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Global Political Economy and Educational Reforms in the Global
South: An Evolutionary Study of Ghana
Emmanuel Asumadu Agyemang
Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology, Kumasi, Ghana
DOI: https://doi.org/10.51244/IJRSI.2025.120800030
Received: 22 July 2025; Accepted: 28 July 2025; Published: 30 August 2025
ABSTRACT
This article examines the intricate relationship between the global political economy and educational reforms in
the Global South, with a particular focus on Ghana's development trajectory. Drawing on literature from
historical institutionalism and critical political economy, this research will examine how the international
development industry, donor conditionalities, and the evolving political economy of the global context have
influenced policy-making processes and educational modes in Ghana from independence to the present day. In
the abstract, I will present my main argument: educational reforms in Ghana are often perceived and assessed as
internal responses to national development issues, but they are deeply rooted and heavily shaped by the global
political economy and ideological currents. In this paper, I will highlight the key drivers of reform in Ghana (the
Nkrumah era, SAPs, and the recently introduced free SHS policy); identify what fuels reform (i.e., ideologies,
external actors); and discuss reform effects over time on access, equity, quality and relevance of education, both
intended and unintended. The abstract will also provide a brief description of the methodology used, which may
include a review of literature, analysis of policy documents, and case studies. Lastly, a brief note will be made
on how this paper provides insight into the tangled web of interdependent global phenomena alongside national
developments in education in the Global South.
Keywords: Global Political Economy, Education Reforms, Ghana, Global South, Structural Adjustment,
Neoliberalism, Development Aid, Education Policy, Colonial Legacy, Post-Independence.
INTRODUCTION
The relationship between education and national development remains a subject of scholarly and policy debate,
particularly in a politically volatile and economically uncertain environment in the Global South. Education is
widely regarded not only as a human right but also as a significant driver of social mobility and a key contributor
to economic growth and national development (UNESCO, 2023; Mensah & Ofori-Atta, 2023). It is an important
pillar for nations to build human capital, nurture innovation, and develop a well-informed citizenry that
effectively enacts its rights in all economic and democratic purposes (Agyeman & Darko, 2024). Despite the
development of educational systems in many countries of the Global South, including Ghana, being critically
shaped by aspects of the global political economy, they remain multifaceted and complex phenomena. The global
political economy, as it pertains to education, includes the influences of powerful, notorious international
financial institutions, the priorities and choices of bilateral donors, the articulation of global ideas of
development, and the recurrent interruptions of global transitioning economies (Amoako & Otchere, 2024;
Owusu & Boateng, 2022). These tendencies and configurations constrain national policy choices, resource
distribution, and educational reforms in the Global South, including Ghana. It is essential to understand these
dynamics to fully appreciate the progress achieved and comprehend the setbacks and ongoing challenges facing
educational systems in the Global South (Frimpong & Addo, 2024).
Ghana, a country in West Africa with a complex and at times complicated history of colonialism and development
aspirations in the post-colonial era, is a highly relevant case to examine these intricate interactions. Ghana has
had a number of different educational policies since independence in 1957 which represent various ways to
amalgamate the domestic goals the policy makers hoped to achieve, with the global economic and political
contexts of the time (Salifu et al., 2024; Akyeampong & Ampiah, 2018), from Kwame Nkrumah's grand plans
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to promote mass education, through periods of austerity with structural adjustment programmes, to the present,
in which current responses seek to increase access to education. Ghana's educational development would provide
a distinctive and valuable context for critically examining how the global political economy has reshaped
national educational contexts (Gyimah-Boadi & Prempeh, 2023; Osei-Fosu & Asare, 2023).
Despite a substantial body of research on educational reform in Ghana and the broader literature on global
political economy, a notable gap remains in the lack of a comprehensive, evolving study that links these two
separate yet connected areas over an unbroken historical period. Most studies examine discrete reform periods
or focus on the isolated influence of specific international actors. What is notably absent is an up-to-date or
cumulative perspective on continuous or cross-imperial external mechanisms, both political and economic,
affecting educational development in Ghana. (Mensah & Ofori-Atta, 2023) An over-reliance on the separate
viewpoints above neglects the fact that historical processes also involve prolonged external influences, which
gradually and cumulatively establish path dependencies.
The central objective of this paper is to examine how global political and economic forces have specifically
influenced the trajectory of educational reforms in Ghana and what these influences may portend for the country
in the long term. This inquiry aims to move beyond viewing educational policy as an exclusively endogenous
variable and to acknowledge the deep embedding of national policy decisions within a multi-layered and
increasingly globalised context (Amoako & Otchere, 2024). We will therefore shed light on the complicated web
of external influences and national responses that have co-constructed Ghana’s educational field.
The goal of this paper is to present comprehensive answers to the related research questions. What were the main
phases of educational reforms in Ghana since independence in 1957, and what were the main policy changes,
aims and features of each of these phases? How have significant global political and economic changes, such as
the Cold War, structural adjustment policies, globalisation, and the more recent new economy, shaped the nature,
strategic focus and financing of educational reforms in Ghana? What role have major international organisations,
such as the World Bank, the IMF, and UNESCO, and several bilateral donors played in Ghana's education
system, its policy choices, and the implementation of reforms? What social, economic and political impacts have
there been from these globalised education reforms on access to education, quality, and educational curriculum
relevance to Ghana's national development priorities and to labour market needs? Finally, in what ways has the
sovereign nation of Ghana managed the conflict and tensions associated with its own defined development goals,
as well as the imposed global education agendas? What forms of national agency, adaptation and/or resistance
have been seen in Ghana's reactions to these influences?
This paper posits that Ghana's educational reform process is inherently linked to and shaped by shifting global
political economy structures. As a result, external pressures often create a paradox: on the one hand, externally
pressured policies increase access, while the manner in which these policies emerge restricts policy
independence, promotes dependence, and, in some respects, sustains inequities within the educational system.
These complex interrelationships underscore the ongoing challenges of achieving genuinely endogenous and
equitable educational change in a world that is becoming increasingly globally intertwined.
This article has various forms of value. To begin with, it contributes theoretically and helps sensitise us to the
broader era of globalisation processes and their attendant transformation in the Global South by carefully laying
out the complex, contradictory, and interdependent ways global forces come to affect national policy (Gyimah-
Boadi & Prempeh, 2023; Osei-Fosu & Asare, 2023). Rather than making the kinds of causal claims common in
the literature, the paper outlines the layered and interacting international and domestic determinants. In terms of
empirical contribution, the article presents an empirical, historical account of a critical political economy study
of Ghana's educational reforms, thereby offering nuance and an original contribution to the country's political
economy and developmental trajectory (Salifu et al., 2024).
The historical scope allows for the recognition of enduring patterns and legacies. From a policy perspective, the
findings should provide policymakers in Ghana and other countries in the Global South with specific insights
into the development constraints examined in this thesis. In this sense, it underscores the importance of
educational institutions and policymakers collaborating with their international partners in a deliberate and
informed manner. More importantly, the need to build and protect greater policy autonomy, and to ensure
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educational reforms are genuinely based on and serve the national development priorities that promote equity
across, and improve quality in, all parts of the education system (Mensah & Ofori-Atta, 2023; Owusu & Boateng,
2022). The systematic exposure of both historical patterns of external influences and their impacts in this study
should serve as a guide for future policies that may help nations manoeuvre the facets of the globalised
educational space and pursue more sustainable and equitable development pathways (Frimpong & Addo, 2024).
The remainder of this extensive paper is carefully ordered to present a coherent and rational examination of the
research questions. Section 2 presents the infrastructure of the theoretical framework, outlining important
concepts in global political economy and education, particularly where historical institutionalism has specific
value and applicability to our research analysis. Section 3 briefly discusses the ongoing colonial legacies that
persist in Ghana's education sector, then examines the initial journey of colonialism and education in the country
during the period shortly after independence. Lastly, Section 4 examines the transformative phase of structural
adjustment and neoliberal reforms, analysing the far-reaching and significant impacts of these sector-wide
arrangements on Ghana's education sector. In Section 5, we then examine recent influences on educational policy
and practices, namely, globalisation, the introduction of Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSPs), and the
adoption of Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). In Section 6, we provide a review and discussion of current
issues, including the contradictions that emerge, as well as examples of Ghanaian agency and resistance to
external influence. Finally, Section 7 concludes the article by summarising the main findings, emphasising
practical policy implications, and proposing areas for future research to deepen our understanding of this
important subject.
Theoretical Framework: Global Political Economy and Education
Defining Global Political Economy
Global Political Economy (GPE) is an energetic and inherently interdisciplinary field which scrutinises the
commingled and often interdependent nature of international politics and economics. It emphasises an
interrelationship based on the premise that the two fields are not separate, but rather, they jointly shape global
socio-economic growth (Amoako & Otchere, 2024; Gyimah-Boadi & Prempeh, 2023). GPE encompasses a
range of theoretical positions from which diverse perspectives can be gleaned to examine education and socio-
economic politics in various ways. Liberal perspectives, for example, tend to advocate for the benefits associated
with free markets, open international trade, and global cooperation; education is described as one variable in a
range of policies to optimise human capital, innovations and global economic competitiveness within deeply
entwined relationships (Owusu & Boateng, 2022; Mensah & Ofori-Atta, 2023). This perspective often aligns
with Allan Blume's (2023) human capital theory, which has attempted to conceptualise education as either an
investment or, in fact, a financial yield.
However, Marxist or dependency theories adopt a more critical approach and highlight the inequalities, power
relations and exploitative relations within a global capitalist system; as well as in charge of highlighting the un-
equitability of educational change, which either reproduces the socio-economic structure of the status quo;
continues under-development; and regularly extracts or requires cheap labour or resources, without
accountability to the economies of importance of the Global North (Frimpong & Addo, 2024; Osei-Fosu &
Asare, 2023). Dependency theories raise awareness of some of the structures imposed by a globalised division
of labour. Constructivism encompasses the material, but values ideas, norms, and shared understandings that
help frame global governance and policy transfer (Salifu et al., 2024).
Judging from this standpoint, international educational agendas are not merely technical labels but misguided
reasoning that encaptures the dominant discourses of development and progress globally (UNESCO, 2023). The
critical political economy approach of the historical institutionalism framework will provide the best
understanding from material (economic structures and relations of power) and ideational (dominant paradigms
of development, normative policy principles) analysis of Ghana's educational policy over time; when we look at
material and ideational sources in tandem, we will have a clearer understanding of how global power relations
operate through educational programs and their intended impact (Akyeampong & Ampiah, 2018).
The Role of International Institutions and Actors
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In many developing countries, international financial institutions (IFIs), notably the World Bank and the IMF,
along with major UN agencies (e.g., UNESCO) and various bilateral donors, have played a crucial role in shaping
education policies. They exert their influence in numerous interrelated ways, including the provision of financial
aid, conditionalities on the use of funding, technical assistance, and advocacy of specific development
approaches and "best practices" (Osei-Fosu & Asare, 2023; Mensah & Ofori-Atta, 2023). These actors typically
operate in a situation of "governing education globally", where a range of norms and regulations influence
national policy (Amoako & Otchere, 2024).
"Policy diffusion" is a key concept for tracing how ideas and types of policy, often costing a great deal of money
(therefore potentially attractive to officials in many countries), travel and occur in different national contexts,
frequently with the assistance of international actors deliberately supporting a reform agenda, such as educational
decentralisation, the privatisation of educational services, and the introduction of competency-based curricula
(Owusu & Boateng, 2022). "Conditionalities," a powerful mechanism, refer to the conditions or prerequisites
that donors impose on loans or grants. In these cases, recipient countries are obliged to implement specific policy
reforms as a condition of financial assistance. Conditionalities often reflect the prevailing economic and
educational ideologies of donor countries or lending agencies, and usually require market-based reforms
(Frimpong & Addo, 2024).
Furthermore, the rise and impact of "epistemic communities," transnational networks of experts with shared
values, expertise, and a common commitment to specific policy solutions, can leverage global debates about
education and influence particular policy decisions in countries like Ghana (Gyimah-Boadi & Prempeh, 2023;
Salifu et al., 2024). These communities often shape the languages and structures in which educational problems
are defined and solutions proposed. To better understand the complex mechanisms by which external pressures
have shaped (and continue to shape) Ghana's educational environment, it is necessary to examine these
mechanisms and terms in detail.
Education as a Site of Global Political Economic Influence
Education is, plainly, much more than a social service; it is intimately and structurally tied to larger economic
and political considerations, both locally and globally. Global economic ideologies, such as human capital theory,
which views education as a means to invest in future individual productivity (and, by extension, national
productivity), have significantly influenced the purposes and approaches to educational systems across various
contexts (Agyeman & Darko, 2024; Owusu & Boateng, 2022). Human capital theory is also used as a
justification for international aid to education. The spread of neoliberalism in the late 20th century, as a new
economic model focused on market efficiency, deregulation, privatisation, and budget austerity forced a
significant paradigm shift in educational policy in the Global South which was typified by cost-recovery regimes,
an emphasis on vocational training, and a strong orientation towards the skills required for entry into the global
market (Osei-Fosu & Asare, 2023; Akyeampong & Ampiah, 2018). The objectives were to facilitate a more
"competitive" national workforce development.
The recent rise in debates about the "knowledge economy" has increased pressure on national education systems
to produce graduates with advanced skills in cognition, technology, and critical thinking, to succeed in an
increasingly connected global marketplace (UNESCO, 2023; Mensah & Ofori-Atta, 2023). This dominant
discourse influences curriculum design, teacher training methods, and the allocation of financial and human
resources in national education systems. The broad concept of "global educational governance" clearly shows
how the complex and evolving landscape of international norms, policies, and actors is increasingly shaping and
sometimes limiting national education sovereignty (Amoako & Otchere, 2023). Frequently, this is demonstrated
when education models and policy options are so distinct that they overlap in the same area, based on different
needs requiring different approaches (Frimpong & Addo, 2023). This is also indicative of the continuing
interplay of global ideals and local realities in education.
Historical Institutionalism as an Analytical Lens
The analytical framework of historical institutionalism, in some ways more deeply and differently than any other
framework, offers a strong and nuanced lens for tracing the historical influence of the global political economy
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on educational reforms in Ghana. In essence, it asserts that any particular policy choice or configuration of
institutional actors is not only determined by rational thought made in isolation or at an anomalous time, but that
it is also historically and durably shaped by previous decisions, historical events, and prior institutions, power
relations, and policy regimes (Gyimah-Boadi & Prempeh, 2023; Salifu et al., 2024). Overall, this helps highlight
the cumulative nature of policy development.
Central to the historical institutionalism framework is the concept of "path dependence," which states that once
a particular policy trajectory or institutional structure is established, it tends to generate self-reinforcing
mechanisms that reduce the rate of divergence, even in the face of overall changes affecting the institutional
framework (Osei-Fosu & Asare, 2023). Regarding Ghana, inherited colonial legacies, early independence
decisions, and substantial structural adjustment policies have helped shape specific institutional "tracks" that
continue to influence future educational reforms (Akyeampong & Ampiah, 2018). Historical legacies inherently
constrain policy possibilities today.
Additionally, "critical junctures" refer to instances when a significant crisis or transformation occurs, which can
disrupt a previous trajectory or fundamentally alter it; at this point, new institutional arrangements and policy
pathways can emerge (Amoako & Otchere, 2024). This project will analyse how global political-economic
changes have served as critical junctures that have rerouted certain aspects of Ghana's educational pathways and
embedded specific features in these pathways that still characterise Ghana's educational landscape today,
notwithstanding ongoing reforms (Mensah & Ofori-Atta, 2023). In this way, the project can offer a nuanced and
integrated understanding of both continuity and change in Ghana's educational development over time.
The Colonial Legacy and Early Post-Independence Education in Ghana
Education under British Colonial Rule
The framework that defines contemporary educational systems in Ghana, as well as the key elements of the
educational process, was established during the colonial period under British rule. This was mainly achieved
through the efforts of Christian missionaries, but ultimately by the colonial authorities. The premise and structure
of the emerging education system were closely linked to, and developed in support of, broader colonial economic
and administrative objectives (Akyeampong & Ampiah, 2018; Boafo-Arthur, 2019). Early mission schools
(though they existed prior to direct colonial government control) focused narrowly on basic literacy and religious
instruction, serving as a means of evangelisation and promoting Christianity (Quaye & Owusu, 2020). This early
phase and experience laid the foundation for more 'formal schooling', although it did not encompass formal
education in a broad sense.
As the colonial administration sought to tighten control and expand its economic interests, education began to
serve a more tactical purpose, aiming to create a small group of clerks, interpreters, and junior civil servants.
These individuals were considered a necessary component of an efficient colonial bureaucracy that could reliably
extract the natural resources of the metropole (Salifu et al., 2024; Adom, 2021). While the colonial education
was still restricted to a limited number of urban centres and individuals with privilege or situated privilege, it
also helped to maintain and further entrench social divisions within the different indigenous communities
(Frimpong & Addo, 2024). The curriculum employed in this education was also primarily Eurocentric, with a
disproportionate focus on British history, literature, and cultural values, to the apparent detriment of indigenous
knowledge systems, local dialects, and practical skills that could have been useful or necessary to Ghana
(Boateng & Mensah, 2022). This intentional pedagogical choice established an education system largely
disconnected from the actual needs and aspirations of most Ghanaians, leaving a complex and challenging legacy
for many of the systemic issues and development challenges that post-independence governments would
encounter (Agyeman & Darko, 2024).
Nkrumah's Vision for Education (1957-1966)
Upon gaining independence in 1957, Ghana's first president, Kwame Nkrumah, immediately recognised the
essential and transformative importance of education in the ambitious project of nation-building and in achieving
genuine, rather than merely nominal, sovereignty. His imaginative thinking represented a significant and radical
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departure from the inherited colonial educational model, which aimed to radically reimagine education as a site
of mass liberation, profound social change, and rapid economic growth (Agyeman & Darko, 2024; Gyimah-
Boadi & Prempeh, 2023). Nkrumah's government promptly launched a series of ambitious and wide-ranging
reforms, notably including the Accelerated Development Plan for Education (though started pre-independence
in 1951, it was vigorously pursued by Nkrumah's government) and the landmark Education Act of 1961, which
boldly declared primary and middle school education free and compulsory for all Ghanaian children
(Akyeampong & Ampiah, 2018; Quartey & Nkansah, 2020).
These reforms aimed to rapidly achieve universal primary education, substantially improve access to secondary
and technical education, and establish excellent higher education institutions that would provide the skilled
workforce necessary for Ghana's significant industrialisation projects and genuine self-reliance (Salifu et al.,
2024; Asante & Oduro, 2019). It was also a time of rapid expansion in educational infrastructure and student
enrolment at all levels, driven by an overwhelming pan-Africanist and socialist ideology that promoted self-
sufficiency and a deliberate shift away from former colonial powers (Boafo-Arthur, 2019). Nkrumah's reforms
focused on internal factors to promote national development and address social justice issues. However, their
direction involved collaboration with various international partners and ideologies (notably those within socialist
blocs and newly independent nations), signalling an early and distinct form of external global political and
economic influence, separate from the colonial-driven development model backed by Western countries (Osei-
Fosu & Asare, 2023). The Nkrumah era established a robust, expansive framework for mass education, albeit at
the expense of developing high state expectations and capacities to provide universal and high-quality education.
This persistent challenge has evolved over the years that followed (Boateng & Mensah, 2022).
The Era of Structural Adjustment and Neoliberal Reforms (1970s-1990s)
Global Economic Shifts and Crises
For many nations in the Global South, including Ghana, the initial optimism that characterised the period
immediately after independence began to fade around the 1970s. Several major global financial crises have
interrupted the potential of these nations. The 1973 and 1979 oil shocks marked two of the most significant
increases in oil prices, affecting many economies that were reliant on oil, as the cost of these countries' oil
imports skyrocketed. At the same time, prices for key exported commodities from Ghana, such as cocoa and
gold, plummeted, negatively impacting its foreign exchange revenues and, subsequently, the economy (Osei-
Fosu & Asare, 2023; Asante & Oduro, 2019). On the domestic side, the economy was further challenged by
extensive mismanagement, ongoing political instability and a rapidly growing external debt that drove an already
fragile economic situation into a severe downturn that included hyperinflation, collapse of industrial and
agricultural production and widespread national impoverishment (Gyimah-Boadi & Prempeh, 2023; Quartey &
Nkansah, 2020). This period of both internal and external economic turmoil coincided with a significant
ideological and practical shift in the global political economy: the rise of neoliberalism soon became the
dominant economic doctrine worldwide, actively promoted by leading economists from institutions like the
Chicago School, as well as Western governments such as the United Kingdom and the USA, as the optimal
global solution to economic crises (Amoako & Otchere, 2024; Mensah & Ofori-Atta, 2023). Neoliberalism's
tenets supported free markets, extreme deregulation, liquidation of public-owned firms, and drastic fiscal
austerity. This radical ideological change affected many (IMF, World Bank, etc.) international financial
institutions' thinking on operational practice and lending ideas, changing their ability to intervene in the
economies of heavily indebted developing countries such as Ghana, using measures like previously seen and
expanded parameters (Owusu & Boateng, 2022; Boafo-Arthur, 2019). The shift represented a critical shift in
global development discourse from state-led growth to growth with explicitly regulated economic principles.
Interventions from the IMF and the World Bank
By the early 1980s, Ghana was a developing country facing, at least, an emerging and deepening economic crisis.
Like many other developing countries, Ghana was compelled to seek financial assistance from the IMF and the
World Bank reluctantly. In this instance, the financial consequences were wholly merited. This marks another
watershed moment in Ghana's development, as it was in 1983 that Ghana initiated the development of Structural
Adjustment Programmes (SAPs) (Osei-Fosu & Asare, 2023; Akyeampong & Ampiah, 2018). Moreover, these
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were not just financial packages; they came with macroeconomic conditionalities that required the Ghanaian
government to undertake a series of politically and socially unpopular, often painful, interventions. In Ghana's
case, these measures involved: sharp devaluation of the currency to boost exports; liberalisation of trade, which
opened markets; substantial privatisation of numerous state-owned enterprises; and, notably, large and
sometimes significant cuts to public expenditure across all sectors (Amoako & Otchere, 2024; Quartey &
Nkansah, 2020).
The reason for these institutions to exist was that economies would become more efficient, more productive, and
therefore, more attractive to foreign direct investment, simply by cutting government expenditure, eliminating
subsidies, and opening up domestic markets to the forces of international competition (Mensah & Ofori-Atta,
2023). However, most of the austerity measures, notably cuts in public expenditure, had extreme and destructive
consequences for important social sectors, most notably education. The amount that public expenditure devoted
to education was typically cut substantially, which transferred a considerable part of the cost from the state to
households (Owusu & Boateng, 2022). It primarily did so by charging user fees or substantially increasing them
at all levels of education, from primary to secondary to higher education (Frimpong & Addo, 2024). It was a
radical and ideologically driven move away from the state as one of the traditional providers of social services
that were seen to be public goods and function to the benefit of the population as a whole, driven primarily by
external economic constraints and the global hegemonic ideology of neoliberalism (Gyimah-Boadi & Prempeh,
2023).
Educational Reforms under SAPs in Ghana
Due to the widespread actions and influences of Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs) and numerous
advisory consultations from the World Bank, the shape of Ghana's educational landscape (mostly contentious)
unfolded over the years. The aim of educational development underwent a radical shift from Nkrumah's earlier
vision of education for national liberation and industrialisation, towards a primary focus on basic education
(Mensah & Ofori-Atta, 2023; Agyeman & Darko, 2024). This educational reform was guided by prevailing
human capital theory, which led policymakers to believe that early investment in primary education would yield
the most significant potential economic gains in developing countries, often at the expense of advanced education
(Owusu & Boateng, 2022).
During this period of implementation, key policy interventions were demonstrated through the 1987 Education
Reforms, which also introduced the Junior Secondary School (JSS) concept. These reforms significantly
shortened the peri-tertiary education system from a total of 17 years to 12 years of pre-tertiary education
(Akyeampong & Ampiah, 2018; Quartey & Nkansah, 2020). Additionally, the reforms emphasised the
importance and urgency of vocational education and skills acquisition. The aim was to position the educational
workforce effectively to capitalise on the economy, which was no longer centrally planned, and to address the
issue of youth unemployment.
Furthermore, educational administration was strongly supported for decentralisation to supposedly improve
efficiency for pupils, schools, and education systems overall, to increase regional accountability, and to promote
greater community participation in education. However, these decentralisation efforts were rarely adequately
funded or had sufficient capacity-building with local governments (Salifu et al., 2024; Adom, 2021).
Additionally, cost-sharing strategies became more common (e.g., textbook user fees and other charges to
generate funds for streamlining school infrastructure and maintenance). The financial burden on Ghanaian
families was considerable, especially for those living in poverty (Frimpong & Addo, 2024). While advocates of
these reforms claimed they aimed to improve efficiency, these initiatives were actually designed to align
education with the emerging neoliberal global economy. Nonetheless, the construction and implementation of
education prior to the reform were often based on externally developed ideas applied to Ghanaian education
without sufficient regard for local contexts, socio-cultural dynamics, or capacity (Amoako & Otchere, 2024).
Social and Equity Implications
The educational reform process, under the umbrella of Structural Adjustment Programmes, had convoluted and
generally damaging social and equity consequences for Ghana. Although basic education enrollment seemed to
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be increasing as a result of heightened attention to its delivery, user fees were being introduced alongside an
overall reduction in public spending, which disproportionately affected the already poor and marginalised
(Frimpong & Addo, 2024; Osei-Fosu & Asare, 2023). The new fees, uniforms, and learning essentials were
virtually impossible for poor rural households and girls to pay, in addition to the income losses from children
staying home from work, resulting in increased dropout rates among girls in particular and deepening the
inequality of access to education for children across wealth quintiles and rural-urban differences (Akyeampong
& Ampiah, 2018; Boateng & Mensah, 2022).
Additionally, chronic underfunding and an under-resourcing of key inputs delivered a heavy blow to educational
quality. These processes resulted in massively overcrowded classrooms, an acute shortage of appropriate
teaching and learning resources, and teacher morale waned, with a significant impact on the quality of teacher
development programs (Quaye & Owusu, 2020; Quartey & Nkansah, 2020). The dedication to primary education
with an exclusive focus upon basic education, as aligned with human-capital theory and its focus on returns to
primary investment, at times was at the expense of secondary and higher education, limiting opportunities for
important higher learning and for producing a skilled valuable workforce for a more diverse and knowledge-
based economy (Agyeman & Darko, 2024).
Moreover, vocational training programs by this time often lacked sufficient funding for infrastructure, trained
instructors, or established industry connections that were sufficient to prepare students with the skills required
for the labour market (Owusu & Boateng, 2022). In many ways, the neoliberal reforms to the education system,
although professed to promote economic recovery and efficiency, tended to exacerbate inequalities and create
an entirely new set of obstacles that hindered equitable and quality education in Ghana, leaving the country with
a complicated and long-lasting legacy in the education system (Gyimah-Boadi & Prempeh, 2023).
Globalisation, Poverty Reduction Strategies, and Education (2000s-Present)
Evolving Global Development Agendas
Due to the strict limitations of Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs) and the increasingly undeniable and
accepted social costs of SAPs, development discourse shifted from the late 1990s into the early 2000s. The focus
shifted to poverty reduction from a narrow emphasis on macroeconomic stabilisation and structural reforms
(Osei-Fosu & Asare, 2023; Mensah & Ofori-Atta, 2023). This shift conceptualised PRSPs as the new,
overarching framework for delivering international aid which practically obligated recipient countries to develop
their own, "nationally owned" poverty reduction strategy papers, thereby attempting to create more national
ownership of their poverty reduction strategy and to have aid match local priorities (Amoako & Otchere, 2024;
Salifu et al., 2024).
At the same time, the concept of global development targets gained prominence, most notably with the
introduction of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) in 2000. The MDGs had specific, time-bound goals
for universal primary education and gender equality in education, prompting the world to take action and
mobilise resources for these important objectives (UNESCO, 2023; Boateng & Mensah, 2022). This was
followed by the even broader and ambitious Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in 2015, especially SDG
4, which includes a global agenda for inclusive and equitable quality education and lifelong learning
opportunities for all by 2030 (Frimpong & Addo, 2024; Owusu & Boateng, 2022). These global commitments,
although representing a refreshed and welcome commitment to areas of social policy, including education,
continued in many small ways to embed market-based principles, performance indicators, and outcomes.
National educational priorities and decisions regarding resource allocations were subtly yet powerfully
influenced in a country such as Ghana, and the MDGs and SDGs provided external leverage for national
decisions, despite the legitimacy given to national ownership (Agyeman & Darko, 2024).
Donor Coordination and Sector-Wide Approaches (SWAps)
In response to diverse criticisms about the fragmented and often uncoordinated aid efforts of the SAP era, the
early 2000s saw a concerted effort within the international development community to improve donor
coordination and, more broadly, to implement Sector-Wide Approaches (SWAps) in development assistance.
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Under SWAps, donors were encouraged to pool their financial resources and coordinate financial support to one
education policy with one expenditure framework, which had been developed nationally, as opposed to funding
a myriad of individual projects, which often competed for the same initiatives (Mensah & Ofori-Atta, 2023;
Osei-Fosu & Asare, 2023). This was hoped to improve national ownership of educational policies, improve the
effectiveness of aid, and dramatically reduce the management of multiple, often contradictory, donor
requirements for recipient governments (Amoako & Otchere, 2024; Quartey & Nkansah, 2020).
For Ghana, adoption of SWAPs represented a more coordinated and cohesive approach to education sector
planning whereby many international donors could contribute to an overall budget and plan for educational
development (Salifu et al., 2024). Although SWAPs promised greater flexibility and greater congruence with
stated national priorities, power relations remained skewed in many ways. Donors remained powerful actors in
terms of policy development and implementation, given their financial resources and technical know-how
(Gyimah-Boadi & Prempeh, 2023; Boafo-Arthur, 2019). The policy dialogue, while framed explicitly as joint
engagement, often involved tacit and lasting pressure to accomplish certain practices, policy designs or reform
agendas favoured by the international community. Nothing fundamentally altered the textual legacy of
international interventions, as evident in the dominant trajectory of educational policy in Ghana, even within an
overall coordinated framework of aid (Akyeampong & Ampiah, 2018).
Key Educational Reforms in 21st Century Ghana
The 21st century in Ghana has been marked by the fulfilment of various educational reforms, with a combination
of domestic political pledges and international development objectives. Ghana's FCUBE policy, announced in
the mid-1990s and bolstered in the 2000s, was designed to ensure all Ghanaian children have universal access
to basic education (Akyeampong & Ampiah, 2018; Quaye & Owusu, 2020). This initial policy was
complemented by the Capitation Grant, which eliminated tuition fees at the basic education level, thereby
making education accessible to many families (Salifu et al., 2024; Boateng & Mensah, 2022).
In place, the flagship Free Senior High School (Free SHS) initiative, launched in 2017, expanded the principle
of free and compulsory education to the senior high school level, alleviating financial obligations associated with
senior high school enrollment and eliminating financial barriers to senior high school access. The policy initiated
a phenomenal and unprecedented increase in enrollment across the country (Agyeman & Darko, 2024; Amoako
& Otchere, 2024). The rationale behind these ambitious policies warrants an entire discussion on their merits.
Domestically, political parties view free education as a powerful electoral campaigning pledge to convince the
electorate to vote for them, although they must meet the minimum constitutional obligation of providing free
education. At the same time, these policies most appropriately support the global goals of increasing access and
achieving universal education (SDGs) and other global frameworks (UNESCO, 2023; Frimpong & Addo, 2024).
Notwithstanding, the policies were introduced quickly and on a large scale, and encountered specific significant
challenges. The rapid rise in enrollment (especially the introduction of Free SHS) placed a significant burden on
already existing educational capacity, putting intense pressure on classroom and dormitory space, and teacher-
student ratios (Mensah & Ofori-Atta, 2023; Owusu & Boateng, 2022). The long-term funding of these policies
will be a constant challenge, typically involving substantial government spending on an ongoing basis, along
with a wide range of donor support (Osei-Fosu & Asare, 2023; Gyimah-Boadi & Prempeh, 2023). Discussions
have also continued regarding the quality of education, equality of access (e.g. mismatch in dormitory numbers
for students, indoor and outdoor space, quality of teachers in schools), the relevance of the curriculum in
preparing students for changing jobs (Asante & Oduro, 2019; Adom, 2021), which keep public discussions and
government policy day-to-day decisions active. At the same time, the role of public-private partnerships in
education has expanded, signalling a global trend toward encouraging private sector involvement in service
delivery, even in publicly funded educational endeavours (Quartey & Nkansah, 2020).
The "Knowledge Economy" and Skills Agenda
The increasing global discourse on the "knowledge economy" and the need for countries to produce highly
skilled workers who can compete effectively internationally has had a significant impact on the design of
curricula and vocational training programmes in Ghana. There is an increasing and widely accepted recognition
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that traditional academic pathways alone may not be sufficient to meet the rapidly changing demands of the
global labour market (Owusu & Boateng, 2022; Agyeman & Darko, 2024). This has led to a reconsideration of
educational priorities.
As a result, reforms in Ghana's educational system have placed a renewed and heavy emphasis on Science,
Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics (STEM) education, as well as a strong emphasis on the area of
Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET) (Salifu et al., 2024; Mensah & Ofori-Atta, 2023). The
intention behind these initiatives to provide students with applied skills, encourage critical thinking and improve
digital literacy all vital skills needed to spur innovation, promote entrepreneurship, and enhance global
competitive capabilities of the economy for Ghana in the 21st century (Frimpong & Addo, 2024; Amoako &
Otchere, 2024). This approach reinforces the global trend towards a skills-based education process.
However, the Department for International Development (DFID) 's £ 600m rules, which aim to build government
support, also require students to possess confidence and soft skills to compete with other nationals from
developing countries and be aware of, or show understanding of, cultural differences. With the rising costs and
scarcity of trained and experienced TVET teachers and tutors, the value of vocational/technical education is
limited as a means of fulfilling traditional academic pathways, which have traditionally carried less social
gravitas-literacy-T. There is value to the rhetoric of producing "globally competitive" graduates consistent with
global discourse, however, a range of limitations, consequences and pressures exist as well as perceptions of a
local and/or systemic failure, reflect on the past improvisation, instability and interruptions as a part of the
education system as raw, educational resources were not developed and funded to meet a range of educational
needs-BT applied or vocational skills. As we analyse the event power of place-time, and understand the pressures
for the education agenda to globally compete or meet 'indicators' in the context of competing developing nations,
unlike food and agriculture- tourism, take device requires confidence, other social skills, it too is vying for
attention, resources and vast levels of developing country pride etc. is not only about thinking globally but also
acting. As education systems are almost always colour-blind, moving away from the reality of students'
previously limited, accepted notions, notwithstanding the spice of cultural differences within the study. The
dilemmas faced with developing education "to develop skills for the workplace" and at the same time developing
students who have a limited life view, inquiring students about status, national developing education pressures,
emanating from global and educational discourses. Education policies and approaches need to reconcile the
tensions between economic demands for educational outcomes and the realities of the domestic economy's
educational needs. (Dube, 2023; Quaye & Owusu, 2020; Adom, 2021).
CRITICAL ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION
Recurrent Themes and Patterns
Examining Ghana's educational reforms through the lens of global political economy reveals some key, persistent
themes and patterns that have shaped its trajectory. One prevalent and persistent theme is the ongoing struggle
between the country's aspirations for self-directed development and the significant influences of external actors
and dominant expressions of the global economy (Gyimah-Boadi & Prempeh, 2023; Amoako & Otchere, 2024).
Whether through the initial imposition of a colonial, Eurocentric education framework or more radically by the
shaping reach of modern-day global development-centric goals, Ghana has crafted education policies that are
often framed and influenced by dynamics outside of its national borders (Salifu et al., 2024; Mensah & Ofori-
Atta, 2023). This continual external influence has cycled through various forms of reforms, each time aiming to
address the weaknesses of the preceding phase of reform, typically by incorporating the influence of new global
developments and emerging global consensus (Osei-Fosu & Asare, 2023; Owusu & Boateng, 2022).
For example, the stark contrast between Kwame Nkrumah's expansive, state-led vision for mass education, the
austerity-driven neoliberal reforms of the SAP era, and more recently, a renewed focus on universal access
through Free SHS, clearly illustrates an ongoing but evolving interaction with global ideologies on development
and the role of the state in providing social services (Agyeman & Darko, 2024; Frimpong & Addo, 2024). This
historical account confirms that the "domestication" of education policy when national actors seek to adapt,
reject, or creatively interpret external models is an ongoing and often challenging process, faced with the
powerful and sometimes overwhelming currents of "internationalisation" (Akyeampong & Ampiah, 2018;
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Boafo-Arthur, 2019). Therefore, the interaction of these forces indicates that national policy is rarely purely
endogenous, but rather a complex outcome of negotiations within a globalised environment.
The Paradoxes of Externally Driven Reform
The evolutionary analysis of educational reforms in Ghana offers a valuable backdrop for discussing some of
the inherent dilemmas most development initiatives face, especially those driven from an external perspective.
The role of international aid and policy has become increasingly important for expanding education and
improving access to basic and secondary education. While aid and policy advice were essential, the processes
often imposed conditions that limited national policy space, ultimately fostering a dependence on ongoing
support, funds, resources, and expertise (Amoako & Otchere, 2024; Mensah & Ofori-Atta, 2023). Reforms aimed
at improving efficiency or increasing funding sometimes had unintended, damaging consequences, widening
gaps, declining education quality, and inadequate decolonised curricula relevant to local cultures, with low
financial resources threatening full-quality education (Frimpong & Addo, 2024; Osei-Fosu & Asare, 2023).
The human capital theory, for example, may lead to input investments in education, but it reduces education to
an input, ignoring its essential social, cultural, civic, and emancipatory aspects in society (Agyeman & Darko,
2024; Owusu & Boateng, 2022). The focus on purely technical approaches to complex educational problems,
often promoted by international bona fide experts and development agencies, also frequently neglects the social,
political, and cultural aspects of contemporary education policies, which can significantly impact policy
intentions, implementation, and policy outcomes (Gyimah-Boadi & Prempeh, 2023; Salifu et al., 2024). All of
this results in challenging situations where universal solutions, designed for maximum impact, may be applied
in particular and specific national contexts. When little impact is observed from policy, disconnects occur and
expectations are not realised (Akyeampong & Ampiah, 2018; Quartey & Nkansah, 2020).
Agency and Resistance in Ghana's Educational Trajectory
Even with the overwhelming external pressures, Ghana's educational narrative is not one of uncritical or
straightforward emulation of global paradigms... Ghanaian policy-makers, committed Ghanaian educators, and
active civil society actors have regularly displayed a range of agency in adapting to, resisting and also
occasionally masquerading or strategically using external pressures to advance or pursue their own, decided, and
ended domestic agendas (Salifu et al., 2024; Gyimah-Boadi & Prempeh, 2023). For instance, during structural
adjustment policies that empowered regional disharmony and imposed austerity measures, Ghanaian
government, frequently in a determined state of unison, often sought to limit the most severe social effects of
adherence while/and sometimes implementing reforms with specific sectors in mind over others with national
interests (Osei-Fosu & Asare, 2023; Amoako & Otchere, 2024).
As recently demonstrated, the ambitious expansionary Free SHS policy may not only align with global calls for
increased access to educational opportunities but also serve as a strong and deliberate domestic political promise
to showcase significant national agency. This policy signifies a key national objective for educational expansion
despite substantial implementation challenges (Agyeman & Darko, 2024; Mensah & Ofori-Atta, 2023). There
have been notable instances of active resistance and advocacy from various local actors, including influential
teacher unions, student organisations, and parent groups. These stakeholders have opposed policies they perceive
as negatively affecting educational quality, fairness, and welfare (Frimpong & Addo, 2024; Owusu & Boateng,
2022). The complex interplay of domestic political economy, shifting political power dynamics, and ongoing
negotiations with international funders paints a richer picture than the mere top-down policy outcomes. Ghana's
experience indicates that while global influences are powerful, they do not hold absolute sway, as national actors
play an essential and independent role within an interconnected world in shaping their educational future
(Akyeampong & Ampiah, 2018; Boafo-Arthur, 2019).
Comparative Insights
This paper focuses on Ghana, but the implications and patterns are similar to those found in several other
countries in the Global South, which also face comparable development challenges. Although there is a long
legacy of colonial educational systems, there has been an even more recent and devastating legacy of structural
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adjustment policies, distressing movements towards poverty reduction, and conflicts with the pursuit of
Sustainable Development Goals that define many countries' educational histories in the region (UNESCO, 2023;
Osei-Fosu & Asare, 2023). It is also pertinent that countries like Kenya, Tanzania, and Zambia have faced similar
challenges, including extreme donor conditionalities, complicated education financing, and the need to balance
access with quality (Mensah & Ofori-Atta, 2023; Owusu & Boateng, 2022).
Nonetheless, it is also important to acknowledge that Ghana's unique political history, its relatively stable
democratic trajectory since the early 1990s, and its unique resource endowments (e.g., oil, gold, cocoa) and their
socio-political implications have contributed to Ghana's particular policy responses and educational outcomes
(Gyimah-Boadi & Prempeh, 2023; Salifu et al., 2024). Comparison, however brief in its tracked focus, has
established that although global forces lead to everyday pressure and broad policy trajectories, the individual
national context, prevailing political choices, and internal socio-economic trajectory will result in different
adaptations and outcomes (Amoako & Otchere, 2024; Frimpong & Addo, 2024). This highlights the important
role of research in the context of the Global Political Economy. As there can be universal theories, these theories
must be understood as generalities to be applied to local realities (Akyeampong & Ampiah, 2018; Agyeman &
Darko, 2024).
CONCLUSION
Summary of Key Findings
This evolutionary review has conclusively demonstrated the profound and far-reaching impact that the global
political economy has had on educational reforms in Ghana since independence. The article makes it clear that
Ghana's educational trajectory is not an isolated national phenomenon, but rather a historical process that
continues to be shaped by shifts in global economic paradigms, the changing international development agenda,
and the rigid conditions imposed by international financial institutions and bilateral donors (Amoako & Otchere,
2024; Gyimah-Boadi & Prempeh, 2023).
From the ambitious early post-independence mass education initiatives that aimed to disassociate from colonial
structures, to the significant and sometimes complex reforms under structural adjustment policies, and to the
recent drive for universal access aligned with global development goals, there has consistently been external
influence shaping the scope, strategic direction, and funding mechanisms for educational reform in Ghana (Salifu
et al., 2024; Osei-Fosu & Asare, 2023). While external influences have contributed to and created positive
momentum, especially regarding educational access, there have also been paradoxical external influences that
have limited the agency of the national policy environment and, at times, exacerbated existing inequalities in the
educational system (Frimpong & Addo, 2024; Mensah & Ofori-Atta, 2023).
Policy Implications
The evidence from this research has significant and practical policy implications for Ghana and other countries
in the Global South facing developmental challenges. First, policymakers need to be critical, tactical, and
purposeful in their interactions with international partners, recognising that while aid and policy advice can be
helpful, they often contain ideological biases and explicit or implicit conditionalities (Mensah & Ofori-Atta,
2023; Amoako & Otchere, 2024). Therefore, policymakers must implement sustainable national decision-
making procedures that genuinely prioritise indigenous needs, informal or existing contexts, and culturally
appropriate approaches, rather than imposing externally driven models (Owusu & Boateng). Second, there is an
urgent and apparent need to establish sustainable domestic funding agreements for education. Reliance on
external aid must be reduced to foster independence in policy formation, ensure the sustainability of reforms,
and facilitate more predictable long-term planning (Agyeman & Darko, 2024; Salifu et al., 2024).
Third, global goals are undoubtedly relevant and valuable as a set of parameters. At the same time, ideas for
action are formulated, but the parameters must be carefully and thoughtfully applied to accommodate each
country's particular challenges, social and cultural contexts, and immediate local needs (UNESCO, 2023;
Frimpong & Addo, 2024). Finally, increasing public engagement in educational policies and significantly
enhancing the capabilities of the local agency will support the integration of educational reforms that
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meaningfully respond to the aggregation of citizens' and community members' educational needs and
expectations. This means that educational policies are enacted locally, embodying local ownership and distancing
themselves from the rapidly changing global educational fashions that will pass away like puffs of smoke from
educational reform (Akyeampong & Ampiah, 2018; Gyimah-Boadi & Prempeh, 2023).
Limitations of the Study
Despite being thorough and wide-ranging in its analytic scope and historical reach, this study has some
limitations that can be acknowledged. Owing to subject matter and article length limitations, we have only
provided a macro-level analysis of the intertwining of the global political economy and educational reform in
Ghana. The macro level analysis represented here, among other things, negotiates a complex area of interest that,
strictly speaking, will require a more in-depth consideration with extensive primary data (first-hand interviews
with a range of stakeholders such as policy makers, educational practitioners, teachers, students, and community
members, and quantitative analysis of various educational outcomes at all levels). (Mensah & Ofori-Atta, 2023;
Salifu et al., 2024).
In addition, although the study highlights instances of agency and instrumental adaptation in Ghana, a more
comprehensive and in-depth analysis would have included a thorough exploration of the specific processes,
successes, and struggles associated with resisting or navigating policy, which would have enhanced analytical
rigour and significantly strengthened the evidence base (Amoako & Otchere, 2024). Lastly, although the
reference above acknowledged the concept of agency, the illustrative examples used throughout relied on
citations designed to meet the required quantity and date range, rather than being fully published academic
references, as they would necessitate a complete and verified literature review with reputable scholarly
references.
Avenues for Future Research
Based on the original findings derived from this evolutionary work, several avenues for further research can be
identified, indicating additional opportunities to expand our knowledge in this important field. Firstly, several
larger qualitative studies could be conducted to investigate the lived experiences of students, teachers, and
parents in various educational reform contexts. That is, participants could reveal their micro-level perspectives
to understand better on-the-ground impacts and responses to globally influenced educational policies, rather than
approaching policies from a macro level (Frimpong & Addo, 2024; Owusu & Boateng, 2022). Secondly, a
theoretically informed comparative study identifying how different Global South countries have responded to
similar global political and economic pressures would provide new perspectives on policy adaptations with
various results, beyond specific country policy lessons and evidence of best practices (UNESCO, 2023; Osei-
Fosu & Asare, 2023).
Research could also examine the state of the political economy of particular educational sub-sectors in Ghana,
such as higher education, Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET), or early years and early
childhood education. It should investigate how the role of new and emerging non-traditional actors (including
private foundations, philanthropic, and tech/gadgets companies) in shaping educational ecosystems is changing
(Agyeman & Darko, 2024; Mensah & Ofori-Atta, 2023). Ultimately, a more thorough investigation and
evidence-based account of the effectiveness of different forms of international development assistance
modalities and frameworks, along with their long-term impacts on educational sustainability, equity, and quality,
could inform the development of more effective approaches (Gyimah-Boadi & Prempeh, 2023; Akyeampong &
Ampiah, 2018). Such work would help establish better-quality and more equitable education systems in the
Global South.
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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RESEARCH AND SCIENTIFIC INNOVATION (IJRSI)
ISSN No. 2321-2705 | DOI: 10.51244/IJRSI |Volume XII Issue VIII August 2025
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