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Gender and Political Exclusion: An Analysis of Women's Marginalization
in India's Democracy

1 Ms. Sagar Kumar Majhi, 2 Dr. Sharada Prassanna Rout

1 Research Scholar Political Science Berhampur University

2 Assistant Professor Political Science Berhampur University.

DOI: https://doi.org/10.51244/IJRSI.2025.1210000050

Received: 18 October 2025; Accepted: 24 October 2025; Published: 01 November 2025

ABSTRACT

In this research paper we examine the endemic problem of political exclusion because of gender and
marginalization of women in the democratic structure of India. Although Indian society entails constitutional
equalization and universal right to vote, women remain exposed to systemic obstacles towards complete political
participation. The paper discusses the complexity of women marginalization by looking at the historical, socio-
cultural, economic and institutional aspects that render women uninclusive in political processes. It points out
the irony of the democracy in India, wherein women have done remarkably well in the grassroots sphere with
the Panchayati Raj system, but are grossly under-represented in the national and state Assembly. This research
brings into focus patriarchal practices, party systems, election processes and socio-economic disparities that
continue to enforce gender marginalization. This research paper by combining both feminist political theory and
empirical evidence highlights how the political exclusion compromises the principles of equality, justice, and
participatory democracy. It finds that the democratization of political spaces needs not only the legal changes in
the form of reservation policies but also the cultural one that would break the gender prejudice that is gained
over centuries. To enhance democracy legitimacy and substantive gender equality in the India political arena,
women leadership and inclusive governance should be encouraged.

Key words: Gender inequality, Political exclusion, Women empowerment, Indian democracy, Political
participation.

INTRODUCTION

India is the world's largest democracy and the principal of equality, justice and liberty where enshrined in the
constitution of India. From the very beginning of the Indian republic, equality and non-discrimination based on
gender seen as cornerstones of the democratic structure of the state and women in the country were promised
equal rights in the politics, education and labour.The Indian constitution prescribes equality before the law in
articles 14 15 and 16 and prohibits gender discrimination in relation to the law however the reality of women's
representation in Indian politics indicates a gap in equality despite these liberal articles in the constitution.
Traditionally Indian women played a major role in nationalized moments and contributed to the struggle for
independence. The following independence women’s political presence and representation declined
considerably especially at higher level of governance (Niraja Gopal Jayal 2013).

There are few women’s who occupied the positions are political power in Indias post-independence context other
than the few leaders such as Indira Gandhi whose emergency was more of an exception than a precedent. The
73rd and 74th constitutional amendments 1992 required that 33% of elected representatives in local government
to be women’s, this led to women leaders emerging from the grassroot level. Yet, this momentum did not carry
on the state assemblies and the national parliament. The conundrum with democracy in India is that in India,
there are legal equality and societal inequality, which is at once a place where women are symbolically
empowered as a symbol of political participation and at the same time denied any institutional and cultural means
of substantial empowerment (Rai, Shirin. 2002). This mismatch between constitutional ideals and political reality
in practice is the focus of this paper.

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The representation of women in India's legislative assembly is still pathetic, even after decades of democratic
governance and affirmative action. By the year 2024 women occupying fewer than 15% of the 100 possible seats
in the Lok Sabha, and the state assembly is even worst (Ravi and Kapoor 2014). This lack of representation is
indicative of how Indian politics has been structured in a patriarchal way, whereby leadership roles are typically
held by Men's, and women’s are systematically not only disadvantaged in nomination parties but also in regard
to funding and campaigning’s. Furthermore, women are also still likely to be disengaged from the public or
political sphere, locked into socio-cultural examples of disenfranchisement, which will most likely deter political
engagement. Political institutions, such as parties, even reinforce these gender hierarchies by failing to provide
women with opportunities of equal competition and internal democracy. Thus the exclusion of women as
decision makers not only weakens gender equity, but it also and limits the quality of democracy, since the
distribution of voice and perspective in the government is limited.

The Research question of this study is as follows-

1. How does principal factors lead to the political marginalization of women in Indian political institution?
2. What is the implications of gender-based exclusion in relation to equality in Indian democracy?
3. What can be done in order to improve inclusion and representation of women in the Indian politics?

And the objective of this study are-

1. To examine the level and characters of political marginalisation of women in India.
2. To investigate institutional cultural and structural barriers of women in political environments.
3. To understand the implications of the exclusion of women in the functioning of democracy.

This research can contribute to gender studies and democratic theory in ways of examining how the power
relations of gender shape the political context in the Indian state.It is particularly useful for policy analysts and
academic, who wants the reforms to promote women leadership and political empowerment and expand the
discussion of the tension between constitutional idealism and actual practice. This research emphasizes that in
order to make Indian democracy actually inclusive and representative.

REVIEW OF LITERATURES

Analysing the case of Gender and political exclusion in India can be used fully linked to the feminist political
theory, which scrutinizes both the patriarchal basis of the political institutions and the social sphere. Liberal
feminism insists that women should have the same equality of opportunities and legal rights as those already
afforded to existing democratic systems because women's under-representation is due more to discrimination
than to some intrinsic inability (Rai, shirin. 2002). On the other hand, radical feminism approaches the idea that
the state and political apparatus is a thoroughly patriarchal endeavour and therefore must change radically in its
structure in order to integrate women into it. The theory of intersectionality, as writes bell hooks and Simone de
Beauvoir reminds us, that the exclusion of women cannot be treated as an abstraction now, as a focus on the
intersections class, cast, religion and region which together shaped access to political power.

The other philosophical framework that is applicable is the distinction between descriptive representation and
substantive representation made by Pitkin (1967) which situates the difference between the mere presence of
women in the political institutions and the ability of women to effectively promote gender sensitive policies.
This has been a concerned especially within India because even though the majority of political offices are
occupied with women’s they do not have the power to make a decision. In similar fashion Niraja Gopal Jayal
2013 also presents the notes of a gender citizenship and how the right of citizenship in India has been mediated
and has played a role in legitimising the social hierarchies and patriarchal norms which causes the public space
and private space to be closed. The public-private gap perpetuates the secondary role in the public space for
women and positions them as dependent citizens rather than independent once.

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2.1 Indian empirical research on women political participation

Women have continued to be marginalised through their participation in Indian politics as evidenced by empirical
work despite constitutional and policy measures. Buch, Nirmala (2000) provides one of the earliest detailed
accounts describing the live day experiences of women in Panchayati Raj Institutions after enactment of 73rd
constitutional amendment. Her findings illustrate how reservation policies improved numerical presence but
there were challenges such as inadequate training male interference and proxy representation by male relatives
with several female representatives. Rai, shirin (2002) also cautions that representation empowerment is nothing
more than superficial unless supported by socio-economic and institutional support structures.

Empirically, also at regional level (country and state) the women representation is even lower with respect to the
average of global standards. The Inter-Parliamentary Union (2024) ranks India not above 130th in the world in
terms of its women participation ratio in national parliament. Kapoor, M. & Ravi, S. (2014) based on electoral
figures established that structural factors such as gender biases in candidate selection and party finance led to
obstacle the political entry of women. Political parties, it has also been said (Suman Mishra, 2022) are good
gatekeepers as in many cases where preference is given to men to stand for that seats they can actually win.
Institutional comparisons, one such comparison made by Suresh Kumar (2023) illustrates that India performs
poorly behind Nordic countries, where quotas within institutions and sensitive political cultures have brought
equal participation. Singh, S. S.; Singh, A.P. (2024) & Khan, A. (2025) further examine how religion cast and
socio-economic status can interact with gender to add another dimension of victimization for some categories of
women, especially Muslim women in the political apparatus.

2.2 Identification of Research Gap

There is a substantial number of literatures on women's political engagement and the adoption of women's
political representation in democracies and various National contexts can lead to valuable insights. Much of the
existing literature is limited to a descriptive analysis of the extent and frequency of women's involvement in
political representation not appropriately examining the systems of exclusion in terms of substantial political
engagement in the community and policy formulation. Existing literature tends to evaluate outcomes of
reservation policy when exploring women's political participation, hardly questioning how institutional biases
cultural barriers, and socio-economic disadvantages work together, with or without reservations, to maintain the
exclusion of subjugated social groups like women. In addition, Partha Chatterjee (1993) & Niraja Gopal Jayal
(2013) speak about how gendered citizenship has lasting effects on participatory democracy, but little empirical
research has examined how social, political and institutional aspects of citizenship might be integrated. The goal
of this research is to respond to the literary gap by assuming an analytical approach that examines structural,
cultural and institutional factors to create and perpetuate women's marginalization in Indian democracy.

3. Historical context of women political participation in India

The historical study of women's engagement in India's political agenda has been closely connected with the
Indian struggle for freedom, social reforms and the consolidation of democracy. The early phases were instilled
through the reform movements of the 19th century, where mostly progressive and miscellaneous groups against
forms of oppression, such as sati, child marriage and female illiteracy. There were a few reformers, Raja
Rammohan Rai and Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar who advocated for women's liberation and this was ultimately
among the early movements that led to women's involvement in politics. The Bengal Renaissance was a turning
point as mentioned and women educational were exposed to Western educational and liberal reforms that
promoted the awakening of Intelligence in both men and women. The rebellion of 1857 was representative of
the spirit of courage and agency among women that are subsequently remembered as resistance, such as Rani
Lakshmibai of Jhansi. In addition, with the increasing strength of the nationalist movement in India women
begin to engage in political organisation in an active manner. The official political engagement among women
was relatively slow to materialize but the establishment of the Indian National Congress in 1885 symbolized,
along with the formal inclusion of a few women representatives (Kadambini Ganguly and Swarna kumari Devi
in 1989) was a symbolic official political engagement (Rakshit, S. 2024).

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The Swadeshi movement also increase the involvement of women by having them mobilize in mass number in
particular leaders such as any Besant and Sarojini Naidu took up the question of women and made it political
linking it to the national demand of self-rule. The Home rule league created by Annie Besant (1915) galvanized
thousands of women into the nationalist movement and Sarojini Naidu's leadership host the women to demand
voting rights and representation before the Montagu-Chelmsford commission in 1917. Gandhi's movements
especially the Non-Cooperation (1920-1922) and civil disobedience (1930-1934) movements, provided women
with the best opportunity to participate directly in politics. Gandhi's appeals for the both non-violence and the
moral authority of women changed the public representation of gender roles, as Gandhi's popularity attracted
thousands of women to protest, picket and disobey the law. There were also revolutionary women such as
Pritilata Waddar and Madam Bhikaji Cama who showed how women are not limited to non-violent and could
also be the commander of a militant struggle. Thus, this period was the beginning of the transition from the
passive representation of women as agents of virtue to one of national liberation (Rakshit, S. 2024).

After independence in 1947, the new constitution enshrined the principals of equality, liberty and justice, and
women were guaranteed the right to vote and to participate in elections on an equal basis with men. But while
this was the promise of the constitution, the political representation of women was still limited. In the first Lok
Sabha of 1952, the percentage of women members was hardly 2% which depicts a stark contrast between
constitutional ideal and political realities. Leaders such as Rajkumari Amrit Kaur, Sucheta Kriplani and Vijay
Lakshmi Pandit were few of the trailblazers of India's post independent Era but they did not reflect the masses.
Studies indicate that prevailing patriarchal customs, lack of party support and biases in society were deterrents
for women in the arena of formal politics (Khan, A. 2025). While women were afforded leadership roles locally
after the 73rd and 74th constitutional amendment, mandated a reservation in the Panchayati Raj institutions, the
level of their political representation at the upper level was pathetic (Singh, S. S. & Singh, A. P. 2024). The
gender gap remains an issue since India is ranked 140 out of 156 on the global gender gap index (2021). The
Women Reservation Bill, which still has not seen the light of day, is reform meant to change systematic exclusion
and reserve 33% of seats in parliament and state assemblies. Yet, women leaders today are still coming forth,
signalling that the political space is incrementally, though unevenly being democratised. Hence, the history of
women's political activism in India can be described as one shaped by both achievements and struggle- a history
of women's continued presence and struggle in the system and against the status (Kapoor, M. & Ravi, S. 2014).

4. Structural and institutional barriers

Gender equality and social justice are closely tied to women's political participation including voting, running
for office, being elected and decision making. Women in India continue to face many structural and institutional
barriers, despite constitutional guarantees and international agreements. 26.9% of Parliamentarians worldwide
are women with substantial regional variations, the Nordic countries lead with nearly 44% representation and
the middle East ranks lowest at 17%. While legal provisions are progressive women's political representation in
India is weak. The electoral participation of female voters increased from 46.6% in 1962 to 65.8% in 2024.
Likewise, the number of women candidates in elections increased from 45 in 1957 to 797 in 2024 and women
in legislative seats have grown from 22 (5%) in 1951 to 74 (13.6%) in 2024. In local governance women held
44% of seats in 2022 however India ranks poorly in terms of women in political representation at 143 out of 185
countries prior to the 18th Lok Sabha election (IPU, 2023).

Such statistics draw attention to both the gains and the lack of representation, therefore the discussion should
consider structural barriers to the complete inclusion of women in politics.

Structural and institutional factors have also left women politically disempowered. Foremost among the barriers
is the issue of proxy representation, where bhai women elected to political office are often pulled into a patronage
network of male relatives, especially in local politics (Kapoor, M. & Ravi, S. 2014). Financial need and inability
to obtain resources to run the campaign will also serve as barriers to women entering politics. Women are often
excluded from resources in political parties, including funding and leadership positions and the decision making
processes are largely male dominated, providing a structural impediment to women and reinforcing the
hierarchical rationale on which gender biases are based. Participation is also constitutionally restricted as a result
of social and cultural norms, patriarchal demands, household responsibilities and an absence of family support,
all combine to deter women from building a career in politics. In fact there is also violence harassment and cyber

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harassment also socio political barriers to women's political participation and these forms of violence tend to be
exclusively experienced by women candidates. Measures to overcome these barriers include the 73rd and 74th
constitutional amendments, the women's Reservation act 2023 and the capacitation of the National commission
for Women. To facilitate the recruitment of women into politics by requiring political parties to provide women
one third of the election tickets, training for women to lead and gender sensitive politics. Women can also be
empowered through financial and technological supports as well as sensitizing society so they move beyond
institutional barriers to participate fully in the governance processes. These aspirations align with the Beijing
declaration (1995) and the SDG-5 principles on women's full and equal participation in the decision making that
support social inclusion, democratic depending and equity development.

5. Case studies and data analysis

Women in India are gradually acquiring representation in the legislatures, yet they still rank relatively lower in
representation to other parts of the world. In Lok Sabha today the number of the female members has increased
from 22 members (5% in 1951) to 74 members (30.6% in 2024). In Rajya Sabha, seats for women members also
increased from more than 13% from 1952 to 2023 (Singh, S. S. & Singh, A. P. 2024). At the level of the state
assembly representations differ by the states like Kerala and Tamil Nadu often has the lowest percentage but
States such as Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh have relatively positive growth specially after the implementation
of the 73rd and 74th constitutional amendment that requires the reservation of Women in local government (IPU,
2023).

Table 1: Representation of women in Indian Legislatures (1951-1924)

Year Lok Sabha (%) Rajya Sabha (%) State Assemblies (~%)

1951 5% 7% 2-3%

1977 8% 9% 5-6%

1991 9% 10% 10%

2004 8.5% 11% 12%

2024 13.6% 13% 14-15%

The trend indicates a steady improvement of formal political representation, which highlights gradual change.
At the same time, India lags way behind some of the highest gender parties for example Rwanda (~61.3) and
Nordic countries (~44) (IPU, 2023).

5.1 Case study 1: women in the Panchayati Raj Institutions.

The 73rd amendment (1993) to the Indian constitution established the framework for the Panchayati Raj system
and enabled the empowerment of rural women. Approximately 44% of the seats in local bodies of governance
are now occupied by women. There have been many examples of female sarpanch who excelled in making
interventions to foster education, health and rural development (Buch, Nirmala. 2000). For example, Pushpa
Devi implemented a new sanitation and education program in Bihar. And Kamla Devi in Rajasthan organised
women into self-help groups and micro level finance initiatives.

The difficulties remain, women's leadership is constrained by proxy representation, a strategy for changing the
decisions made by the female sarpanch or the sarpanch Pati syndrome when the representatives are the male
members of the family (Kapoor, M. & Ravi, S., 2014). While there are legal reservations it is the socio-cultural
norms resource scarcity and political intimidation that most often limit the female sarpanch to a symbolic
position rather than one with real decision-making authority.

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5.2 Case study 2: women in National politics

At the national level, women have occupied individual high-level leadership positions but this has rarely
translated into more representatively for women within the political processes. Indira Gandhi, Mamta Banerji
and Mayawati demonstrate that women can ascend to the highest possible positions of political power including
Prime Minister and chief Minister. However, in the individual prominence of these leaders overshadow the
systematic gender under representation of women as a part of the political party process. Specifically on the one
hand, although women occupy prominent positions of leadership within the system of parties and elected
representatives of the legislature, women were just a small percentage of party leaders and included as elected
representatives. Conversely, the individual’s achievement of women as political leaders often excludes other
women's involvement as, Suman Mishra's 2022 publication comprised an important collection of analysis (Khan,
A. 2025).

This duality underscores the point that symbolic victories do not meaningfully translate into women's
empowerment. As much as the individual leaders are the catalysts, structural changes including the women
reservation bill (2023) and capacity building efforts are vital to transformation of representation of women from
merely descriptive to substantive.

Chart 1: Lok Sabha vs Rajya Sabha (1951-2024): Women Representation

The statistics and examples suggest a trend: formal systems and exceptional leaders have created potential on
the one hand but on the other hand, cultural norms, prevalent institutional practices and proxy mechanisms still
exclude women from being engaged participants. Bridging this gap will require sustained commitment to policy
initiatives, political will and societal change.

6. Impact of political exclusion in Indian democracy

Women in India are politically marginalized than many other demographic groups with consequences for their
well-being of Indian democracy as well as inclusivity. In spite of provisions in the constitution ensuring equality
and universal suffrage, women are still grossly under-represented in legislature and 13.6% of seats in the Lok
Sabha as of 2024 (Election commission of India statistical report 2024). Equally, this societal situation of under
representation persists the very foundation of representative democracy, because a lack of credibility in
democratic deficit exists, half of the citizens do not have an effective representation in shaping public policy
(Chhibber, P. 2002). The permission for women entering into political spaces was also a historic stop over point
as originally in the national movement starting with the Swadeshi movement in Bengal through the Mahatma
Gandhi Satyagraha movement that brought thousands of women to the streets and on to the political arena.

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Even in the years of independence women were not offered much space in decision making. When the elections
for the first Lok Sabha were held in 1952, the women who won seats comprised only 4.4% out of the 500 seats
in the Lok Sabha (Baseline report 1998). Such systematic exclusion not only undermines diversity in policy
making, but it continues to perpetuate policies and outcomes that are gender biased, particularly in the most
significant sector of society (health, education and work), since women legislators tends to better represents
those concerns. Moreover, it can be argued that female under representation diminishes the credibility of political
institutions in the eyes of their citizens (because bureaucracy and guaranteed services and even the political
system as a whole can be seen as being biased towards men and indeed it looks very strange when all the leaders
and Institutions are composed solely of men). Because the lack of female participation asserts that the governing
body, from bureaucracy to Institutions, is not representative or inclusive citizens, cannot place confidence in the
electoral political institutions. Although factors such as the 73rd and 74th constitutional amendment and the
women reservation act 2023 will insure participation, the socio-cultural barriers, dislike for the patriarchy and
reticence of political parties to nominate women will continue to be barriers to women in politics.

To achieve not only substantive equality but also a more democratic India it is important to bridge the gender
gap so that the governance of the country can be genuinely representative, participatory, and responsive to the
needs of all its citizens, irrespective of gender.

CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION

The discussion about women's political participation in India points to one paradox that exists in all along that
even though equality and universal suffrage are guaranteed by the Indian constitution, political representation is
highly gendered the barriers to women's presence in institutional, historical and socio-cultural avenues has been
away to marginalized these women and their voice in decision making spaces. The cases of the Panchayati Raj
system and national politics showed that the laws (i.e., reservation), create opportunity, yet the socio-cultural
restrictions, proxy representations, and party biases equally lessen the role of women to a symbolic one. These
data shows even though representation has improved 13.6% in Lok Sabha (2024) and 44% in local governance,
the levels of change still lack international standard compared to other regions of the world, that is systematic
disenfranchisement that counters equality, justice and participatory democracy principles.

There is a need for a multipronged policy in order to address these issues. First the successful implementation
of the women's Reservation Bill at both the national and state assembly levels is necessary for meaningful
representation. Political parties will need to take internal measures to ensure women have equal opportunities to
be nominated funded and to lead. Women can be supported through capacity building programs, leadership
training and mentoring opportunities to ensure that they have the capacity to exercise their Independence and
policy priorities. Additionally, awareness raising and socio-cultural sensitization programs will be needed to
dismantle patriarchal norms by reducing the domestic and social barriers to entry. Any form of violence
intimidation and cyber bullying against women politicians both must be criminalised to ensure a safe political
environment. Intersectional approach in policy design will address the ongoing exclusion of women of
marginalised caste, religions, and economic status.

The inclusion of women in Indian politics should not be a mere formality, it is essential to democracies that are
legitimate, responsive, and good. Integrative legal, institutional, and cultural reforms could help India move
towards a more inclusive political space by incorporating women leadership and perspective into its government,
and into the countries social, political, and national development.

REFERENCES

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Colonial-Histories.pdf

2. Rai, Shirin (2002) Gender and the political economy of development: from nationalism to globalization.
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