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African Union and The Resolution of Malian Conflict, 2012-2022
Blessing Chugo Idigo Ph. D
Department of Political Science, Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu Universiity, Anambra State,
Nigeria
DOI: https://doi.org/10.51244/IJRSI.2025.120800080
Received: 13 Aug 2025; Accepted: 21 Aug 2025; Published: 06 September 2025
ABSTRACT
This study investigated the efforts of African Union towards conflict resolution in Mali between 2012 and
2022. The Malian conflict is a very complex issue with multiple contributing factors such as historical tension
and fall-out of crisis of governance between the government and the northern Mali (Taureg Separatist group)
demanding for a stake in the government, because the region felt marginalized. The study is grounded in the
collective security theory, which emphasizes the collective efforts of the African Union in joining hands
together to fight an aggressor (terrorists) within African continent. The study adopted qualitative descriptive
analysis of the data collected from secondary sources. Findings revealed that lack of adequate resources like
funds, manpower and equipment was a major impediment in the resolution of the conflict. Towards addressing
the problems, the study recommended that African Union and the agencies of African Union mandated for
resolution of Malian conflict and that of others needs to have their missions spelt out and jurisdiction sorted
out, this will help each organizations to know and plan how to effectively and efficiently implement their
policies so as to be effective and efficient in achieving their goals; finally African Union must find viable
sources of funding for its operation. Without such resources, the policies are just plans on paper
Keywords: African Union, Conflict, Conflict Resolution, Collective Security, Mali
INTRODUCTION
It’s a known fact that the modern global system has been characterized by the issue of regionalism as observed
in Bamidele (2016). The management, negotiation, settlement of borders, territorial disputes, intra-state
conflicts, all take place within the regional levels. Apparently, because the Global International Organizations
have been considered to be over-burdened, and Regional Organization emerges in a bid to proffer solution to
regional problems, as with the case of African Union (AU)
Africa as a whole is a continent characterized by conflicts and crisis. There is hardly any country that has not
contended with conflict, and majority of these conflicts were intra-state. As noted by Idigo (2022), the
insurgency in the northern part of the country threatened security in the sub-Sahara region including Nigeria.
Also, Ogbu (2017), affirmed that conflicts in African continent have resulted in decades of devastation and
gratuitous destruction, impoverishment of the African population, political instability, institutional decay and
socio-economic stagnation. Because these conflicts are intra-state, the principle of non-interference in the
internal affairs of member states enshrined in the Charter of the Organization of African Unity limited the roles
of the organization and made it incapable and less effective in managing regional conflicts. This limitation and
failure of the Organization of African Unity resulted in the formation of African Union (AU) in 2000
With the regional power conferred on the African Union, they has taken initiatives with huge success across
African continent towards resolution of regional conflict as witnessed in Sudan, Somalia, Burundi, Mali etc.
Mali is a landlocked African country situated in the Sahel region that experienced French colonial rule in the
19
th
century, which left a lasting impact on its political and economic structures, as well as its relationship with
France and other western powers that are part and parcel of the country’s contemporary challenges.
The conflict in Mali has been in existence for decades and rooted in pre-colonial and post-colonial French rule
characterized by consistent marginalization of the Northern-Malian as observed in (Chauzal & Damme, 2015).
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As noted by Idigo and Nwankwo (2025), the Malian conflict is a complex issue with multiple actors, including
Islamic extremist groups. Making it difficult for African Union to efficiently respond to the conflict. More so,
Okonkwo and Idigo (2024) noted that the rising insecurity is intricately linked to systemic governance failure.
And the continuous marginalization of the northern Mali and non-inclusiveness in the government resulted in
the first Tuareg rebellion in the year 1963, the second wave of the uprising emerged in 1990 and lasted until
1996 with Tuareg and Arab exiles forming as an alliance, as the government failed also to create conducive
environment, provide infrastructural facilities, fight corruption and ensure good governance for its citizen,
(Idigo, 2024). The third rebellion started in 2006, leading to signing of a peace agreement called ‘Algiers
Peace Agreement. Nevertheless, this agreement does not help in resolving the conflict as both parties kept on
falling apart from the agreement signed. The fourth rebellion of the conflict in the early 2012 resulted in
military coup against President Amadou Toumani Toure. Various international bodies have in various forms
intervened in the conflict; the United Nations, France, EOWAS and African Union, after the adoption of the
new charter of AU which held out promises on Africa’s ability to deal with conflict within the continent.
Despite the efforts, the conflict persisted.
Conceptual Clarification
African Union
Literature have traced the origin of African Union (AU) to the establishment of Organization of African Unity
(OAU) on May 25, 1963, in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia when the 32 African states that had gained independence
at the time reached a consensus to form the Organization of African Unity with vision to facilitate the process
of integration in African continent, empowerment of African states in the global economy and address the
dynamics of socio-economic and political problems facing African countries (United States Agency for
International Development, 2022).
African Union (AU) as a continental organization consisting of the 55 member states that make up the
countries of African continent was successfully launched in 2002 as a successor to the Organization of African
Unity (The African Union Commission, 2023). As observed by the United Nations High Commissioner for
Refugees, UNHCR (2022), the African Union is a member states that work together to address major political,
social and economic issues, including preventing and ending conflict and promoting pan-African development
and integration through its ambitious Agenda 2063.
Conflict
Scholars have made varied reasonable definitional attempts of the term, conflict. Common element that runs
through their definitions is the fact that every conflict is a product of disagreement over specific interests or
goals. To Quincy (cited in Ajayi & Buhari, 2014), conflict connotes “a condition in which identifiable group of
human beings whether tribal, ethnic, linguistic, religious, socio-political, economic, cultural or otherwise is in
conscious opposition to one or more other identifiable human group because these groups are pursuing what to
be incompatible goals’’. They maintained that conflicts arise from the interaction of individuals who have
partly, incompatible goals, in which the ability of one actor to achieve his goals, depends to an important
degrees on the decisions or choice that the other parties will take.
Boulding (cited in Bercovitch, Kremenyuk & Zartman, 2018) described conflict as a psychological state of
affairs; which denotes a particular situation in which the parties to conflict are aware of their incompatibility
and potential future positions. It depicts a situation in which the parties involved perceive goal incompatibility
but do not necessarily engage in behavior which is mutually incompatible.
Albert (2001) argued that there is nothing wrong with conflict as it serves as a critical mechanism by which the
goals and aspirations of individuals groups are articulated. He considered conflict as “a definition of creative
solutions to human problems and a means to the development of a collective identity” (Albert, 2001).
Similarly, Adams and Iwu (2015) admit the fact that conflict can have negative consequences on the socio-
political environment but can also be a valuable element of co-operation and progress. Robert (Ajayi & Buhari,
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2014) asserted that conflict can exacerbate issues or disputes in the society and that the consequence of
conflicts between individuals, groups, communities, states, or nations rarely cease with termination of overt
hostilities.
Conflict Resolution
Conflict resolution depicts a variety of approaches geared towards terminating conflicts through constructive
solving of the problems, distinct from transformation or management of conflict (Udezo, 2017). Thus,
Mailland Wood House (2001) asserted that any conflict resolution attempt should aim at addressing or
resolving the deep rooted sources or causes of conflict and ensure that the behaviors of parties to conflict are
no longer violent/hostile as well as changing the structure of the conflict.
To Best (2005), conflict resolution depicts a sense of finality, where the parties to a conflict are mutually
satisfied with the outcome of a settlement and the conflict is resolved in a true sense of it. From the view of the
scholar, one can assume that conflict is resolved when the basic needs of parties to conflict have been met with
necessary satisfiers and their fears have been allayed
Wani (2011) described conflict resolution as a mechanism where parties to conflict come together and sort out
their conflicts or incompatibilities by peaceful means. According to him, effective conflict resolution includes
only peaceful means, methods and techniques for the maintenance of peace and security and to protect the
coming generations from the plague of war.
To Tristancho (2023), conflict resolution depicts the process that organizations and teams follow to resolve
disputes or conflicts of interest that might arise between team members.
To Imm (2022), conflict revolution connotes the process of ending a dispute and reaching agreement that
satisfy all parties involved. The scholar further maintained that conflict is an essential part of human beings;
thus, effective conflict resolution is not designed to avoid disagreements rather, resolution mechanisms are
used to facilitate discussions, increase understanding and control emotional response.
Cooper and Grimsley (2021), observed that conflict resolution is the process (either formal or informal) where
two or more parties synergies to resolve the conflict in a way where all parties are in agreement with the
solution proposed.
In the view of Saaida (2023), conflict resolution strategies or mechanisms depict a range of approaches that
can be employed to resolve conflicts in a constructive and peaceful manner. These strategies or mechanisms as
portrayed by the scholar include but not limited to diplomacy, dialogue, negotiation and reconciliation
processes. Each strategy offers different methods and techniques that tailored to the specific dynamics and
complexities of the conflict being addressed.
Empirical Framework
The journal article by Oddih and Emesibe (2021), titled Malian conflict: underlying causes and implications
2012-2017, examined the underlying factors behind the 2012 Malian conflict and the implications of the
conflict in the Sahel region. The study adopted quantitative research design with structure interview
complemented with literature. The study found out that the 2012 Malian conflict was driven by various
religious issue, violent extremist groups and volatility of the Sahel region.
Idigo and Osegbue (2025), carried out a study on ‘African Union, conflict resolution and Malian conflict,
2012-2022’ examined the African Union challenges towards the resolution of Malian conflict and the study
found out that fiancé, political will, complexity of the African conflict are the impediment factors to the effort
of the AU in resolving the Malian conflict.
Mensah (2023) on the other hand carried out a research on the topic, “A review of Mali’s counter terrorism
approach in the light of African Union interventions”. The study evaluated the intervention of the African
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Union (AU), through counter terrorism; in the management of Malian conflict. The study is qualitative and
exploratory and made use of secondary method of data collection.
Further study by Idigo and Nwankwo (2025) titled ‘‘African Union’s conflict intervention framework and the
Malian conflict, 2012-2022’’ interrogated the AU’s institutional framework and engagement in the Malian
conflict. The study adopted qualitative descriptive research design and the study recommends that the
institutional mechanism and procedures of AU should be well funded and fully operationalized in other to
function effectively and efficiently in conflict situation.
Oluwadare, (2014) conducted a study on “The African Union and the conflict in Mali: extra-regional influence
and the limitations of a regional actor”. The paper examined the role of AU in conflict resolution in Mail as
well as extra-regional influence and the limitations. The study which is qualitative and descriptive; made use
of data gathered from various secondary sources. Findings from the study revealed that AU has played
prominent roles in Somalia, Burundi, Liberia, Darfur and Chad.
A study conducted by Buyoya (2018) on “the recurrent security crisis in Mali and the role of the African
Union” aimed at interrogating the recurring security crisis in Northern Mali with a focus on the diplomatic and
military role of the African Union in managing the conflict. It is qualitative; descriptive and made use of data
gathered from various secondary sources. Findings from the study revealed that crises in Mali have their roots
in the question of political governance such as issue of management of the ethnic diversity of the Malian
society. The study recommended the need to fight against corruption as well as urgent need for development
strategy by both regional and international bodies.
The journal article by Egnim (2018) on the topic titled “African Union’s role in the resolution of the conflict in
Mali”, examined the role played by the African Union in resolving Malian conflict. It is a qualitative study and
data were gathered through various secondary sources and built on realist theory of conflict. The study argued
that Malian crisis is a product of issues such as political and economic marginalization, poor governance
leading to ethnic dissatisfaction and rebellions of some form of religious radicalism and criminal networks that
transpired into Malian conflict. Findings from the study revealed that even though, African Union, just like
other international bodies have intervened in Malian conflict, the purpose of interventions have not been
realized as the conflict persists. Among others, the study recommended urgently, the need for African Union to
improve the integration of African defense forces and reduce the overall costs that individual African countries
have to bear on many African peacekeeping operations.
Theoretical Framework and Methodology
This study builds on Collective Security theory as the theoretical framework of analysis. Collective Security
as a theory for peace is rooted in Cardinal Richelieu’s proposed scheme for collective security in 1648 and
subsequently reflected in Westphalia Peace of 1648 (Skirbekk & Gilje, 2001). An institutionalized system of
collective security was first realized by the formation of the League of Nation in 1919 due to the First World
War. The creation of the League of Nation built on the longstanding efforts since the 19th century to reduce
the effects of war on belligerents and civilians alike by adopting new rules of humanitarian law and outlawing
war and interstate aggression under international law (Nwagwabi, 2019).
The exponents of Collective Security theory include Baha’ullah, Martin Wright, Immanuel Kant, Woodrow
Wilson, Michael Joseph and was deemed fit to apply interests in security in a broad manner to avoid grouping
powers into opposing camps and refusing to draw division that would leave anyone out. The theory has also
been cited by international, regional and sub-regional bodies such as the League of Nations, United Nations,
Organization of African Unity (now African Union) as a principle in dissuading any member state or group
from acting in a manner likely to threaten peace/security and thus avoid a conflict (Yost, 1977).
Collective security depicts a system based on universal obligations of all nations to join forces against an
aggressor state as soon as the fact of aggression is determined by established procedures. In such a system, an
aggression is defined as a wrong in universal terms and as an aggressor, as soon as it is identified, stands
condemned.
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Application of the Theory
The fitness of Collective Security theory rests on the fact that the theory of Collective Security advocates for
political, regional and global security arrangement in which each state accepts that security of one is the
concern and responsibility of all and for this reason commits to a collective response to threats to or breaches
to international peace and security. For this reason, the theory has a very strong capability on the discourse of
Malian conflict and the collective role of the African Union (AU) in eradicating conflict in Mali, a sub-part of
African continent.
METHODOLOGY
The study has qualitative-descriptive research design orientation and this type of design helps to study and
examine given situation and present them the way they are. Thus, it helps to reveal the attributes and elements
of the phenomena involved. More so, data were gathered from various secondary sources which included
documented evidence such as published materials which include media publications/newspapers, journal
articles, reports and textbooks from well-equipped libraries
FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION
The Impact of the African Union Intervention in the Malian conflict
Despite the challenges of AU in conflict resolution in the Malian conflict, the fact still remains that the impact
of AU intervention in Malian conflict cannot be over-emphasized. AU succeeded in the following intervention;
Political and Diplomatic Intervention
After the transfer of authority from AFISMA to MINUSMA, AU also created the African Union Mission for
Mali and Sahel (MISAHEL) in order to maintain a presence of the AU and to support Mali and the Sahel
countries in their stabilization and development efforts. MISAHEL was tasked with managing the African
Union (AU) Strategy for the Sahel region and aims to support Mali in the crisis recovery process and help the
countries of the Sahel face security, governance and development challenges.
In addressing these challenges, the AU can build on its progress and continue to play a vital role in promoting
peace, stability and development in Mali. The Strategy is in pursuance of a number of relevant instruments,
particularly the Constitutive Act of the AU and the Agenda 2063.
Military Interventions
The starting point of the interrogation of the impact of AU intervention is the AFISMA plan which came about
as a policy drawn from ideas from the AU, ECOWAS and the EU.
From 2012 when the AU got involved in the Malian conflict till the present moment, its impact in the conflict
has not been profound as was expected from the plan. Though the intervention and involvement of the AU in
the conflict helped to achieve some degree of success in some areas of the conflict but it fell far short of
ensuring that the conflict is resolved or any lasting peace.
Challenges of African Union towards Resolution of Malian Conflict
In the Malian crisis, ECOWAS and the AU were in competition to take the lead in the intervention. The
problem came from the fact that the Regional Economic Communities (RECs) are independent entities,
governed by their own charters and not formally subordinate to the AU (Nathan, 2016). The 2008
Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on Cooperation between the African Union and Regional Economic
Commissions in the area of Peace and Security, which should have clarified the relationship between the RECs
and the AU, suffers from two limitations, and this lack of clear responsibilities affected the AU and limited its
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ability in resolving the Malian conflict. For instance, the head of the mission represented the AU and the
deputy represented ECOWAS, which led to lack of clarity about AFISMA's chain of command (Dersso, 2014).
Another part of the APSA that affected and limited the resolution of the Malian conflict by the AU is the issue
of the non-existence of an African Standby Force. While the ASF is supposed to be able to function in a
variety of ways from observation to humanitarian assistance, it was intended to facilitate the rapid deployment
of troops to conflict areas on the continent, avoiding the delays often experienced when waiting for countries
to volunteer troops and deploy them.
Lack of coordination and cooperation efforts among various International and regional actors, especially the
UN delayed in deployment of AFISMA for long before the rebels campaign triggered the French intervention.
Another challenge is poor funding, as African Union could not raise the required funds for the operation and
most member states that sent their soldiers to the mission were unable to meet the financial cost of sustaining
their groups on ground. More so, continuous reliance on external partners for funding also undermine the
African Union’s decision-making capacity to conflict.
The Status of the conflict, 2022
As at 2022, the Malian conflict has continued, and there appears to be no end in sight. The state institutions
have not been able to function properly. Impunity and disregard for the rule of law reigns as attacks by
extremist groups such as al-Qaeda and Islamic state affiliates, continue to occur in the northern and central
Mali. Clashes between the Malian armed forces and the Coordination of Azawad Movement put the 2015
peace deal between the two parties at risk. Mali experienced two military coups in 2020 and 2021, leading to
political uncertainty. More so, the conflict in Mali has led to a significant humanitarian crisis, with over
400,000 internally displaced persons (IDPs) and 1.3 million people in need of humanitarian assistance (World
report, 2024; Mali Event, 2023).
There are number of prospects for success which includes, African Union haven showed and demonstrated a
strong commitment to resolving the Malian conflict with continuous engagement and support; through regional
support by fostering regional cooperation, bringing together neighboring countries and regional organizations
to address the conflict; inclusive dialogue and African Union encouraging participation from various
stakeholders, including political parties, civil society, and religious leaders; peace building efforts from AU by
focusing on reconciliation and development.
CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
The Malian crisis which had engulfed the nation for decades led to dismemberment of the country,
humanitarian crisis, coups. Despite numerous peace deals of Algiers agreement, Bamako agreement,
Tamanrasset agreement, National pact, Ouagadougou agreement, Agreement for Peace and Reconciliation in
Mali, as well as deployment of troops by African Union and others, there appears to be no end in sight for the
nation as the conflict has continued. Today, Mali has numerous ungovernable territories and is referred to as
the African Wild-West where all sorts of non-state actors have made their haven and thrive in.
The African Union has many agencies and policies for the resolution and prevention of conflict in Africa
which were deployed in Mali. Through the efforts of these agencies and their activities, which ranges from
political, diplomatic, military ranged to humanitarian aid notable result including to ensuring the continual
territorial integrity of the nation were recorded. Efforts at maintaining democracy and civilian rule has not
been too successful in Mali and many of the peace deal agreements appeared to have been relegated to the
background. This leads to the conclusion that the efforts of the organization so far has not resolved the conflict
completely due to many factors that are both intrinsic in the organization’s structure and processes and other
external ones.
Recommendations
The study therefore recommended that;
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1. The agencies of the AU mandated for resolution of the Malian conflict and that of others in Africa need to
have their mission and authority spelt out and jurisdiction sorted out. This will help each organization to know
and plan how to effectively implement their policies so as to be effective and efficient in achieving their goal.
The Malian conflict highlighted the urgent need for the operational take off of African Stand-by Force (ASF)
established since 2002. The non-functional existence was responsible for the clumsy response of the AU at the
beginning of the conflict. Even it’s (AU’s) coordination with ECOWAS, a sub-regional body, as well as other
non-African actors were not encouraging. There is, therefore the need for more effective division of labour and
coordination between AU and sub-regional bodies like ECOWAS as well as other global partners. Shared
Understanding of the principles of APSA by all the actors are vital for improved peace and security operations.
An improved communication between AU and regional blocs can decrease the AU reliance on non- African
actors in dealing with African problems as witnessed in Mali with little success. With specific focus on Mali,
the Panel of the Wise consultations with all the segments of the Malian nation to come to a desired government
that will be anchored on strong institutions that reflect the will of the people rather than foreign interest can
achieve the desired peace and stable country the nation needs for its citizens. Also the effective utilization of
the Standby Force in conjunction with an organic legitimate security force of the nation can help to stop the
activities of the terrorists and criminal gangs.
2. AU’s operations framework is largely underfunded as a result of the Peace Fund being under-sourced.
Accordingly African must find viable sources of funding for its operations. In this regards, it is recommended
African states and their leaders be encouraged to timely and appropriately pay up assessed contributions. The
needed incentive is that the destabilization of Mali will in future affect other nearby and farther states, it will
be to the good of the other AU members to ensure that they provide the necessary resources to stop the conflict
and have the nation become stable.
Allied to the above, there is urgent need for action on the AU decision in 2016 to initiate and implement 0.2%
Import levy on all eligible imported goods into the continent as viable source of fund for its operation. These
sources would enable the AU fund at least 50% of its operations before looking for outside help. Relying on
outside donors and organizations to provide the resources for the resolution of the conflict means that the
foreign organizations and nation’s interest will be the first consideration in the resolution of the conflict and
not the welfare and good of Mali or the continent. The AU has to take the lead and have the other foreign
interests and intervention or input be secondary.
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