INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RESEARCH AND SCIENTIFIC INNOVATION (IJRSI)

ISSN No. 2321-2705 | DOI: 10.51244/IJRSI |Volume XII Issue XI November 2025

Understanding Community Resilience Through Social Capital: A

Qualitative Study of the 2024 Flood Disaster in An Inland Area

Sarina Yusoff, Dona Raihana Don Ramli*

Center for Development, Social and Environmental Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities,

National University of Malaysia, Bangi

DOI: https://dx.doi.org/10.51244/IJRSI.2025.12110035

Received: 21 November 2025; Accepted: 28 November 2025; Published: 04 November 2025

ABSTRACT

Communities in Malaysia’s inland regions remain highly vulnerable to recurring flood disasters, yet empirical

understanding of how their internal social systems foster resilience is limited. This study addresses this gap by

examining the role of social capital in shaping community resilience during the 2024 flood in Hulu Dungun,

Terengganu, one of the most severely affected inland areas. Using a qualitative case study approach, semi-

structured interviews were conducted with 15 residents selected through purposive sampling to explore their

lived experiences, coping strategies and mobilisation of social networks throughout the disaster. Findings reveal

that social capital serves as a pivotal mechanism enabling communities to withstand, adapt to and recover from

flood impacts. Bonding capital provided immediate emotional support, shared labour and rapid neighbourhood

level mobilisation. Bridging capital facilitated access to volunteers, inter village assistance and diversified

external resources, while linking capital supported residents in navigating institutional aid, accessing early

warning information and engaging with formal recovery programs. The interplay of these three dimensions

demonstrates how social relationships form an integrative foundation for adaptive capacity and sustained

recovery in vulnerable inland communities. The study underscores the importance of disaster governance,

community planning and resilience building frameworks that prioritise the strengthening of social capital as a

core component of flood management strategies.

Keywords: Community resilience, bonding–bridging–linking networks, flood disaster, inland communities,

social capital

INTRODUCTION

Flood disasters continue to pose critical threats to inland and rural communities in Malaysia, particularly in the

East Coast region, where monsoon patterns, river hydrology and land use changes intensify annual flood risks.

Terengganu remains among the most affected states, with recurring floods causing severe disruptions to homes,

livelihoods and local social systems. While climate variability, rapid development and environmental

degradation contribute to the increasing severity of these events, disaster scholars increasingly acknowledge that

community resilience is not shaped solely by physical or environmental factors. The robustness of internal social

systems that support collective preparedness, response and recovery plays a critical role in determining how

communities withstand and adapt to disaster shocks.

Disasters constitute major disruptions to the functioning and stability of a community or society, often resulting

in extensive impacts on lives, assets, economies and environments, sometimes exceeding local capacities to cope

(Bahmani & Zhang, 2022). Such events create immediate and long term disturbances in spatial, social and

economic systems, leaving vulnerable populations at heightened risk of loss and hardship. Consequently, post

disaster recovery must be implemented rapidly and systematically to restore living conditions, rebuild

infrastructure and support affected households and sectors (Terumoto et al., 2022). Understanding how

communities navigate this recovery process is therefore crucial for designing effective resilience strategies.

Despite growing attention to disaster impacts, existing studies typically prioritise structural and engineering

based mitigation approaches, such as flood barriers, drainage upgrades and technological warning systems.

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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RESEARCH AND SCIENTIFIC INNOVATION (IJRSI)

ISSN No. 2321-2705 | DOI: 10.51244/IJRSI |Volume XII Issue XI November 2025

While these perspectives provide valuable insights, they offer limited understanding of how residents mobilise

social networks, shared norms and interpersonal relationships to confront disaster challenges. For many victims,

both immediate and long term recovery remains difficult due to disrupted livelihoods, limited resources and

delayed external support. Moreover, the perceptions, strategies and local knowledge of affected communities

who play a central role in their own recovery are often overlooked in disaster planning and post disaster research

(Su & Le Dé, 2020).

Within this context, social capital has emerged as a critical lens for understanding community resilience. Social

capital refers to networks of trust, norms of reciprocity and collective action that operate across different levels

of society. These networks, whether among family members, neighbours, community groups, or institutions,

constitute valuable resources that can be mobilised in times of crisis (Choo & Yoon, 2022; Liu et al., 2022).

Bonding ties facilitate close-knit support, bridging ties connect communities to diverse groups and external

resources and linking ties provide channels for institutional assistance. Together, these social processes shape

how communities prepare for disasters, respond in the immediate aftermath and rebuild their lives during

recovery from events such as floods.

However, empirical understanding of how these different forms of social capital support community resilience

during major inland flood events remains limited, particularly in rural Malaysian settings. While post-disaster

recovery often involves collaboration with government agencies, NGOs and community organisations, the extent

to which social capital enhances the mobilisation of resources, information and collective action is not well

documented (Kriegl et al., 2020). This gap is especially significant for inland communities, where formal

assistance may be delayed and local networks play a decisive role in sustaining survival and recovery efforts.

To address this gap, the present study examines how bonding, bridging and linking social capital empower

vulnerable inland communities to cope with, respond to and recover from the 2024 flood disaster. Focusing on

Hulu Dungun, Terengganu, Malaysia, one of the severely affected areas, this study employs a qualitative case

study design using semi-structured interviews to explore lived experiences and local coping practices. The

analysis investigates how bonding ties facilitate immediate neighbourhood level responses, how bridging

networks enable cross-community support and how linking relationships connect residents to institutional aid,

early warning systems and long-term recovery mechanisms. This approach provides a holistic understanding of

the multi-layered social processes involved in disaster resilience.

The significance of this study lies in its theoretical, empirical and practical contributions. Empirically, it offers

insights from a rural inland context that is often understudied in Malaysian disaster research. Theoretically, it

advances understanding of social capital as a multidimensional mechanism shaping disaster resilience. From a

policy perspective, the findings underscore the need to integrate social capital considerations into disaster risk

reduction strategies, particularly in regions where access to formal support is limited or delayed. Practically, the

study highlights the importance of strengthening community led resilience efforts to ensure more adaptive and

effective responses to recurring flood events.

LITERATURE REVIEW

Malaysia is frequently exposed to natural disasters, particularly floods, which disrupt social, economic and

community stability (Bahmani & Zhang, 2022; Su & Le Dé, 2020). Post-disaster environments are characterised

by high uncertainty, requiring rapid recovery measures to restore infrastructure, livelihoods and social systems

(Terumoto et al., 2022). While physical interventions such as flood control infrastructure are essential, they are

insufficient on their own to reduce community vulnerability. Social factors including community interactions,

participation, informal leadership and local perceptions play a critical role in enhancing preparedness, response

and recovery (Su, 2022; Abenir, Manzanero & Bollettino, 2022). Strong social networks facilitate the

dissemination of early warnings, rapid mobilisation of resources and effective sharing of information, thereby

improving disaster management outcomes (Yu et al., 2022; Jamshed, 2020; Roque, Pijawka & Wutich, 2020;

Zander, 2023). Informal social support and local leadership further strengthen resilience by enabling

communities to coordinate collective action in response to flood hazards (Abenir, Manzanero & Bollettino,

2022). This underscores that community based social systems are a vital component of disaster resilience,

complementing technical and structural solutions.

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ISSN No. 2321-2705 | DOI: 10.51244/IJRSI |Volume XII Issue XI November 2025

Social capital, broadly defined as networks of trust, norms of reciprocity and collective action, constitutes a

critical communal asset that supports community resilience and adaptive capacity (Putnam in Liu et al., 2022;

Naithani & Saha, 2021). It operates at multiple levels. The micro level encompasses individual or household

networks, the institutional level includes horizontal and vertical organisational relationships and the macro level

pertains to broader societal structures and institutions that foster social norms. Theoretically, social capital is

categorised into three primary forms. Bonding social capital represents close ties among family members,

friends, or people with similar backgrounds (Behera, 2021). Bridging social capital connects individuals across

diverse social identities for mutual benefit (Hudson, Hagedoorn & Bubeck, 2020). Linking social capital

establishes vertical relationships between communities and external actors’ such as government agencies or

NGOs (Khalil et al., 2021). These forms of social capital enable communities to share resources, information

and support effectively, enhancing disaster preparedness, response and recovery (Jamshed, 2020; Roque,

Pijawka & Wutich, 2020; Zander, 2023). Strong social capital not only increases the capacity to cope with

immediate crises but also facilitates learning and adaptation to recurrent hazards such as the monsoon floods in

Terengganu, Malaysia. Figure 1 illustrates the three types of social capital and their interactions in disaster

contexts.

Figure 1: Types of Social Capital

Social Capital

Bonding

Bridging

Linking

Source : Hudson et al., (2020), Behera (2021), Khalil et al., (2021)

Social vulnerability refers to the susceptibility of individuals or groups to harm from hazards, shaped not only

by physical exposure but also by social, economic and institutional factors (Bucherie et al., 2022; Limante &

Tereskinas, 2022; Fan & Huang, 2023). Vulnerable populations often include the elderly, children, low-income

households, persons with disabilities and socially marginalised groups, whose capacity to anticipate, respond

and recover from disasters is constrained. For example, elderly residents in flood-prone inland villages may

experience mobility limitations, making them dependent on neighbours and informal networks for evacuation

and immediate support, while low-income households may lack financial means to reinforce property or replace

lost assets, heightening their exposure to loss (Hauer et al., 2021). Social vulnerability is further compounded by

structural inequalities, such as weak governance, inequitable access to resources and unsustainable development

practices, which can amplify the adverse impacts of floods (Tinggeloven et al., 2020; Abunyewah et al., 2023).

Assessing social vulnerability is therefore critical for designing targeted interventions and adaptive strategies

that not only mitigate immediate risks but also enhance long-term resilience.

Community resilience refers to the capacity of social systems to anticipate, respond to and recover from hazards

while maintaining essential functions and protecting collective well-being (Imperiale & Vanclay, 2021; Ungar

& Lustig, 2020). Beyond restoring pre-disaster conditions, resilience encompasses the ability to adapt, learn

from past experiences and implement proactive strategies that reduce vulnerability. Social resilience emphasizes

the role of networks, institutions and informal leadership in shaping the community’s ability to share knowledge,

coordinate resources and make collective decisions (Fitzgerald et al., 2021). In practice, resilience emerges from

the interplay between social cohesion, local knowledge and coordinated action. For instance, residents of inland

area or villages like Hulu Dungun often rely on strong neighbourhood ties to mobilise boats and resources, alert

vulnerable households and provide emotional support during floods. This collective action ensures that

immediate survival needs are met while strengthening the community’s adaptive capacity for future hazards.

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ISSN No. 2321-2705 | DOI: 10.51244/IJRSI |Volume XII Issue XI November 2025

Climate change has increasingly intensified the frequency, magnitude and unpredictability of floods around the

world, including in Malaysia (Tellman et al., 2021; Setiani, 2020). In particular, rising monsoon rainfall and

changing climate patterns have disrupted natural hydrological cycles, increasing flood risks in areas already

prone to seasonal inundation (Nursey-Bray et al., 2022; Tew et al., 2022). These environmental pressures place

communities under significant strain, as households and local economies are forced to adapt to maintain

livelihoods, social cohesion and essential services, while also aligning with broader sustainable development

goals (Terblanche et al., 2022; Echendu & Georgeou, 2021).

In Hulu Dungun, Terengganu, historical flood events in 1984, 1994, 2004, 2014 and 2024 illustrate both the

recurrent nature of the hazard and the cumulative damage to physical infrastructure, property and homes

(National Security Council of Terengganu, 2024). Beyond the material impact, repeated exposure has generated

a repository of local knowledge, fostering community-driven strategies for disaster preparedness, response and

recovery. Residents have learned to anticipate flood patterns, prioritise vulnerable households and leverage both

local networks and external support to reduce harm. This history of recurring floods also underscores the

centrality of social capital, the trust, networks and norms within communities, in facilitating not just immediate

survival but also adaptive learning over time. Communities are therefore not passive victims; rather, they develop

collective knowledge and practical coping mechanisms that increase resilience against subsequent flood events.

Quantitative data from the Malaysian Department of Irrigation and Drainage and the Department of Statistics

Malaysia show that between 2014 and 2022, floods affected hundreds of thousands of people in Malaysia, with

economic losses accumulating to billions of ringgit (Department of Irrigation and Drainage Malaysia, 2024;

Department of Statistics Malaysia, 2024). Table 1 summarises these events, highlighting the persistent and

escalating nature of flood risk, particularly in East Coast states such as Terengganu. Here, livelihoods are

predominantly reliant on natural resources and traditional occupations such as fisheries and small-scale

agriculture, which are extremely sensitive to flood disruption.

Table 1: Flood Incidents and Losses in Malaysia, 2014–2022

Year

2014

2015

2016

2017

2018

2019

2020

2021

2022

Number of Cases

Estimated Number of Victims

Estimated Losses (million)

RM 218

381

496

500,000

46,000

95,000

68,000

12,000

49,000

60,000

208,643

192,707

RM 30

404

RM 53

1, 239

844

RM 63

RM 44

535

RM 26.5

869

RM 1.15

1,057

963

RM 6.1

RM 622.4

Source: Department of Irrigation and Drainage Malaysia (2024), Department of Statistics Malaysia (2024)

The vulnerability of these sectors is compounded by socio-demographic factors such as age, education level and

mobility limitations, which affect the capacity of households to respond effectively. Consequently, flood risk

management cannot rely solely on structural mitigation measures such as embankments or drainage systems.

Instead, it requires a holistic approach that integrates social capital with vulnerability assessment and adaptive

resilience strategies. By leveraging bonding, bridging and linking networks, communities can access local

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knowledge, pool resources, coordinate with external aid organizations and influence institutional responses.

These social networks act as a buffer, mitigating immediate damage while fostering long-term community

preparedness and adaptive capacity.

Taken together, the empirical evidence and historical context indicate that floods in Hulu Dungun are not isolated

incidents but part of a recurring cycle that interacts with social, economic and environmental systems.

Understanding these dynamics is crucial for designing flood adaptation strategies that are locally grounded,

socially inclusive and capable of enhancing both household-level and community-level resilience. It also situates

social capital as a foundational resource in disaster recovery, enabling communities to transform experiential

knowledge into actionable strategies that improve survival, reduce economic loss and strengthen social cohesion.

METHODOLOGY

This study adopts a qualitative approach using a case study design within an interpretivist paradigm to explore

the lived experiences of flood-affected residents in their natural social context, guided by social capital theory.

A case study approach was considered appropriate because it allows for an in-depth understanding of how social

networks, norms and trust influence community resilience during and after disaster events. Social capital theory

informed both data collection and analysis, facilitating the identification of bonding, bridging and linking social

relationships and their roles in disaster preparedness, response and recovery. The research was conducted in four

villages in Hulu Dungun, like Kampung Pasir Raja, Kampung Shukor, Kampung Jongok Batu and Kampung

Belimbing, selected based on the severity of impact from the 2024 flood and the diversity of residents’ social

and economic profiles. Selection criteria included the extent of property damage, the number of affected

households and representation of diverse livelihoods such as fishing, farming and informal work. Brief

contextual descriptions of each village were collected to situate the findings within local demographic,

geographic and livelihood realities.

A purposive sampling strategy was employed to recruit 20 informants, whose socio-demographic profiles

presented a holistic picture of how varied backgrounds, responsibilities and lived experiences shaped community

resilience during the flood. Participants included heads of households, mothers caring for children, elderly

residents, fishermen, farmers, informal workers and community leaders. Participants were selected based on

direct experience of the flood and their ability to articulate both personal and communal responses. The sample

size was guided by data saturation, with interviews continuing until no new themes or patterns emerged. Data

were collected through semi-structured in depth interviews lasting 45 to 90 minutes through semi-structured

questions covering pre-flood preparedness, immediate responses and survival strategies, social support

networks, coping mechanisms and interactions with NGOs, volunteers and government agencies. In depth

interviews provided participants the flexibility to elaborate on their experiences while ensuring consistent

coverage of key research areas. All interviews were audio-recorded with informed consent, transcribed verbatim

and securely stored to maintain confidentiality and the interview guide was pilot-tested with two participants to

ensure clarity, cultural appropriateness and relevance.

Thematic analysis, following Braun and Clarke’s (2006) framework, was applied to the transcribed data. This

process involved familiarisation with the data, systematic coding, theme generation and iterative refinement.

Codes and preliminary themes were derived inductively from participants’ narratives, while social capital theory

provided a theoretical lens to identify patterns related to bonding, bridging and linking relationships and their

contribution to community resilience. Credibility was enhanced through triangulation across participant

perspectives, iterative review of codes and themes and reflexive journaling, which allowed the researcher to

critically examine assumptions and minimize potential biases. Trustworthiness was further strengthened through

member checking, where selected participants validated preliminary findings and peer debriefing with academic

colleagues to provide external perspectives on coding and theme development. Ethical considerations were

rigorously observed, including informed consent, voluntary participation, anonymity and adherence to national

and institutional guidelines for research involving human subjects. Ethical approval was obtained from the

Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, ensuring that participants’ rights and welfare were fully protected

throughout the study.

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RESULTS

Socio-Demographic Profile of Informants

The socio-demographic profile of the 20 informants presents a holistic picture of how varied backgrounds,

responsibilities and lived experiences shaped community resilience during the 2024 flood in the inland area of

Hulu Dungun. As shown in Table 2, informants in this study includes residents from multiple socioeconomic

strata as well as institutional actors such as local authorities, community leaders, youth volunteers, NGO

personnel and members of marginalised groups. This diversification strengthens the representativeness and

analytical depth of the findings, offering a more comprehensive understanding of resilience-building processes

within the affected community.

Table 2: Socio-Demographic Profile of Informants

Name

Age

Gender

Role

Education

Secondary

Primary

Length of

Residence

Experience

Ali

45

Male

Informal Worker

Housewife

25

20

40

Lost crops, home partially

flooded

Siti

38

Female

Male

Evacuated with children,

property damaged

Mat

62

Fisherman

Primary

Experienced multiple floods,

lost fishing equipment

Lina

29

55

47

Female

Male

Informal Worker

Farmer

Secondary

Primary

10

30

22

Evacuated, home inundated

Rahman

Aida

Crops destroyed, livestock lost

Female

Public Servant

Evacuated, relied on

community support

Hassan

Zainal

70

34

Male

Retiree

Primary

50

15

Home flooded, limited mobility

Fisherman

Secondary

Lost boat and nets, dependent

on aid

Home partially flooded, relied

on relatives

Farah

41

60

50

28

65

39

Female

Male

Informal Worker

Farmer

Secondary

Primary

18

35

28

12

45

20

Ismail

Property damaged, crops

destroyed

Evacuated, social support

critical

Jamaliah

Anuar

Female

Male

Housewife

Primary

Public Servant

Retiree

Secondary

Primary

First major flood, lost

equipment

Experienced multiple floods,

limited mobility

Rahimah

Fauzi

Female

Male

Informal Worker

Secondary

Home flooded, dependent on

aid

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Noraini

Sarip

43

52

27

33

Female

Male

Housewife

Village Head

NGO Volunteer

District Officer

Secondary

Tertiary

18

30

-

Evacuated with family,

property partially damaged

Coordinated evacuation and aid

distribution

Mira

Female

Male

Supported rescue, psychosocial

care

Azman

Tertiary

-

Oversaw logistics/relief

assessment

Rohan

Wani

48

32

Male

Disable (OKU)

Youth Volunteer/

Teacher

Primary

Tertiary

25

8

Required assisted evacuation

Coordinated inter-village

communication

Female

Source: Field Study (2024)

The sociodemographic composition reveals how resilience during the 2024 flood was shaped by diverse social

positions and lived realities among residents of Hulu Dungun. The informants ranged from 27 to 70 years old,

reflecting substantial variation in physical abilities, disaster experience and social roles. Older adults, who had

resided in the village for more than four decades, possessed extensive historical knowledge of past flood cycles.

However, age-related mobility constraints made them heavily dependent on close relatives and neighbours for

evacuation and immediate assistance. In contrast, younger adults leveraged digital communication tools and

broader external networks, playing pivotal roles in linking the community to NGOs, youth groups and district

authorities. Gendered responsibilities further shaped coping strategies. Women in caregiving roles managed

domestic safety, cared for children and elderly dependents and provided emotional reassurance, illustrating how

bonding social capital was activated within household settings. At the same time, women engaged in formal

work or volunteerism played significant bridging roles by mobilising external assistance, disseminating

information and facilitating community coordination. This highlights the intersection of gender, education and

leadership in strengthening communal resilience.

Occupational diversity also influenced vulnerability and access to recovery resources. For examples, farmers

and fishermen suffered substantial livelihood losses, including destroyed crops and damaged fishing equipment,

making them reliant on bridging and linking networks for financial aid and material support. Informal workers

faced heightened economic fragility due to unstable income flows during the disaster. Meanwhile, a disabled

individual (OKU), underscores the presence of layered vulnerabilities and the critical importance of community-

based support systems in facilitating safe evacuation and post-disaster care. The presence of formal actors within

the informant group, particularly the village head and district officer deepens the analysis by illustrating how

institutional roles intersected with community-led efforts. Their involvement demonstrates how linking social

capital was effectively activated to ensure coordinated evacuation, efficient dissemination of aid and timely

damage assessments.

Educational backgrounds, which ranged from primary to tertiary, influenced communication patterns and

preparedness responses. Individuals with higher education managed digital communication channels, mobilised

inter-village information flows and supported analytical decision-making. In contrast, residents with primary

schooling relied more on interpersonal networks and long-standing community relationships. Length of

residence also played a defining role. Long-term residents demonstrated strong place attachment, deep

familiarity with flood-prone zones and well-established neighbourhood ties that facilitated rapid mobilisation

and mutual support. Newer residents displayed varying degrees of preparedness and dependency on established

social networks.

Overall, the socio-demographic profile highlights that community resilience during the 2024 flood was shaped

by intersecting factors such as age, gender, livelihood, education, physical ability and institutional affiliation.

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This broader demographic variation enriches the analysis by illustrating how different groups activated bonding,

bridging and linking social capital in distinct yet complementary ways. It also emphasises the necessity of

recognising community heterogeneity in designing equitable and effective disaster resilience strategies.

Bonding Social Capital: Solidarity, Trust and Immediate Survival

Bonding social capital, reflecting close and enduring ties among family members, neighbours and long-term

residents, emerged as the most immediate and indispensable lifeline during the 2024 flood in Hulu Dungun,

Terengganu. Beyond social interaction, these tightly knit networks served as the primary mechanism through

which the community mobilised, shared scarce resources and provided emotional support, collectively sustaining

both physical survival and psychological resilience. The significance of bonding capital was particularly

pronounced among elderly residents, whose deep-rooted knowledge of the local terrain, memory of previous

floods and long-standing relationships enabled them to act as anchors of community cohesion. Simultaneously,

younger heads of households often assumed leadership roles, coordinating evacuation efforts, mobilising

neighbours and distributing limited resources. This interplay demonstrates how age, household roles and

occupation intersected with social capital to shape effective and context-sensitive disaster response.

Collective Preparedness and Early Mobilisation

The importance of bonding social capital in Hulu Dungun was evident in the community’s capacity to mobilise

rapidly and cohesively, often long before formal responders arrived. What might appear as spontaneous action

was, in reality, the result of accumulated local knowledge, deeply rooted neighbourly trust and shared memories

of past floods. These experiences conditioned residents to recognise danger at its earliest signs. Rather than

waiting passively, villagers acted instinctively as a collective, demonstrating a form of grassroots disaster

governance that operated with remarkable fluidity and precision. Similar patterns have been reported in other

inland flood-prone areas, suggesting that long-standing social networks and shared local knowledge are key

determinants of early disaster response in Malaysian rural contexts.

Informant Ali, a forty-five-year-old informal worker who had lived in the village for twenty-five years and

experienced crop loss and partial flooding of his home, recalled the tense moment when the water began to rise:

“We noticed the water creeping up in the middle of the night. I didn’t even think twice. I rushed out and started

knocking on doors, especially homes with small children and older people. What amazed me was how quickly

everyone jumped into action. In just minutes, our whole street felt like a rescue squad, each person helping the

other without needing to be asked.” (Ali, 45, informal worker)

Informant Ali’s familiarity with the rhythms of the river, combined with the vulnerability he faced from losing

his crops and seeing his own home flooded, strengthened his determination to protect his neighbours. His account

illustrates how long-term residents with deep community ties often become the first responders, driven not by

official roles but by lived experience, shared history and an unspoken moral commitment to collective survival.

Informant Siti, a thirty-eight-year-old housewife who had lived in the village for two decades, reflected on the

organic emergence of informal leadership from long-standing social relationships:

“Authorities had not arrived yet, but the village was already in motion. The men were launching the small boats

we had kept ready from previous floods and the women were coordinating who needed help first. Because we

had lived together for so many years, we already knew who had babies, who had elderly parents and who could

not move quickly. That familiarity guided us. It was what saved people who were trapped in their homes.” (Siti,

38, housewife)

For first-time flood victims, bonding ties served not only as practical guidance but also as a stabilising emotional

anchor. Informant Anuar, a twenty-eight-year-old public servant experiencing his first major flood, described

how neighbourly support restored a sense of control amid fear and uncertainty:

“It was my first serious flood and I honestly felt lost. I kept thinking about my responsibilities and how to keep

my family safe. The neighbours acted immediately. They explained what I needed to take, showed me the safest

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route to higher ground and even helped move my family into the boat. Their clear instructions stopped me from

panicking. Without them, I don’t know how I would have managed.” (Anuar, 28, public servant)

These findings illustrate how bonding social capital becomes a lifeline for individuals lacking prior disaster

experience. For residents like Informant Anuar, neighbourly support did more than provide guidance; it restored

a sense of control at a moment when fear and confusion threatened to overwhelm him.

Importantly, bonding ties also shaped how external actors connected with the community. Informant Azman, a

thirty-three-year-old district officer, observed that the speed and cohesiveness of villagers’ self-organised

evacuation helped responders target assistance more effectively:

“When we arrived, many households had already mobilised on their own. Their coordination made it easier for

us to identify who still needed help. The community’s unity actually accelerated our assessment and logistics.”

(Azman, 33, district officer)

Similarly, Informant Mira, a twenty-seven-year-old NGO volunteer, highlighted how strong internal bonding

networks allowed aid workers to integrate quickly into village operations:

“The villagers knew exactly who was missing, who needed medical attention and which houses were unsafe.

We depended on their information. Without that level of trust within the community, our rescue work would

have been much slower.” (Mira, 27, NGO volunteer)

The insights from these external actors enrich the interpretation of linking social capital, showing that strong

internal cohesion not only aids self-rescue but also enhances the efficiency of formal assistance.

These findings highlight the sophisticated nature of bonding social capital as more than mere social closeness.

It functions as an informal yet highly effective safety net, capable of prioritising the needs of the most vulnerable,

including children, older adults and residents with limited mobility or chronic health issues. The community’s

ability to anticipate each other’s needs, coupled with reciprocal trust built over years of shared experiences,

enabled residents to take pre-emptive actions that minimised harm before conditions worsened.

In essence, the early hours of the flood revealed a form of collective intelligence embedded within everyday

social relationships. Through the convergence of local knowledge, household leadership and communal

responsibility, residents transformed what could have been a chaotic and isolating disaster into a coordinated

and humane response. The outcome was not only physical survival but also the preservation of dignity, emotional

stability and a strengthened sense of shared agency at the height of the crisis.

Shared Resources and Emotional Support

The 2024 flood in the inland area of Hulu Dungun, Terengganu revealed that resource sharing and emotional

support were not merely acts of kindness, but fundamental coping mechanisms that sustained communities

through the crisis. Informant Lina, a twenty-nine-year-old informal worker who had lived in the village for a

decade and whose home was fully inundated during the flood, offered a vivid account of how collective action

transformed a moment of fear into a profound experience of solidarity. She recalled how the water rose with

alarming speed, leaving families with little time to react:

“The water came up so fast that evacuation was impossible. People started rushing to my house because it was

on slightly higher ground. Within minutes, the place was filled with neighbours, their children, bags of clothes

and whatever they managed to grab. The children tried to play to distract themselves and we adults sat together

quietly at first, then talked, then prayed. We held on to each other emotionally. That night, it felt like all of us

were breathing with the same heartbeat, trying to survive together.” (Lina, 29, informal worker)

Informant Lina’s experience demonstrates how social capital becomes most powerful when everyday

relationships are activated under stress. Despite her limited economic security and her home being inundated,

she became a focal point of refuge for surrounding families. Her household transformed into a temporary

communal space where tangible resources such as food, dry clothing, candles and drinking water were pooled

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alongside intangible forms of support, including companionship, reassurance and shared prayer. These acts

formed a protective emotional canopy that softened the psychological shock of displacement, especially for

children and adults confronting uncertainty amidst the darkened, rising waters. By opening her home and

participating in this spontaneous collective sheltering, Informant Lina exemplified how bonding social capital

operates across both physical and emotional dimensions. The convergence of material sharing and mutual

emotional care not only ensured immediate survival but also reinforced the community’s psychological

resilience at a time when fear could easily have overwhelmed them.

Intergenerational solidarity emerged as a crucial dimension of coping, particularly for elderly residents and those

facing physical limitations. Informant Aida, a forty-seven-year-old public servant, recalled how the collective

spirit of her neighbours became indispensable during her family’s evacuation. Despite her stable occupation and

extensive experience in the community, the severity of the flood placed her in a position of profound

vulnerability. She described how the compassion and readiness of those around her preserved not only safety

but also dignity during the most difficult hours:

“My neighbours came with blankets and immediately helped carry my father, who has mobility challenges. They

made sure we were safe before thinking of themselves. Even though we lost our belongings, the emotional

strength they gave us kept us going. I honestly don’t think we could have survived the night without their

presence and reassurance.” (Aida, 47, public servant)

Reciprocity further reinforced the strength and resilience of this close-knit network. Informant Mat, a sixty-two-

year-old fisherman with decades of flood experience, described a cycle of mutual aid that reflected the deeply

ingrained ethic of collective responsibility within the village:

“When I saw my neighbour struggling with their flooded home, I did not hesitate to carry their food and essentials

to safety. In return, they helped me pack my fishing gear and other important items for evacuation. We

completely relied on one another, as if each household was a lifeline for the others.” (Mat, 62, fisherman)

Beyond bonding social capital, the flood also highlighted the critical role of linking social capital, which involved

connections between local communities and formal institutions. Informant Sarip, the fifty-two-year-old village

head, coordinated evacuation and aid distribution, ensuring that vulnerable households received immediate

assistance. He recalled the challenge of mobilising limited resources while maintaining fairness across

households:

“We had to prioritise the elderly and families with young children, making sure each area received food, water

and basic necessities. Coordination with NGOs and volunteers was key; without their help, it would have been

impossible to reach everyone in time.” (Sarip, 52, village head)

Similarly, Informant Mira, a twenty-seven-year-old NGO volunteer, provided psychosocial support and assisted

in rescues, observing how community trust facilitated smoother collaboration:

“People were willing to follow guidance because they knew we were from trusted organisations. Emotional

support went hand-in-hand with material aid; comforting families and helping children reduced panic and made

evacuation safer.” (Mira, 27, NGO volunteer)

These accounts illustrate how linking social capital complemented bonding networks by providing structured,

external support that enhanced both efficiency and morale. Coordination between villagers, local officials and

volunteers not only ensured equitable distribution of scarce resources but also strengthened the psychological

resilience of residents by showing that broader institutional networks were engaged in their recovery.

Together, these findings demonstrate that survival during the 2024 flood depended on a combination of bonding

and linking social capital. Shared resources, reciprocal assistance, emotional solidarity and coordinated support

from officials and humanitarian volunteers created a multilayered safety net that preserved both material well-

being and psychosocial stability. While intimate neighbourhood ties sustained immediate survival, connections

with formal actors amplified the community’s capacity to navigate logistical challenges and maintain dignity

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under extreme stress. These intertwined networks of support cultivated a collective resilience that allowed

communities in Hulu Dungun to withstand the immediate threats of flooding while mitigating longer-term

psychological impacts.

Psychological Resilience through Social Cohesion

While the immediate threat of rising waters demanded swift physical action, it was the invisible threads of

bonding social capital that strengthened the psychological resilience of the Hulu Dungun community. Residents

drew courage and calm not only from their own abilities but also from the shared presence of neighbours, bound

together by trust, familiarity and collective care. Informant Hassan, a seventy-year-old retiree with limited

mobility who had lived in the village for five decades, reflected on how communal practices and neighbourly

support transformed fear into resilience:

“Even as the floodwaters surrounded my home and I struggled to move, I felt a quiet strength in seeing my

neighbours praying together, checking on one another and offering small reassurances. It was as if the fear itself

had no space to grow. In those moments, our unity became stronger than the flood and I felt truly supported

despite my age and limitations.” (Hassan, 70, retiree)

Informant Farah, a forty-one-year-old informal worker who had lived in the village for eighteen years, described

how community solidarity became an essential emotional anchor amid the devastation of her partially flooded

home:

“My home was almost entirely swept away and we lost so many of our belongings, yet the support from those

around me such as my neighbours and relatives, made me feel protected, as if we were facing the flood together.

That feeling of being seen, of belonging, of not being alone, gave me the strength to carry on, to face each

terrifying moment with courage.” (Farah, 41, informal worker)

For Informant Jamaliah, a fifty-year-old housewife the psychological support derived from bonding social capital

went far beyond immediate relief, fostering enduring calm and stability amidst chaos:

“There were moments when the stress felt unbearable, like a weight pressing down on every thought. But when

neighbours shared food, comforted one another and prayed together, it felt as though the chaos had a pause

button. That collective calm, that sense of togetherness, was far more sustaining than anything material we could

have received.” (Jamaliah, 50, housewife)

Informant Noraini, a forty-three-year-old informal worker whose home was partially flooded and who relied

heavily on relatives, highlighted how social ties transformed fear into reassurance:

“The water entered quickly and I didn’t know what to do. But my family and neighbours rallied around us. Even

small gestures such as handing over a blanket, guiding us to safer spots and checking on each other gave me a

sense that we were not alone. It wasn’t just about survival; it was about feeling grounded, protected and part of

a network that would carry us through.” (Noraini, 43, housewife)

In addition to bonding capital, linking social capital, manifested through interactions with local officials and

humanitarian volunteers, enhanced both practical and psychological resilience. Informant Sarip, a fifty-two-

year-old village head, coordinated evacuations and aid distribution, noting how residents’ trust in his leadership

reduced panic and provided reassurance:

“When we guided families to safe zones and distributed food, the villagers’ calm and willingness to follow

instructions reflected the trust built over decades. It wasn’t just about logistics; it was about giving people a

sense that someone was looking out for them, which eased anxiety during the worst moments.” (Sarip, 52, village

head)

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Similarly, Informant Mira, a twenty-seven-year-old NGO volunteer, emphasized the importance of psychosocial

support in sustaining emotional resilience:

“Beyond physical rescue, our role in offering reassurance, listening to fears and providing small comforts helped

people feel seen and cared for. That human connection made a tangible difference in how families coped with

stress.” (Mira, 27, NGO volunteer)

These additional perspectives illustrate how linking social capital complemented bonding capital. By connecting

residents to formal resources, coordinated aid and structured support, officials and volunteers reinforced the

psychological resilience already fostered by close-knit neighbourhoods. Comparative insights from other inland

flood-affected areas suggest that while bonding capital remains the core of immediate emotional support, linking

relationships, especially involving trusted local leaders and humanitarian actors, play a critical role in sustaining

morale and reducing trauma, highlighting a pattern of resilience that may be consistent across similar rural

contexts.

In inland area as Hulu Dungun, Terengganu social resilience during the 2024 floods was forged not only in

visible actions but in the invisible, binding power of trust, care and community solidarity. Emotional security,

cultivated through shared rituals, empathy, mutual support and trusted institutional guidance, equipped residents

with the mental fortitude to confront uncertainty and danger. This cohesion ensured that the most vulnerable

including elderly residents, mothers with young children and individuals with mobility challenges were

supported both physically and emotionally, demonstrating the intertwined roles of bonding and linking social

capital in fostering comprehensive psychological resilience.

Bridging Social Capital: External Networks and Resource Mobilisation

Bridging social capital extended the reach of the Hulu Dungun community beyond immediate family and

neighbours, connecting residents to neighbouring villages, volunteer groups and non-governmental

organizations. These horizontal networks became vital lifelines during the 2024 flood, providing access to

material resources, practical knowledge and emotional support that complemented the cohesion fostered by

bonding capital. Younger residents with digital skills emerged as key facilitators, using social media platforms

and inter-village messaging groups to mobilize aid rapidly. For households experiencing floods for the first time,

as well as for elderly or mobility-limited residents, these external connections were essential in navigating the

disaster effectively.

Access to NGOs, Volunteers and External Aid

Informants consistently highlighted the critical importance of timely external support during the flood. Informant

Zainal, a thirty-four-year-old fisherman with secondary education who had lost both his boat and fishing nets,

vividly recalled how his community’s digital outreach quickly translated into immediate aid:

“I posted photos of our homes swallowed by water on WhatsApp and Facebook. Within hours, strangers arrived

with food, clean water and blankets. Volunteers even helped carry elderly neighbours to safety. Seeing them

arrive so quickly felt like a lifeline amid the chaos. Losing my boat and nets had left us vulnerable, but that

support reminded us that we were not alone.” (Zainal, 34, fisherman)

Informant Zainal’s experience underscores how bridging social capital, facilitated through digital networks,

connected vulnerable residents, particularly those whose livelihoods were directly impacted, to essential

resources and life-saving assistance. This not only reinforced material survival but also provided crucial

psychological reassurance, highlighting the multidimensional role of bridging networks in disaster resilience.

Informant Noraini, a forty-three-year-old housewife with secondary education who had evacuated with her

family while her property sustained partial damage, recounted the vital role of bridging social capital in linking

the village to external support. She emphasized how urban volunteer networks collaborated seamlessly with

local residents to deliver timely aid:

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“We sent messages to youth volunteer groups in the city. They coordinated closely with NGOs, bringing boats,

food and essential supplies directly to the areas where we were trapped. Without these networks connecting our

village to the outside world, many of us would have felt completely abandoned, especially as the floodwaters

surrounded our homes. It was as if these connections extended a lifeline just when we needed it most.” (Noraini,

43, housewife)

For Informant Fauzi, a thirty-nine-year-old informal worker with secondary education who had lived in the

village for two decades, the 2024 flood marked his first encounter with a disaster of such magnitude. His home

was completely inundated, leaving him heavily dependent on external aid. Coming from a household with

limited financial security and minimal exposure to formal disaster preparedness practices, he recalled feeling

profoundly disoriented amid the unfolding chaos:

“It was my first major flood. I really did not know where to start or how to protect my family or belongings. I

felt completely lost. But the volunteers who arrived from outside the village guided us patiently, step by step.

They showed us how to secure whatever we could, how to move safely and what to bring to the evacuation

centre. Without them, we would have been in real danger.” (Fauzi, 39, informal worker)

Additional perspectives from local officials and volunteers further illustrate the bridging of social capital across

formal and informal networks. Informant Sarip, a 52-year-old village head with extensive experience

coordinating disaster response, highlighted the importance of linking the village to district-level resources:

“We had to communicate constantly with district offices to ensure boats, food and medical supplies reached the

right places. Our connections with NGOs and youth volunteers were critical, they acted as a bridge between

what the village could provide and what external agencies could offer.” (Sarip, 52, village head)

Informant Mira, a 27-year-old NGO volunteer with tertiary education, emphasized the psychological and

practical support provided during evacuation and rescue operations:

“Beyond delivering food and supplies, we assisted with psychosocial care, calming anxious families, explaining

safety procedures and guiding them to the evacuation points. These bridging networks were about more than

material aid; they helped people feel secure and informed in a very chaotic situation.” (Mira, 27, NGO volunteer)

Similarly, Informant Wani, a thirty-two-year-old youth volunteer and teacher, described her role in coordinating

inter-village communications:

“Our WhatsApp groups connected several villages. We shared real-time flood updates, coordinated boats and

ensured that isolated households were not left behind. These networks amplified our collective capacity to

respond efficiently.” (Wani, 32, youth volunteer/teacher)

These accounts highlight that bridging social capital functions not merely as a channel for material aid. It delivers

practical knowledge, guidance and reassurance to households facing their first flood. By connecting residents to

external actors and resources, including NGOs, volunteers and local officials, bridging networks reduce

vulnerability, prevent early-stage crises from escalating and enhance the community’s overall capacity to

respond effectively to disasters.

Knowledge Sharing Across Communities

Bridging networks played a crucial role in extending adaptive knowledge and preparedness strategies beyond

the boundaries of individual villages, creating a broader web of cooperation that significantly strengthened

collective resilience. Informant Siti, a thirty-eight-year-old housewife who had lived in the village for two

decades, described how these horizontal connections became essential safeguards during the 2024 flood. As

someone responsible for evacuating her children while also managing damage to her home, she relied heavily

on communication channels linking her village to surrounding communities:

“After the 2014 flood, we created a WhatsApp group connecting our village with nearby villages. It became our

shared warning system. When the waters rose in 2024, messages poured in. People reminded each other to move

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quickly, shared simple but crucial tips, like lifting furniture onto higher shelves and alerted us when certain roads

were becoming dangerous. Those early warnings gave me time to evacuate my children safely. Without that

network, everything would have felt chaotic and the damage to our property would have been far worse.” (Siti,

38, housewife)

Informant Siti’s account illustrates the importance of bridging social capital in practice. These inter-village

networks not only transmitted timely information but also reduced uncertainty, enabling residents to coordinate

actions more effectively. In doing so, bridging ties provided a stabilizing force that complemented internal family

and neighbourhood support, ultimately minimising losses and enhancing preparedness across multiple

communities.

Informant Lina, a twenty-nine-year-old informal worker who had lived in the village for a decade and whose

home was inundated during the flood, offered a compelling account of how cross-village collaboration

strengthened community preparedness. Her reflections reveal how bridging social capital functioned as both a

practical and psychological buffer in the days leading up to the disaster:

“We began stockpiling food and drinking water even before the rain intensified because nearby villages shared

their preparation strategies with us. That exchange of ideas saved us precious time and prevented panic from

spreading when the water suddenly started rising. Knowing that other communities were preparing at the same

time made us feel more in control and far less alone.” (Lina, 29, informal worker)

Informant Lina’s experience illustrates how individuals in informal and often economically vulnerable

occupations rely heavily on social networks beyond their immediate neighbourhoods. Through these inter-

village connections, households like hers were able to prepare more systematically, bridging knowledge gaps

and reinforcing a shared sense of security across community boundaries. Her narrative demonstrates that

bridging networks do more than supply information; they cultivate confidence, solidarity and collective

psychological resilience even before a crisis fully unfolds.

Even elderly residents with long histories of flood experience found value in this cross-community exchange of

knowledge. Informant Rahimah, a sixty-five-year-old retiree with limited mobility and decades of exposure to

floods, described how these interactions enhanced her preparedness in ways she had not anticipated:

“I have lived through many floods, but this time I learned new techniques from the younger villagers and from

people in nearby communities. They showed me easier ways to prepare the house and organise things so I would

not have to move too much because of my condition. Even with all my past experience, these new ideas helped

me guide my family better and take early steps before the water arrived.” (Rahimah, 65, retiree)

Bridging networks also extended beyond residents to include local officials and humanitarian actors, further

strengthening community-level coordination. Informant Sarip, a fifty-two-year-old village head, described his

role in facilitating the horizontal flow of knowledge between villages:

“During the floods, I coordinated with nearby village heads to share information about water levels, safe

evacuation routes and which households needed immediate assistance. This network allowed us to act faster and

avoid duplication of effort. The community’s response was much more organised than in previous floods.”

(Sarip, 52, village head)

Similarly, Informant Mira, a twenty-seven-year-old NGO volunteer, highlighted how cross-community

collaboration supported practical disaster management and psychological care:

“We were able to move quickly because communities were already in touch with each other. Sharing updates on

who needed help, which roads were flooded and how families were coping made our rescue and psychosocial

support much more effective.” (Mira, 27, NGO volunteer)

These additional accounts underscore that bridging social capital is not limited to resident-to-resident

interactions. By linking households with both neighbouring communities and formal actors, the horizontal

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exchange of knowledge improved disaster preparedness, response coordination and psychological resilience

across multiple villages.

Reducing Isolation Through Wider Support

Bridging social capital did more than provide material assistance; it served as a powerful emotional and

psychological link, connecting residents to broader social networks at a time when isolation could have

intensified their sense of loss. For long-term residents like Informant Ismail, a sixty-year-old farmer whose home

and crops were severely damaged, support from external actors carried significance that went far beyond physical

relief. He reflected on the arrival of volunteers, describing the experience as both surprising and deeply moving:

“Help came from people we had never seen before. NGOs, volunteers, young students… they travelled all the

way here just to lend a hand. After losing my crops and seeing my home damaged, I felt empty. But when

strangers stood beside us, carrying supplies and speaking kindly, it felt as if someone out there truly understood

our struggle. That feeling lifted our spirits in a way we could not explain.” (Ismail, 60, farmer)

For Informant Ismail and other long-term residents, bridging ties provided reassurance that their suffering was

neither unnoticed nor endured alone. The presence of outsiders conveyed recognition, solidarity and compassion,

easing emotional burdens that local networks alone could not address. This external engagement strengthened

community morale and renewed residents’ determination to rebuild after the devastation.

Informant Mat, a sixty-two-year-old fisherman who had spent four decades living along the riverbanks and had

endured multiple major floods, reflected on the profound comfort brought by assistance from outside the village.

Having previously lost valuable fishing equipment to past disasters, he understood both the emotional and

economic toll each flood imposed:

“When help arrived from people beyond our village, it felt like a tide of relief washing over us. We had been

battling the rising waters with our own strength, but knowing that others saw our struggle and came to help eased

a fear that had been building in our chests. It reminded us that even though the river often isolates us, we were

never truly facing the disaster alone.” (Mat, 62, fisherman)

Even long-term residents, familiar with the rhythms of the river and seasoned by previous floods, found

reassurance in the presence of external networks. Informant Rahman, a fifty-five-year-old farmer who had lived

in the village for three decades and lost both crops and livestock during the disaster, described the emotional

impact of receiving help from beyond his immediate community:

“I could not leave my house because the water surged too quickly, trapping me inside. But volunteers and

neighbours from nearby villages kept coming to check on us. They helped carry food, drinking water, medicines

and other essentials through the strong currents. Seeing people who were not even from our village risk the rising

waters to reach us gave me a deep sense of togetherness and safety. It reminded me that we were not fighting

the flood alone.” (Rahman, 55, farmer)

Adding perspectives from local officials and humanitarian volunteers further illustrates the multidimensional

nature of bridging social capital. Informant Sarip, a fifty-two-year-old village head emphasized the importance

of coordination between local leadership and external aid providers:

“Our role was to make sure that every household received the assistance they needed. We worked closely with

NGOs and volunteers, mapping out evacuation routes and distributing supplies efficiently. The collaboration

with outsiders not only helped save lives but also reassured villagers that support extended beyond their

immediate neighbours.” (Sarip, 52, Village Head)

Similarly, Informant Mira, a twenty-seven-year-old NGO volunteer reflected on the emotional support

embedded in her relief work:

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“We were not just delivering food and medicine; we were listening to their fears and frustrations. Many elderly

residents had never left their homes during floods before and just knowing that someone from outside cared

made a huge difference. Our presence helped reduce their sense of isolation.” (Mira, 27, NGO Volunteer)

These findings demonstrate that bridging social capital serves a dual purpose, providing both essential material

support and emotional reassurance. This wider network complements bonding capital by extending resilience

beyond individual households, strengthening the community’s collective capacity to respond, recover and adapt

in the face of severe flood disasters. By linking local experiences with external resources, bridging networks

ensured that even the most isolated, elderly, or inexperienced residents felt supported, empowered and

connected.

Linking Social Capital: Institutional Connections and Governance Support

Linking social capital refers to vertical connections that link community members with formal institutions,

including government agencies, NGOs and policy-making bodies. These networks enable residents to access

structured aid, participate in organized recovery programs and engage in long-term adaptation strategies. During

the 2024 flood, village heads and local volunteers often acted as critical intermediaries, bridging the gap between

residents and institutional actors. Their roles were essential in ensuring that community needs were effectively

communicated, while households relied on these intermediaries to navigate complex bureaucratic processes,

demonstrating how domestic responsibilities and institutional engagement intersect in disaster recovery.

Access to Financial and Materials Relief

Formal assistance emerged as a lifeline for many households, providing not only essential supplies but also

guidance and psychological reassurance during a period marked by fear and uncertainty. This support was

particularly crucial for residents whose livelihoods were directly affected by the flood. Informant Rahman, a

fifty-five-year-old farmer who had lived in the village for three decades, experienced significant losses when

both his crops and livestock were swept away. With his primary source of income abruptly disrupted, the arrival

of formal aid carried significance far beyond its material value. He recalled the experience vividly, his voice

heavy with exhaustion and gratitude:

“District officers came before the flood reached its worst point and returned again once the water receded. They

brought mattresses, canned food and cash assistance. At that time, it felt like they were bringing hope to our

doorstep. Without their help, I do not know how we would have endured those first few days.” (Rahman, 55,

farmer)

Informant Rahman’s account illustrates how linking social capital operates during moments of acute

vulnerability, particularly for rural farmers whose livelihoods depend on fragile environmental conditions. The

timely delivery of aid not only addressed immediate physical needs but also restored a sense of stability, enabling

households like his to begin the gradual process of recovery and rebuilding.

For some residents, the most meaningful support during the recovery phase was not the distribution of food or

household supplies but assistance in navigating complex bureaucratic procedures. Informant Aida, a forty-seven-

year-old public servant who had lived in the village for twenty-two years and was forced to evacuate with her

family, described the moment officials and volunteers stepped in to help her manage the overwhelming

paperwork:

“They sat with us and helped fill out the forms for housing repairs and welfare aid. By then, we were emotionally

exhausted and still trying to absorb the extent of the damage. Having someone patiently explain each step and

guide us through the process made a world of difference. It reminded us that the government was not distant or

unreachable. They were present, attentive and genuinely willing to help.” (Aida, 47, public servant)

Her experience illustrates how linking social capital operates not only as a pathway to formal assistance but also

as an emotional buffer during moments of uncertainty. For residents like Informant Aida, institutional support

provided reassurance, dignity and a sense of being truly seen amid the chaos.

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Elderly informants, particularly those with limited mobility and long-established households, often experienced

the deepest sense of vulnerability during the flood. Informant Hassan, a seventy-year-old retiree with primary-

level education who had lived in the village for over five decades, faced both fear and physical constraints that

prevented him from evacuating independently. His home was fully inundated, leaving him reliant on the

responsiveness of external actors. Reflecting on the assistance he received, Informant Hassan conveyed both

relief and gratitude, highlighting how institutional support can bridge gaps created by age and physical

limitations:

“My legs are not strong anymore and moving around is a struggle. When the flood came, I could not wade

through the water like the younger ones. But the officers and volunteers came straight to my house. They helped

me fill out the forms, explained everything patiently and even accompanied me to collect the relief supplies.

That kind of help made me feel acknowledged as a person. It gave me a sense of calm, knowing I was not left

behind.” (Hassan, 70, retiree)

Village heads like Informant Sarip, a fifty-two-year-old, village head played a particularly pivotal role in

coordinating evacuation efforts and distributing aid efficiently:

“I worked closely with both district officers and local volunteers to make sure families were evacuated safely

and received the relief items they needed. Sometimes, that meant going door to door or helping elderly residents

fill out forms. Our role was to make the connection between the people and the institutions as smooth as

possible.” (Sarip, 52, village head)

Similarly, NGO and youth volunteers, such as Informant Mira, a twenty-seven-year-old NGO volunteer and

Informant Wani, a thirty-two-year-old youth volunteer and teacher reinforced linking capital by supporting

rescue operations, psychosocial care and inter-village communication:

“We helped coordinate communication between villages and ensured that families who were isolated received

food and emergency supplies. Many residents had never interacted with the government in such a structured way

before, so our presence helped them feel supported and connected.” (Wani, 32, youth volunteer/teacher)

“During the flood, our team assisted in both rescue and emotional support. Residents trusted us to communicate

their needs to the authorities, which helped make the relief response more efficient.” (Mira, 27, NGO volunteer)

Together, these experiences reveal that linking social capital provides far more than material relief. It offers

institutional knowledge, procedural guidance, emotional reassurance and a sense of inclusion. For households

with limited mobility or minimal familiarity with bureaucratic processes, these vertical connections become

essential pathways to effective recovery. Linking capital enables residents to navigate complex aid systems with

dignity, ensures that vulnerable groups remain visible in institutional responses and strengthens the community’s

capacity to rebuild not only its physical environment but also its collective confidence in the aftermath of

flooding.

Participation in Recovery Programs

Active participation in post-flood recovery initiatives illustrates how linking social capital can transform feelings

of loss into renewed strength and collective empowerment. In Hulu Dungun, these programs were far more than

administrative procedures; they became communal rituals of healing, where residents, despite their varied

backgrounds and hardships, found solidarity and regained a sense of control.

For Informant Zainal, a thirty-four-year-old fisherman who had lost his boat and nets and suddenly faced the

loss of his livelihood, the arrival of organised recovery programs carried profound emotional significance.

Dependent on external aid and uncertain about the future, he described how the government’s clean-up campaign

shifted the atmosphere in the village:

“When the government launched the communal clean-up after the flood, it felt like a spark of hope had returned

to the village. Volunteers came, officers came and suddenly we were no longer facing the destruction alone.

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Each sweep of the mud felt like we were reclaiming our dignity. It was as if we were taking back pieces of our

lives that the flood had washed away.” (Zainal, 34, fisherman)

For someone whose identity and income had been closely tied to the river for fifteen years, the loss of fishing

equipment represented more than material damage; it symbolised a rupture in his role as a provider. The

communal clean-up provided him not only with practical assistance but also with emotional reassurance,

reinforcing that recovery was a shared responsibility rather than a burden he had to bear alone. Through such

structured initiatives, linking social capital strengthened the connection between residents and institutions,

fostering a sense of partnership and collective ownership in rebuilding the community’s future.

For Informant Noraini, a forty-three-year-old housewife, what resonated most profoundly was the spirit of

intergenerational cooperation that emerged during the flood recovery. She painted a vivid picture of the

collective energy and determination that animated the village:

“I saw children carrying small buckets and teenagers hauling debris alongside the adults. Their strength may not

have matched ours, but their willingness to step in lifted everyone’s spirits. It reminded us that recovery is not

just about clearing mud and wreckage. It is about rebuilding confidence, reconnecting with one another and

feeling supported by the authorities who were there with us every step of the way.” (Noraini, 43, housewife)

Informant Noraini’s reflection underscores that the recovery process extended far beyond physical restoration.

It fostered emotional connections between residents and institutions, creating a shared sense of purpose and

belonging. Her account highlights how community resilience is strengthened not only through material

assistance but also through the reinforcement of social bonds and trust, where every member, regardless of age

or physical ability, plays a meaningful role in the collective effort.

Complementing these community perspectives, local officials and volunteers offered additional insight into how

linking social capital functioned during recovery. Informant Sarip, a fifty-two-year-old village head, coordinated

evacuation and aid distribution, noting:

“Our role was not just to manage logistics. We had to assure villagers that the government and volunteers were

here to support them. Trust is built when people see actions following promises.” (Sarip, 52, village head)

Informant Mira, a twenty-seven-year-old NGO volunteer who provided psychosocial care during the recovery,

emphasized the emotional dimensions of linking social capital:

“Sometimes, what families needed most was not food or clean-up help, but someone to listen and guide them.

Our presence reassured them that recovery was a shared responsibility.” (Mira, 27, NGO volunteer)

Informant Azman, a thirty-three-year-old district officer overseeing relief logistics, observed how structured

programs strengthened institutional-community ties:

“Coordinating with both the community and local authorities revealed the importance of clear communication.

Residents gained confidence in formal institutions and we learned from their resilience and initiative.” (Azman,

33, district officer)

These findings reveal that structured recovery programs did far more than mobilize physical assistance. They

activated emotional resilience, strengthened trust in formal institutions and transformed the recovery process

into a shared community endeavour. The active involvement of household heads who coordinated family

participation, mothers who motivated their children and neighbours to join and volunteers and officials who

facilitated logistics illustrates the crucial role of linking social capital in recovery efforts. Moreover, the

participation of residents across age groups demonstrates how social and institutional capital intertwine. Through

these programs, collective action evolved into a meaningful pathway for empowerment, fostering pride, unity

and a renewed sense of agency within the community.

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Infrastructure and Long-Term Adaptation

Institutional enhancements following earlier flood disasters were not merely observed by residents; they were

experienced as tangible safeguards that evoked relief, gratitude and a renewed sense of security. These

improvements illustrate how linking social capital, cultivated through sustained interaction between

communities and formal institutions, can shape long-term resilience in meaningful ways.

Informant Mat, a sixty-two-year-old fisherman with primary education who had endured multiple floods and

suffered the loss of fishing equipment over decades, recalled the infrastructural changes with remarkable clarity

and emotion. His reflections reveal the perspective of someone who had lived through repeated devastation and

could discern genuine progress:

“After the 2014 flood, everything around here changed. The embankments were strengthened, the drainage

systems were repaired and for the first time, we had a proper warning system. When the water rose again this

year, it was frightening, but the damage was far less. We could feel the difference immediately and it gave us a

sense of security we hadn’t felt before.” (Mat, 62, fisherman)

Informant Mat’s account illustrates that infrastructural upgrades are more than technical interventions; they are

lived experiences that alleviate fear, enhance trust in institutional support and reinforce the community’s

confidence in its ability to withstand future floods. His repeated exposure to disasters and the losses he endured

underscore how these improvements are interpreted not only through practical lenses but also through

accumulated personal and communal memory, effectively linking physical adaptation with social resilience.

The contributions of local officials and volunteers further highlight the role of linking social capital in long-term

adaptation. Informant Sarip, a fifty-two-year-old village head with three decades of local leadership experience,

coordinated evacuation efforts and aid distribution during floods. He emphasized how formal authority and

established relationships with government agencies facilitated timely infrastructural repairs and emergency

response:

“Our coordination with district officers and the public works department meant that when the rains came, we

could quickly assess weak points and reinforce the embankments before the water rose too high. People felt safer

knowing someone was managing the response systematically.” (Sarip, 52, village head)

Similarly, Informant Mira, a twenty-seven-year-old NGO volunteer with tertiary education, noted how

collaboration between civil society and local authorities bridged the gap between technical solutions and

community needs:

“We weren’t just distributing aid; we were helping people understand why embankments were being built and

how warning systems worked. This made them more confident and willing to cooperate during evacuations.”

(Mira, 27, NGO volunteer)

Informant Azman, a thirty-three-year-old district officer, reflected on the institutional perspective, observing

how linking social capital enabled strategic planning and long-term infrastructure improvements:

“The post-2014 improvements weren’t only about building structures; they were about building trust. When the

community trusts the institutions, they participate in the monitoring, reporting and maintenance of flood

prevention measures, which makes the system more resilient.” (Azman, 33, district officer)

The patterns emerging from the 2024 inland flood in Hulu Dungun indicate that community resilience did not

depend on a single form of social connection. Rather, it was sustained through the complementary interaction of

bonding, bridging and linking social capital. Bonding capital facilitated immediate survival by enabling

collective mobilisation, mutual aid and emotional support. Bridging capital expanded access to external

resources, new knowledge and broader networks of solidarity, which helped the community adapt and recover.

Linking capital strengthened connections with formal institutions, allowing households to access financial

assistance, participate in organised recovery programmes and benefit from infrastructural improvements that

reduced future risks.

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Together, these forms of social capital create a layered and interconnected framework of resilience. Internal

cohesion, horizontal collaboration and vertical institutional support intertwine to protect households during

crises and empower them throughout recovery. The findings confirm that resilience is not the product of any

single resource or actor; it emerges from the dynamic integration of relationships across local, regional and

institutional levels. This multi-dimensional framework reinforces the applicability of social capital theory in

explaining how communities withstand, adapt to and recover from flood disasters.

DISCUSSION

The 2024 flood in inland areas such as Hulu Dungun, Terengganu, highlights the pivotal role of social capital in

fostering community resilience. Residents relied on a combination of bonding, bridging and linking social capital

to navigate immediate threats, access external resources and participate in long-term recovery initiatives (Choo

& Yoon, 2022; Liu et al., 2022). These forms of social capital operated dynamically, with household roles,

generational status, prior flood experience and occupational responsibilities shaping how individuals mobilized,

shared resources and engaged with institutions (Su & Le Dé, 2020). Long-term residents and elderly individuals

contributed critical local knowledge and historical experience, enabling the community to anticipate hazards and

maintain cohesion, while younger heads of households coordinated collective responses and leveraged external

networks. Mothers and informal workers played key roles in sustaining emotional support, caring for children

and facilitating resource sharing, highlighting the intersection of socio-demographic factors with social capital

dynamics (Behera, 2021; Hudson, Hagedoorn & Bubeck, 2020). Integrating these narratives provides nuanced

insights into how social networks facilitate survival, adaptation and empowerment in rural disaster contexts.

Community resilience during the flood emerged as an interconnected system of social capital. Bonding social

capital, evident in strong family and neighbour ties, was essential for immediate survival, enabling early

mobilization, resource sharing and emotional support (Jamshed, 2020; Roque, Pijawka & Wutich, 2020).

Bridging social capital complemented these internal networks by connecting the community to external actors,

including NGOs, volunteers and inter-village networks, thereby broadening access to resources, knowledge and

psychosocial guidance (Abenir, Manzanero & Bollettino, 2022; Zander, 2023). Linking social capital further

reinforced resilience by facilitating engagement with formal institutions, ensuring continuity of aid, participation

in organized recovery programs and long-term infrastructural adaptation (Khalil et al., 2021; Liu et al., 2022).

Figure 2 presents a conceptual diagram illustrating the interplay of bonding, bridging and linking social capital,

highlighting the value of visual aids in improving clarity and reader engagement. The interplay between bonding,

bridging and linking social capital demonstrates a multi-layered mechanism in which internal cohesion,

horizontal networks,and vertical institutional links mutually reinforce one another. For example, households

with children or residents with limited mobility relied on bonding ties to coordinate immediate evacuation while

simultaneously leveraging bridging networks to secure external assistance and linking ties to access formal aid

and guidance during the flood. This dynamic interdependence aligns with Putnam’s (2000) conceptualization of

social capital and is visually summarized in a conceptual diagram illustrating the flow and synergy between the

three dimensions. Empirical evidence from Hulu Dungun extends this framework by showing how these

dimensions interact in inland Malaysian flood contexts to produce adaptive and resilient community responses

(Liu et al., 2022; Choo & Yoon, 2022).

Social capital functioned not only as a survival mechanism but also as a tool for community empowerment.

Bonding ties enabled residents to act collectively in the face of immediate threats, reducing fear and providing

psychological support (Ungar & Lustig, 2020). Bridging ties expanded access to external resources and

knowledge, allowing communities to prepare more effectively for future floods and ensuring that first-time

flood-affected households received essential support. Linking ties strengthened connections with formal

institutions, providing residents with the capacity to participate in recovery programs, navigate bureaucratic

processes and influence adaptive policy decisions (Khalil et al., 2021; Su, 2022). These interactions can be

mapped geographically in a thematic map, showing how homes, NGOs and institutions coordinate responses in

flood-affected areas, linking social and spatial dimensions of resilience.

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Figure 2: Social capital in Flood Resilience

Through these mechanisms, social capital transformed affected residents from passive victims into active agents

of recovery. Collective action facilitated by strong family and neighbour ties, combined with strategic

engagement with external and institutional networks, enhanced both individual and community agency. These

findings are consistent with other Malaysian and regional flood studies (e.g., inland floods in Kelantan, 2014;

Thailand, 2020), which highlight context-specific pathways through which local knowledge, household

leadership and social cohesion operate in rural communities (Rustinsyah et al., 2021).

The study has important implications for disaster governance and policy planning. Authorities should recognize

and actively support community-based systems, particularly the leadership of household heads, long-term

residents and local leaders who facilitate rapid mobilization (Imperiale & Vanclay, 2021). Formalized

partnerships between villages and NGOs can streamline the delivery of external aid and resources during

emergencies, as evidenced in the 2024 inland flood. Additionally, digital platforms, social media, community

messaging groups and early-warning systems can strengthen bridging and linking social capital by connecting

residents to timely information, volunteers and institutional support (Yu et al., 2022; Tellman et al., 2021).

Disaster governance strategies should integrate social capital into planning, recognizing that structural mitigation

measures alone are insufficient (Terblanche et al., 2022). Supporting community networks, nurturing grassroots

leadership and facilitating cross-community and institutional connections enhance both immediate response

capabilities and long-term adaptive capacity, particularly for vulnerable populations such as children, the elderly

and informal workers (Fan & Huang, 2023; Bucherie et al., 2022).

This study contributes to disaster sociology by empirically validating the bonding-bridging-linking framework

in a rural Malaysian flood context. It demonstrates how these dimensions operate interdependently, with socio-

demographic characteristics mediating the mobilization and effectiveness of social networks. By combining

qualitative narratives with conceptual and thematic visualizations, the study provides grounded insights into the

mechanisms through which social capital empowers communities, illustrating how internal cohesion, external

networks and institutional ties collectively enable survival, adaptation and resilience (Su & Le Dé, 2020; Liu et

al., 2022). Despite its contributions, the study has several limitations. Its focus on four inland villages may limit

generalizability to urban, coastal, or geographically distinct flood contexts. Reliance on qualitative interviews,

while providing depth, may introduce recall bias and subjectivity. Furthermore, social capital and resilience

outcomes were not quantitatively measured. Future research could employ mixed-methods approaches,

incorporate larger and more diverse samples, or conduct comparative studies across different flood-affected

regions (Kriegl et al., 2020; Setiani, 2020). Nonetheless, the study provides robust, contextually grounded

evidence of how bonding, bridging and linking social capital function synergistically to enhance community

resilience in flood situations, which can be effectively communicated through conceptual diagrams and thematic

maps.

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CONCLUSION

The experiences of inland residents in Hulu Dungun during the 2024 flood highlight that community resilience

is deeply rooted in social capital. Bonding ties within families and neighbourhoods were crucial for immediate

survival, enabling collective preparedness, resource sharing and emotional support that alleviated fear and

reinforced psychological stability. These close-knit connections fostered a sense of solidarity, allowing

households to respond rapidly and cohesively to rising floodwaters, particularly for vulnerable groups such as

the elderly, children and residents with limited mobility. Household social roles, occupational responsibilities

and prior flood experience further influenced how individuals mobilised resources and supported one another,

illustrating the nuanced mechanisms of bonding social capital in practice. Bridging social capital extended the

community’s reach beyond immediate members, connecting residents with NGOs, volunteer groups and inter-

village networks. These horizontal linkages enhanced access to critical resources, practical assistance and

adaptive knowledge from previous flood events. By facilitating both material recovery and social inclusion,

bridging networks reduced isolation and strengthened solidarity across villages and the broader region.

Households experiencing floods for the first time particularly benefited from these networks, demonstrating how

bridging capital supports preparedness and resilience among less-experienced community members.

Linking social capital connected communities with formal institutions and government agencies, enabling access

to financial aid, organized recovery programs and long-term adaptation measures, such as improved drainage

systems, embankments and early-warning mechanisms. These vertical networks underscore the importance of

institutional responsiveness and governance in translating local resilience into sustainable adaptation. By

integrating institutional guidance with local knowledge and social cohesion, linking capital facilitated faster

recovery and empowered residents to participate in adaptive planning and policy consultations. Together,

bonding, bridging and linking social capital form a multi-layered framework of resilience, in which internal

cohesion, horizontal networks and institutional linkages operate synergistically to support both immediate

survival and long-term adaptation. This study demonstrates that community resilience is not solely dependent

on structural or top-down interventions but emerges from the dynamic interaction of social relationships across

local, regional and institutional levels.

The findings carry important implications for disaster management in Malaysia. Strengthening local leadership,

formalizing partnerships between villages and NGOs and enhancing communication and early-warning systems

can reinforce the synergy among bonding, bridging and linking social capital. Policymakers should recognise

that fostering trust, social networks and institutional linkages is as critical as infrastructural and technical

measures in enhancing adaptive capacity in flood-prone communities. In sum, the Hulu Dungun case study

provides empirical evidence that social capital functions as both a protective and empowering mechanism in

disaster contexts. By integrating immediate survival strategies, external support systems and institutional

partnerships, communities can achieve multi-layered resilience. This study contributes to disaster sociology by

illustrating how bonding, bridging and linking capital operate synergistically in practice, offering both theoretical

insights and practical guidance for enhancing community resilience in flood-affected regions.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

The authors wish to thank all the participant for this study.

COMPETING INTEREST

The authors declare no competing interest.

FUNDING

This study was conducted without using any funds from any research grants to date. If there is, we will update

and notify later on this section before this article published.

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