitarian needs of the affected population. There might be

genuine reasons that hinder the ability of NGOs to support the affected population in this part of Cameroon,

which has for over six years been affected by this internal conflict.

The responses to this research question have been captured from members of the NGOs and some key

participants from the public by extracting excerpts from the interviews. The excerpts have been presented

according to themes.

Insecurity and the threat to life

Insecurity is often one of the most serious problems NGOs encounter, as their personal security measures are

hardly sufficient to secure their humanitarian operations in the field. Even in the current war in Ukraine,

Jancke & Arthur (2022) disclosed that war situations do not only pose security threats to civil infrastructure,

journalists, and hospitals, but also to those who provide humanitarian assistance to victims. The current

situation in the two English regions of Cameroon has not been different, as captured in the following excerpts

from interviews with personnel from NGOs:

Excerpt 1: Sometimes, humanitarian workers face situations of insecurity. The non-state armed actors

sometimes meet us during the distribution of relief process in communities. Their presence puts fright in our

hearts, so we generally stop our activities, either temporarily or permanently, as the case may be. That is

because, during such instances, if the state security officials meet them within us, there may be a

confrontational scenario of crossfire that may be precarious and may subsequently result

to the death of innocent persons. (INGO-1)

Excerpt 2: “Up to 2022, the Anglophone Conflict is still in its emergency response phase that is marked by

sporadic attacks...” (L-NGO-2)

Excerpt 3: The insecurity stakes are high. Humanitarian workers who may not risk their lives find it difficult to

access most communities of concern. (L-NGO-5)

Excerpt 4: Insecurity, too, is a major impediment to peacebuilding. …due to the prevailing insecurity,

humanitarian workers concentrate in secured areas, notably in the Mezam Division, while most persons of

concern in the

hinterland live by the mercy of God. (INGO-2)

According to the response of the participant in excerpt 1, NGO humanitarian staff risk finding themselves in a

crossfire between non-state armed men and the government security forces. As he explained, some non-state

armed men come around when humanitarian workers are distributing aid to members of the affected

communities. Their presence often attracts government security forces, and in such a situation, the staff, being

afraid of any confrontation that may occur between the two parties, prefers to suspend distribution. This is

because bullets do not segregate between civilians and armed men when they are fired. Hence, one would not

expect NGOs to encourage their staff to take on such challenges.

A more critical look can be given to the presence of non-state armed groups during humanitarian distributions

in the field. Their presence may also indirectly scare off humanitarian workers, who end up distributing

supplies meant for the affected civilian population to people who are not actually needy. Imagine a case where

relatives of the non-state armed men or of the state military are found among those identified to benefit from

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the humanitarian supplies. They may intimidate the workers to hand such supplies solely to their relatives and

friends rather than those who are actually targeted.

In the case of sporadic attacks, as mentioned in excerpt 2, the humanitarian workers may be taken by surprise,

and the risk may be high as they may not have previewed any security measures. They may therefore restrict

their activities to more secure areas, as stated in excerpt 4. Consequently, they are unable to address the

humanitarian needs of the affected population, especially those who are most vulnerable in remote areas.

C. Inaccessibility to the needy population

The responses to humanitarian needs are often intended to cover all geographical areas and vulnerable

populations, be they internally displaced or those returning after the regain of peace. Reaching such affected

people, especially those in the hinterlands, is often compounded with both natural and man-made challenges.

Though insecurity has been discussed independently as one of the factors that caused NGOs not to effectively

address the humanitarian needs of the affected population, it can also be considered one of the human elements

that made some of the affected population inaccessible to humanitarian staff working with these NGOs, as seen

in excerpt 22 above. However, there are other factors that contributed to the inaccessibility of the affected

population, as seen in excerpt 23 below:

Excerpt 5: Prior to activities on the field, we start with stakeholder mapping. Then after, we collaborate with

local authorities who grant us access to communities of our interest, Local councils and religious groups, and

then our safety and security department engage in access negotiation with the military, combatants, as well as

the community authorities before we move on. Usually, we seek the consent of community members before

providing relief services to vulnerable people. (LNGO-6).

The explanations provided by the respondent in excerpt 5 illustrate that it takes the NGOs a lot of negotiations

before they move to the affected areas. To operate in a conflict environment, they must seek authorisation not

only from traditional authorities (some of whom have deserted their palaces and communities because of

insecurity) but also from local council officials and religious groups and even go as far as negotiating with the

military or combatants from different separatists’ groups. This reveals the ordeal faced by NGOs in the field to

gain access to the needy population. In a conflict situation, respect for the rule of law and order is often far-

fetched. Moki (2020) reported cases in the ongoing conflict in which separatists gave matching orders

forbidding the population from respecting established authorities.

Negotiating with the military or separatists, two groups that are antagonistic to each other, implies that NGOs

sometimes have to forgo their mission in the field if they fail to abide by the orders given by any of the above-

mentioned parties.

Moreover, there is a problem of accessibility of the affected localities. Both staff of NGOs and even key

informants pointed out that bad roads constituted one of those challenges that made the NGOs not effectively

address the humanitarian needs of the affected population in the North West and South West Regions of

Cameroon. The excerpts below give a picture of how bad road networks affect the work NGOs provide in the

field:

Excerpt 6: Road network is also an issue because most rural roads are impracticable, so we cannot promptly

reach people in need at the time of solicitation. Often, humanitarian officials are stranded at unsecured spots

because our cars get stuck in mud or get bad because of the poor nature of the road. (I-NGO-1)

Excerpt 7: …roads leading to communities of concern are often too bad, and NGOs generally do not have

adapted vehicles to ply such roads. As well, most of their vehicles used gas, but there is a scarcity of gas

stations, making it difficult to access distant communities. (KI-11)

Excerpt 8: …as sometimes roads or bridges are either blocked or destroyed by non-state armed actors. (KI-13)

Due to the bad state of the roads, humanitarian workers could not react promptly to emergencies.

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Worse still, as reported by the key informant in excerpt 7, it is observed that most of the vehicles that NGOs

use are not suitable for the roads found in these two regions. Moreover, sometimes, roads are blocked, or

bridges destroyed by separatists. Hence, NGOs can only go as far as their vehicles can go in the field.

D. Lack of collaboration and confidence from the affected population

This study found that the insecurity in the field sometimes makes the population reticent and avoids opening

up to field workers from NGOs. This was captured in the following excerpt:

Excerpt 9: So, obtaining access to the communities is very difficult. Often, members of the community are so

reticent that it is not easy to exchange with them or carry out advocacy exercises. (L-NGO-4)

As seen in excerpt 9 above, access to the affected population may not only be hampered by insecurity and bad

roads, as it may be in some cases. The population’s reaction towards the humanitarian workers can also make

accessibility impossible. When the population becomes reticent by restraining themselves from the visitors, it

makes it difficult for them to obtain data that can help NGOs make informed decisions relating to humanitarian

supplies to such communities.

In addition to the lack of collaboration, there is also a lack of confidence from the population and other parties,

like the military and even non-state armed groups. This can be seen in the following responses:

Excerpt 10: We face a lack of confidence from the government. In Kumba for instance, the forces thoroughly

search our trucks. As well, the communities too suspect that NGOs may supply them poisonous goods. They

take measures to ensure that the goods are fit for consumption.

Sometimes, our staff is forced to taste raw rice. Such treatments de-motivate us from going to such

communities. In 2019 in a North West Region village, our truck was offloaded and then burned by non-state

actors. We never returned there for fear of death. Sometimes, beneficiaries themselves resist assistance because

of suspicions. (LNGO-1)

Excerpt 11: At the level of the community, we as well face threats from some individuals who fear that we may

come and deliver them poisonous goods. Thus, they often urge us to consume even raw products to assure

them that they are free from any toxic matter. (L-NGO-5)

Excerpt 12: Among the challenges, NGOs face a lack of trust between other organisations, the administration,

armed groups as well as with beneficiaries that affects their impact on the field. (KI-7)

Lack of confidence is a serious problem when it comes to humanitarian services. Then, it will be needless to

take such a risk to go and meet them without a guarantee of safety. Asking humanitarian workers to taste rice

that is raw before the population can accept it may be unimaginable, but that is the reality they sometimes

encounter in the field. And as explained by respondents in excerpts 10, 11, and 12, such acts are demotivating,

meaning they will never want to visit such localities again, hence explaining why local and international NGOs

were unable to properly address the humanitarian needs of the affected population. For whatever reason, the

NGOs seem to face a problem of trust from both warring parties and the civilian population, despite the risks

taken to access and provide humanitarian assistance in the field.

The issue of lack of trust as well as confidence was repeatedly mentioned by both NGO staff and key

informants. However, from the explanation given by a key informant below, one can better understand the

source or where this distrust stems from:

Excerpt 13: To them, as long as the conflict continues, it will continue to provide jobs. Hence, it provides them

sustenance. As far as the region is concerned, most of the employees are imported from other regions to the

South

West Region. That creates an atmosphere of suspicion and distrust in the community where they operate

because they are seen as people who have come to reap economic benefits.

(KI-14)

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According to the key informant in excerpt 13, NGO workers are often perceived to be only interested in the

economic benefits they can obtain from this conflict. As he explained, the workers will continue to have jobs

as long as the conflict continues. If seen in this light, it means that the workers are not seen as humanitarian

workers but as people working towards self-aggrandisement. This perception is possibly worsened when the

population observes that workers have not been selected from the communities but from outside their region.

One can therefore better understand where the feeling of distrust is arising from among the affected population,

as they do not recognise those hired to provide humanitarian assistance to them. It makes it difficult for the

population to openly and freely collaborate with humanitarian workers from these NGOs in terms of providing

vital information when they do not trust the said workers.

E. Poor communication networks and language barriers

One of the points that was raised in the section of the questionnaire that required the population to assess the

NGOs was that they did not properly communicate with the affected population. This also emerged as one of

the themes that were identified in the interview with officials of the NGOs. The officials pointed out that some

of the localities in the English-speaking regions where their NGOs offer humanitarian services were cut off

from the communication network. Hence, this affected their work, as highlighted in the following excerpts:

Excerpt 14: Communication network is a problem. Most often, it is difficult to communicate with beneficiaries

and even with our security officers. Sometimes we are blocked on the field but remain incommunicado,

disconnected and vulnerable. As well, communication with beneficiaries is a problem due to language barriers;

insecurity is also a major impediment to peacebuilding. (I-NGO-2)

Excerpt 15: In some of the communities, there is neither a network nor electricity, which renders the planning

and implementation of our activities difficult. Consequently, sometimes mobilization is not carried on well and

would definitely have an impact on relief distribution to the community. Due to communication issues, we are

sometimes unable to inform the community of our arrival. Definitely, on our arrival we meet only few targeted

persons who were shortlisted. (I-NGO1)

Excerpt 16: There is a communication problem because, due to poor networks, humanitarian workers find it

difficult to communicate with beneficiaries or even with their security officers. (KI-11)

Based on the evidence revealed by the respondents in excerpts 14, 15, and 16, it was noted that poor

communication problems and language barriers were major impediments both local and international NGOs

faced while delivering humanitarian services to the affected population. As already disclosed in excerpt 13, the

NGOs hired employees outside the affected regions. Besides having French and English as official languages,

Cameroon is also a multicultural and multilingual country. Consequently, there are Cameroonians who do not

understand either of these official languages. For effective communication, it will be more reasonable for

NGOs to hire some people who speak the same language as indigenes in the affected communities.

Even an official from the North West governor’s office confirmed that a poor communication network was a

barrier to the effective implementation of humanitarian action plans in the affected communities, as seen in

excerpt 16. According to this government official, humanitarian workers find it difficult to communicate with

beneficiaries or even with their security officers. From all imaginations, it will be very traumatising to be

stranded in the field and remain incommunicado by being disconnected from relatives and especially security

officials when exposed to insecure situations like the ongoing conflict.

F. Undue pressure from some traditional leaders

There is often an erosion of the rule of law during conflict situations, as seen in Portela (2012).

The case in the ongoing conflict in the English speaking regions of Cameroon cannot be far from this. In the

absence of the rule of law, humanitarian staff in the field cannot work freely. They sometimes break the rules

on the ground because of pressure that may come from different quarters, as seen in the excerpt below:

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Excerpt 17: …some traditional leaders impose on us to satisfy all their wives and households in the palace

before accessing the vulnerable persons. For instance, “I’m a chief, and I have nine

wives drop their share in my palace. (LNGO-1)

From this excerpt, it can be seen how some traditional rulers put undue pressure on humanitarian field staff to

satisfy their wives first, before even the vulnerable persons in the field. In times like this, where there is often

an erosion in the rule of law, other people in the field can force the staff to supply them with relief material

meant for vulnerable people. Imagine coming across non-state armed men with guns in an unsecured locality,

and they command or order you to surrender humanitarian goods meant for the affected population. The staff

may succumb to such demands for fear of the unknown and, by so doing, fail to deliver relief material to the

needy. In such a case, one cannot blame the staff who needs to ensure his/her survival.

G. Corrupt practices and dishonesty

It is noted in Willitts-King and Harvey (2005) that there is a risk of corrupt practices, which can be at the level

of the staff or the aid agency being a victim of corruption during humanitarian operations. The Transparency

International Report (2006), cited by Fenner and Mahlstein (2009, 244), further pointed out that the corrupt

practices include “fraud, embezzlement, misuse of assets, diversion of aid resources, and straightforward

bribery”. In the case of the humanitarian and peacebuilding operations of

Non-Governmental Organisations in the Anglophone Conflict, the following excerpts have been captured to

present the situation:

Excerpt 18: Often, humanitarian workers realize that the community leaders carry out biased selections. They

shortlist their relatives and friends who are not needy persons, at the expense of persons of concern for whom

the reliefs were designed. NGOs are unable to adequately correct such a discrepancy because, with the

insecurity on the ground, they cannot freely access and shortlist the targeted vulnerable persons within a

community without the collaboration of community mobilizers. (L-NGO-4)

Excerpt 19: When we access a community, with the collaboration of the community leaders, we recruit and

train community mobilizers who work in collaboration with our project in their community as brokers.

However, they often exhibit practices of corruption and nepotism. That is because, they sometimes shortlist

dead people or their relatives and friends at the expense of vulnerable people who live in abject poverty. (L-

NGO-5)

Excerpt 20: NGOs recruit community mobilizers who are our facilitators or brokers in the field, they commit

acts of corruption or nepotism. Whereas NGOs bestow their confidence upon them, however, they sometimes

violate our cardinal principles. Hence, they shortlist the names of dead people or those of their relatives and

friends, who are not eligible for assistance. Such detrimental and sarcastic attitudes of the agents significantly

affect the outcome of NGOs because they lead to duplication of services to beneficiaries and inhibit relief

services from significantly reaching persons of concern as targeted by the organisations. (L-NGO-7)

Excerpt 21: We train community mobilizers on project management and on humanitarian principles, and

redeploy them back into the community to shortlist vulnerable persons therein. However, sometimes they are

deceptive because they give the names of their own relatives and friends, whereas they are

not eligible to receive assistance. (LNGO-1)

From excerpts 18 to 21, the participants, who were officials of some of the NGOs that performed humanitarian

operations in these regions, highlighted that corruption negatively affected their operations in the field. As they

explained, most of the corrupt practices came from community mobilisers they hired and trained to implement

their operations in the field. Some of them ended up inflating the list of those who were actually in need of

assistance with the names of their relatives, friends and even those of dead people. With this kind of dishonest

attitude in the field, supplies end up with some non-vulnerable persons, hence undermining the NGOs'

humanitarian and peacebuilding activities in the field.

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Though the NGO officials point an accusing finger at the community mobilisers they hire to execute their

activities in the field, some key participants on their part blamed the NGOs, as seen in excerpts 22 and 23:

Excerpt 22: The spirit of corruption has made NGOs look at profit-making at the expense of vulnerable

persons. (KI-14)

Excerpt 23: … Some of the NGOs engage in unlawful practices that may promote the resilience of the conflict.

That is because they strive at rendering perennial and maintaining more humanitarian activities as well as

donors’ sponsorship on the field for the sustainability of their organisations. Some of them wish to make a

return from the conflict; thus, they sometimes indulge in unlawful practices that may fuel the conflict and

render it perennial. As well, the organisations strive for profit; hence, they violate the humanitarian cardinal

principles, notably independence, neutrality and impartiality. (KI-7)

Excerpt 24: Most NGOs are not really there for the welfare of the community; rather, they are interested in

satisfying their financial needs. However, even the genuine ones are not all faithful. They sometimes inflect the

number of persons of concern at hundreds of thousands, in order to obtain huge funding from donors. (KI-2)

Excerpt 25: Generally, NGOs do not use the allocated funds for deserved purposes, notably the alleviation of

the sufferings of needy persons. Some of them rather enrich themselves at the detriment of persons of concern.

(KI-3)

Excerpt 26: From every indication, some organisations as well as actors wish that the conflict should persist

over years so that it continues to create jobs for them and generate finances. The conflict has also created jobs

for some unemployed or underemployed Cameroonians, who do not wish it should stop. On the one hand, the

Anglophone Conflict has impoverished numerous people; on the other hand, it has enriched a minority.

(KI-9)

As explained in the above excerpts (22, 23, 24, 25, and 26), some NGOs were seen to be interested in profit-

making rather than in the people; they thus engaged in corrupt practices to achieve this goal. The participant in

excerpt 22 is even of the opinion that some NGOs get involved in unlawful practices to prolong the conflict to

stay relevant to keep gaining funds. In the same light, the participant in excerpt 26 outrightly stated that some

of the NGOs do not want the conflict to end because it has created money-making jobs for them.

This kind of phenomenon whereby NGOs involved in humanitarian relief are accused of corrupt practices has

been reported by Fenner and Mahlstein (2009). According to Fenner and Mahlstein (2009, 245), some agencies

may defraud donors by forging receipts for relief supplies that were not received and using them to support

expenditure claims. They also added that some of the agencies may inflate overhead costs or exigency funds

(as seen in excerpts 24 and 25) in their budgets to divert project funds into private accounts.

Some members of the public have developed a poor perception towards NGOs due to the involvement of some

in corrupt practices. In excerpt 27 below, the participant stated that some NGOs failed to disclose their

missions in the Anglophone regions, and as a result, he perceived them as having a hidden agenda in the

ongoing conflict.

Excerpt 27: NGOs do not disclose their mission in the Anglophone Regions. They fail to propose any solution

linked to the conflict. They probably have a hidden agenda that may be related to the conflict. (KI-10)

H. Constantly displaced population

The populace is constantly moving as a result of conflict because they feel unsafe. Some even choose to flee

the country, while others experience internal displacement. After identifying people in need of various forms of

assistance, humanitarian workers return to certain communities only to discover that the people in need have

moved elsewhere, seeking for safety. This is the kind of circumstance that is described in excerpts 28 and 29:

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Excerpt 28: At the humanitarian level of the conflict, the population is not stable, so persons of concern are on

the move and their needs keep on changing from time to time, thus rendering the

peacebuilding role a complex one. (LNGO-1)

Excerpt 29: Most vulnerable persons moved to other secured regions of Cameroon, so we could not meet them

in their locality. (L-NGO-3)

Despite efforts made by humanitarian assistance teams in the field to identify those who are needy, their efforts

may be frustrated when they cannot locate the targeted persons because they have relocated elsewhere. Hence,

such challenges may contribute to the inability of the NGOs to effectively address humanitarian concerns in

the field. This situation is worsened by the fact that it is also difficult to obtain data about people’s movement

during a conflict situation, as observed in the ongoing Anglophone conflict for security reasons. People do not

often disclose their movements to others for fear of the unknown.

I. Lack of funding and donor fatigue

One of the themes that also emerged from this study to explain the inability of the NGOs to effectively address

the humanitarian concerns and needs of the affected population is the lack of funding and donor fatigue owing

to the prolonged nature of the conflict. Officials from NGOs as well as key informants identify the lack of

funding as one of the reasons why the NGOs could not satisfy the needs of the affected population. The

excerpts below reveal this as a hindrance to the realisation of the humanitarian needs of the affected

population:

Excerpt 30: “As well, we face a high demand from needy persons, but the Anglophone Conflict remains

underfunded, thus we are unable to serve all persons of concern.” (L-NGO-5)

Excerpt 31: Funding too is not common and remains unsustainable. (…).

Scarcity of funds, as well as inflation in the market, constitute, to my humble opinion, some of the

impediments that undermine peacebuilding activities in the Anglophone Conflict. (L-NGO-7)

Excerpt 32: There is a high expectation from Danish Refugee Council to satisfy persons of concern’s multiple

needs, whereas the allocated funds are limited. Indeed, it is impossible for the Danish Refugee Council to

satisfy all existing humanitarian cases in the Anglophone Regions of Cameroon. (I-NGO-l)

Excerpt 33: With the outburst of COVID 19, since NGOs discovered that many donors were interested in the

pandemic unlike the Anglophone conflict, which is less funded, they abandoned persons affected by the

conflict and indulged in COVID assistance and only resumed after the curbing of the pandemic. (KI-

11)

The responses in excerpts 30, 31, and 32 were captured from both officials of local and international NGOs.

They explained that the conflict was underfunded, and funds allocated were limited to address the multiple

needs of the affected population. On the other hand, the key informant in excerpt 33 blamed the underfunding

of NGOs and the resulting slow response to attending to the needs of the affected population on the outbreak

of COVID-19. He explained that NGOs that diverted their attention to the COVID-19 pandemic received

funding during this period and abandoned the victims of the Anglophone conflict. This is because donors were

more interested in donating to fight the spread of the deadly pandemic than to the Anglophone conflict.

It was observed that local NGOs received donations through international NGOs. As disclosed in excerpt 34,

this procedure resulted in local NGOs being underfunded. Officials of the local NGOs say the international

NGOs deduct part of these funds for use as operational costs to run their organisations, and as a result, just part

of these funds are transferred to local NGOs to attend to the needs of vulnerable people.

Excerpt 34: As well, most funds pass via INGOs, which use part for their operational costs, before transferring

the rest to LNGOs. At the end, very little amount is allocated for the vulnerable persons. (L-NGO-1)

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J. Lack of collaboration among NGOs

Also emerging from this research in relation to reasons why NGOs failed to effectively address humanitarian

concerns and needs of the affected population was the issue of lack of collaboration that manifested in different

ways. Though some officials during the interviews claimed that they collaborated with different stakeholders

to facilitate their work in the field, this collaboration was not always smooth and effective, as seen in the

following excerpts:

Excerpt 35: NGOs faced the pressure of administrative bottlenecks that delay or block supplies; there are a lot

of competitions over resources between the organisations, and lack of due collaboration that leads to

duplication of services and waste of resources. (LNGO-7)

Excerpt 36: As well, collaboration with the stakeholders of the conflict is a difficult one. So, obtaining access

to the communities is very difficult. Often, members of the community too are so reticent that it is not easy to

exchange with them or to carry out advocacy exercise... (L-NGO-4)

The officials of Reach-Out-Cameroon reportedly seem to have had challenges collaborating with government

officials and other stakeholders. As seen in excerpts 35 and 36, NGOs faced the pressure of administrative

bottlenecks that delayed or blocked their humanitarian and peacebuilding responses. In addition, competition

amongst NGOs is reported to have led to the duplication of services in the field, leading to the wastage of

efforts and resources. The NGOs failed to collaborate in identifying the needs of the people and then share

these responsibilities. Instead, they worked independently and sometimes provided the same humanitarian

assistance to the population.

This lack of collaboration is seen as the reason why the population receives the same humanitarian packages

from different NGOs, while a certain segment of the affected population is neglected, as observed in excerpt

37 below:

Excerpt 37: There is a lack of coordination as well as collaboration within the organisations who do not concert

before going to the field. Hence, they duplicate services that constitute a waste of resources. Some needy

persons keep on receiving the same goods while others are completely neglected. (KI-7)

Furthermore, key informants blamed NGOs for the lack of collaboration. The NGOs were accused of not

collaborating with administrative authorities, as seen in the following excerpts:

Excerpt 38: NGOs cannot adequately curb the growing humanitarian concerns in the North West Region

because they do not collaborate with the power that be. In addition, they fail to respect the key principle of

neutrality in humanitarian activities. Such defaults made Doctors Without Borders suspend their activities in

the North West Region. As well, the provision of humanitarian assistance cannot per se adjust the mindset of

people that ought to be reoriented. (KI5)

Excerpt 39: Hence, few persons benefit from the assistance; under the pretext of the principle of independence,

NGOs do not collaborate with members of the government who could enable them to reach many persons of

concern; NGOs complain that they are unable to reach the hinterland because of insecurity, however, they

refuse to be escorted by the military under the pretext that they are independent... (KI-6)

As disclosed in excerpts 38 and 39 above, though the interviewed officials of some NGOs complained of a

lack of security during their fieldwork, the key informants disclosed that the NGOs often refused to be

escorted to the field because they respected the principles of independence. This informant believed that most

of the affected people were not reached by the NGOs because they refused to accept government security

offers while going into the hinterlands. The NGOs are accused of failing to respect the key principle of

neutrality in humanitarian activities, like in the case of Doctors Without Borders, who were blamed for

collaborating with separatists, and hence, their humanitarian activities were suspended. Humanitarian actors

like Doctors Without Borders have the right to assist the military or separatists on the field who have been

wounded. In this case, they were accused of supplying arms and ammunitions to separatists.

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K. Examining the research proposition

The NGOs face many challenges that limit their ability to properly address the humanitarian and peacebuilding

needs of the affected population.

The data of this study reveals that field staff of both international and local NGOs faced numerous challenges

in the field that impeded their ability to address the humanitarian and peacebuilding needs of the affected

population. Despite facing the general challenge of inadequate funds, some challenges are out of their control.

The NGOs may even have the funds and acquire the humanitarian and peacebuilding relief material, yet they

have difficulties in effectively serving the affected population because of the following reasons: insecurity and

the threat to life, inaccessibility to the needy population, poor communication networks and language barriers,

undue pressure from some traditional leaders, lack of collaboration and confidence from the affected

population, corrupt practices and dishonesty, a constantly displaced population, and lack of collaboration, as

highlighted by participants interviewed in this study.

Insecurity and threats to life are issues that should not be taken lightly in conflict situations, especially like the

ongoing Anglophone conflict, where there seems to be a breakdown in law and order in most parts of the

North West and South West Regions. There are cases of death unaccounted for; therefore, the matter of

security becomes that of personal decision. No NGO staff would like to take the risk of exposing themselves to

bullets that do not discriminate. The breakdown in the communication network in the affected regions is not

under the control of the NGOs.

K. Comparative perspectives between local and international NGOs

Comparatively, both local and international NGOs equally encountered challenges of insecurity and threat to

life. Though they all face these challenges, that of the local NGOs may be unique due to their proximity to the

conflict. Staff of local NGOs may become potential targets of armed groups who may consider them spies. The

government or the non-state armed groups can offer to provide security to NGOs, but it can compromise their

independence and neutrality. They may be perceived as being aligned with one side of the conflict and hence

bridging trust. In the case of the ongoing conflict, it was even an international NGO called Doctors Without

Borders that was forced to suspend its activities after being blamed by the Cameroonian government for aiding

separatists in the ongoing conflict (see excerpt 38)

Though both NGOs complained that the conflict was underfunded, the international NGOs had more access to

such funds compared to the local NGOs. Local NGOs complained that they receive funds through international

NGOs who use part of the money for their operational costs before transferring the rest to them (see excerpt

34). Generally, international NGOs may have more diverse and stable sources of funding, as they have

expertise in lobbying and can influence international organisations like agencies of the United Nations, the

World Bank and international donors to get funds. On their part, local NGOs have limited access to such

donors. By implication, the international NGOs can perform better in addressing humanitarian and

peacebuilding needs of the affected populations during conflict situations.

Comparatively, findings from this study also revealed that the local NGOs complained of corrupt practices and

dishonesty. As seen in excerpts 18, 19, 20 and 21, it is only officials of local NGOs who complained that the

community mobilisers they select to manage their projects in the field give the names of their own relatives

and friends, whereas they are not eligible to benefit from humanitarian and peacebuilding packages. This

problem may be as a result of their lack of expertise and experience in recruiting community mobilisers.

Officials of international NGOs did not mention this as a challenge.

It is also observed that officials of local NGOs are more likely to face undue pressure from some traditional

leaders than those of international NGOs. As previously mentioned, local NGOs frequently enlist community

mobilisers from the affected population to oversee their projects on the ground. As stated in excerpt 35, some

traditional leaders usually impose that their relatives are attended to before others. This can be because of

community dynamics. Some of those selected from such communities may already have existing relationships

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or conflicts with others. This can negatively influence the way they will manage humanitarian and

peacebuilding projects under their supervision. International NGOs' approach to recruiting staff is more

professional. They take measures to avoid situations like this when the community mobiliser is exposed to

such pressure.

From the above comparative perspectives, it is clear that the structural and operational differences governing

local and international NGOs place the latter in a vantage position compared to the former. International NGOs

have more access to funding and recruit experts who make their operations more successful than local NGOs.

CONCLUSION

This sought to explain the inability of the NGOs to successfully address the humanitarian and peacebuilding

needs of the affected population in the North West and South regions. Amongst the reasons that explained the

inability of the NGOs were corrupt practices and dishonesty on the part of some NGO staff and hired

community mobilisers who often inflated the lists of vulnerable persons with names of their relatives and

friends who are nonvulnerable persons. Undue pressure from some traditional rulers imposing field workers to

first attend to the needs of their numerous wives before having access to persons of concern also emerged as a

reason to explain the inability of the NGOs to address the needs of the people effectively.

Other major challenges that impeded their work were insecurity and threat to life, as guns do not segregate

between humanitarian workers and belligerents; inaccessibility to the needy population as a result of the

enclave nature of the affected regions; lack of collaboration and confidence from the affected population; poor

communication networks and language barriers; constantly displaced populations that are always running from

place to place to seek safety; lack of funding and donor fatigue; and lack of collaboration between the NGOs

and members of the administration. The lack of collaboration between the NGOs leading to domain overlap is

a fundamental problem that affects the effectiveness of NGOs, hence preventing them from forming a full-

fledged network. This ties in with the reciprocal model of partnership explained in Seybolt’s humanitarian

systems theory. When NGOs work in isolation and fail to collaborate, an unstable system is created with low

connectivity among NGOs, leading to domain overlap and positive externalities that affect the efficiency, as

stated in Kalita (2019).

As mentioned in excerpt 35 above, there existed an unhealthy competition between NGOs over resources.

Such rivalry can have several negative consequences on the effectiveness of their activities. In addition to

domain overlap highlighted in Kalita (2019), these kinds of competition can also lead to an uneven distribution

of resources, with some communities or areas being overlooked. Competition among NGOs can also damage

relationships between them, local communities and other stakeholders, thus eroding trust. The overall effect is

that it will undermine collective impact on the field, and it will make it more difficult for them to achieve

shared goals and objectives. As a result, the NGOs will find it difficult to implement collective partnership

models that can effectively reduce domain overlap and enhance positive externalities, as recommended by

Seybolt (2009).

Some of the challenges the NGOs faced, as gathered from the findings, are not restricted to the present

Cameroon-Anglophone conflict alone. As reported in Stoddard (2003), insecurity is one of the challenges that

interrupts humanitarian actions in the field. On her part, Crowther (2001) also noted the need for security

enforcement to facilitate the role of NGOs, be it local or international, in post-war peacebuilding. Brooks

(2016), Bakhit (2014), and Nikolov (2009) added that NGOs are often confronted with the task of ensuring the

safety and security of their staff in complex situations like conflicts. According to the SAVE Programme's

preliminary findings cited in the Norwegian Refugee Council (2016), insecurity is the primary cause and

impediment to humanitarian presence.

Corruption, lack of funding and accountability, lack of collaboration with the government, etc., as found in this

study, are also challenges the Norwegian Refugee Council and Handicap

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International (2017) reported as factors that impede the humanitarian and peacebuilding actions of NGOs in

the field. The Max impact Team cited in Holland (2017) extensively identified most challenges NGOs face in

their humanitarian and peacebuilding actions in the field. Most of the challenges are the same as those that

emerged from this study. These contributed to the inability of the international and local NGOs to effectively

address the humanitarian needs and peacebuilding actions in the ongoing Anglophone conflict. Another

objective of this study was to examine how NGOs enhance their humanitarian and peacebuilding roles in

Cameroon.

The recommendation for NGOs to empower people of affected communities also emerged from the qualitative

data, with some NGO officials maintaining that the vulnerable persons should be taught how to fish rather than

keeping on giving fish to them all the time. This finding ties in with the Chinese saying cited in Kim and Yi's

(2016) saying, “Give a man a fish, and you feed him for a day. Teach a man to fish, and you feed him for a

lifetime.”

Notwithstanding, other recommendations regarding how NGOs can enhance the humanitarian and

peacebuilding actions on the ground include capacity building of NGO personnel so that they can master the

principles of humanitarian and peacebuilding actions, for NGOs to collaborate with all stakeholders, including

other NGOs, create awareness to prevent conflicts, carry out need assessments before making supplies, and

increase funding. These researchers add their voice to that of Seybolt (2009) to recommend that NGOs adopt

the collective model of partnership so that collectively, they can carry out needs assessments of the affected

population and decide what each organisation will supply as per their specialisation to curb domain overlap,

competition and corruption.

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