International Journal of Research and Innovation in Applied Science (IJRIAS)

Submission Deadline-27th January 2025
First Issue of 2025 : Publication Fee: 30$ USD Submit Now
Submission Deadline-04th February 2025
Special Issue on Economics, Management, Sociology, Communication, Psychology: Publication Fee: 30$ USD Submit Now
Submission Deadline-20th February 2025
Special Issue on Education, Public Health: Publication Fee: 30$ USD Submit Now

A Critical Analysis of Democratic Electoral Reforms and its Impact on Peace and Security in Somaliland

  • Khadar Suldan Aadan Faarax
  • 376-391
  • Jan 15, 2025
  • Education

A Critical Analysis of Democratic Electoral Reforms and its Impact on Peace and Security in Somaliland

Khadar Suldan Aadan Faarax

Cavendish University Uganda, Uganda

DOI: https://doi.org/10.51584/IJRIAS.2024.912035

Received: 16 December 2024; Accepted: 24 December 2024; Published: 15 January 2025

ABSTRACT

Purpose of the study: The purpose of the study was to conduct a critical analysis of democratic electoral reforms and its impact on peace and security in Somaliland.

Methodology: The researchers used an employed a cross-sectional research design integrating qualitative and quantitative methods. A sample of 230 people was used for primary data using a questionnaire-based survey and Interviews Guide.

Findings: According to the results, results show that democratic electoral reforms affect peace building efforts in Somaliland, based on the findings, more so, the study on regression analysis of democratic electoral reforms and security in Somaliland, based on the findings, and lastly results on the challenges to electoral reforms hindering peace and security in Somaliland. Based on the responses, it was found that the major challenge faced in electoral reforms is Limited resources to deploy in their democratic processes.

Conclusion and study implications: The conclusion of this study underscores the critical impact of democratic electoral reforms on peacebuilding and security in Somaliland. The findings reveal that effective electoral reforms can foster peace by enhancing political stability and reducing conflict. Reforms that emphasize transparency, inclusivity, and representation strengthen trust in governance and support social cohesion, creating a more secure environment. However, challenges like limited resources, political fragmentation, and clan-based affiliations hinder the full realization of these benefits. These insights highlight the need for policy interventions that prioritize robust democratic frameworks, resource allocation, and capacity building for electoral institutions, potentially guiding policymakers, international stakeholders, and civil society in promoting sustainable peace and security in the region.

Keywords: Democratic electoral reforms, Peace and security, and Electoral process

INTRODUCTION AND BACKGROUND

The Soviet Union and the United States played a significant role in the Cold War, leading to the establishment of democratic reforms. These reforms, particularly in electoral assistance, have become crucial in aid initiatives. The international community has used electoral assistance to resolve internal conflicts and reinforce peace processes in post-civil conflict environments (Ajulo, 2022). Since the end of the Cold War, the electoral dimension of peace operations has become increasingly important, with elections being a fundamental aspect of the peace process.

Globally, electoral democracies depend on elections that are credible, free, fair, and held at regular intervals. While it is acknowledged that elections alone do not constitute a democracy, it is equally true that genuine democracy cannot exist without transparent electoral processes (Ojo, 2021). Therefore, it can be reasonably concluded that the future of democracy is contingent upon the presence of credible elections. Recognizing that elections are inherently flawed worldwide (Balogun and Ikheloa, 2019), democratic nations periodically strive to enhance the electoral process by amending electoral laws and regulations. This endeavor is what is referred to as electoral reforms. Consequently, it is evident that electoral reforms not only enhance the electoral process but also act as mechanisms for achieving democratic stability, thereby ensuring the continuity of democratic practices in the future.

Nigeria, one of the Varieties of Democracies, is facing significant challenges in elections across Africa, including Nigeria. The country’s democratic foundation is threatened by serious irregularities, despite progress in gender voting, voter registration, inclusion of disabled individuals, and marginalized groups (IDEA, 2014). The report reveals that factors contributing to electoral fraud include government manipulation of media, civil society, rule of law, and elections (VDem, 2022). The challenges in Africa extend beyond mere violations of electoral laws, as the ruling party’s unchecked influence shapes these laws and regulations without adequate oversight from other stakeholders. To address these issues, it is crucial to understand the underlying dynamics and learn from relevant experiences before investing in electoral reforms in Somaliland.

The electoral framework in Somaliland is being improved through a comprehensive set of initiatives, aiming to enhance political inclusivity and strengthen democratic institutions. This shift from clan-centric politics to a more party-oriented system is crucial for fostering peace, stability, and effective governance (Bincof, 2018). The reforms prioritize citizenship over clan loyalty, encouraging the establishment of political parties based on ideological beliefs and policy agendas (O’Driscoll, 2018). The reforms also focus on involving marginalized groups, such as women, individuals with disabilities, and minority populations, through measures like representation quotas and outreach programs.

Somaliland operates under a multi-party democratic framework. In the year 2000, the nation transitioned from a clan-based power-sharing system to one that allows for the competition of democratic political parties in elections (Fadal, 2011). This newly established multi-party system included an agreement on an electoral timetable for political organizations, stipulating that elections would occur every decade (Fadal, 2011). Following these elections, the three leading political organizations would be designated as the official “National Parties” (APD, 2016). In his examination of Law No.14, Dr. Mohamed Fadal from the SORADI Research Institute notes that there is a lack of clarity regarding whether the successful parties are granted permanent status in the three constitutional positions available for the multi-party system in Somaliland, or if there is potential for new entrants to join this exclusive political party framework (2011). Consequently, the initial three parties recognized as ‘national parties’—UDUB, UCID, and Kulmiye—have maintained power for over a decade, contrary to the constitutional stipulation (Fadal, 2011). The uncertainty surrounding the regulations governing political parties remains unaddressed, continuing to influence the political dynamics within Somaliland.

The purpose of the study was to conduct a critical analysis of democratic electoral reforms and its impact on peace and security in Somaliland. Key objectives are:

  • To examine the effect of democratic electoral reforms on Peace building efforts in Somaliland
  • To determine the effect of democratic electoral reforms on security in Somaliland
  • To assess the challenges to electoral reforms hindering peace and security in Somaliland

LITERATURE REVIEW

Electoral Reforms: Key Concepts

A modification to the electoral system that modifies the way the electorate’s preferences are reflected in election outcomes is known as electoral reform (Bryden, 2016). Changes to voting procedures, such as proportional representation, runoff voting in two rounds, instant-runoff voting (also known as Condorcet voting), range voting, approval voting, citizen initiatives, referendums, and recall elections, have the potential to be considered reforms. processes for counting votes, political party regulations, and usually modifications to election legislation. Voting eligibility (includes expanding the voting pool, granting the right to vote, and extending the right to vote to previously excluded individuals of a particular age, gender, or race/ethnicity), How political parties and candidates can have their names on ballots (ballot access) and how they can run for office (nomination regulations). Election district boundaries and electoral constituencies. In contrast to single-member districts, this may involve taking into account districts with several members.

According to Dummett (1997), voting apparatus and ballot design are also part of democratic election reforms. Unlike X voting under First-past-the-post voting and certain other systems, preferential ballots, as employed in Single Transferable Voting, require a different ballot design. Scrutinizing (candidates, political parties, etc. keeping an eye on the election), Election worker and voter safety, anti-corruption, anti-bribery, and anti-conflict of interest policies, funding for candidates and referendum campaigns, and variables influencing voter turnout

Democratic electoral reforms, according to Admin (2020), are constructive adjustments made to election procedures with the goals of fostering more democracy, outlawing the criminalization of politics, selecting the best candidates for legislative chambers, preventing the abuse of the government apparatus, ensuring fair representation, etc. According to Hoffmeister (2022), “election reform” is a general phrase used to refer to modifications intended to increase the electoral process’s responsiveness to the needs and preferences of the general population. They could be administrative, legal, or political in nature, pertaining to the political climate in which the EMB functions, including granting it greater autonomy or establishing a more efficient framework for its financing and responsibility.

Democratic electoral Reforms on Peace building

Democratic electoral reforms are essential to peacebuilding initiatives worldwide, serving as a means to achieve stability and inclusivity (Schultz, 2018). To begin with, the introduction of electoral reforms enhances transparency and legitimacy within the electoral framework, effectively addressing grievances and alleviating tensions among various communities. Initiatives such as improving voter registration processes, ensuring equitable representation through proportional representation systems, and establishing independent electoral bodies enhance the credibility of elections, thereby reducing the potential for disputes that may lead to violence.

Moreover, these reforms encourage political engagement and representation, particularly for marginalized populations, including ethnic minorities and women. By implementing quotas or affirmative action strategies, electoral frameworks can empower these underrepresented groups, granting them a platform to express their concerns and aspirations in the political arena. This inclusivity not only fortifies the democratic structure but also lessens the likelihood of marginalized individuals resorting to violence due to feelings of exclusion from the political landscape.

Additionally, Bukhari (2024) notes that democratic electoral reforms are instrumental in fostering trust in institutions and nurturing a culture of dialogue and compromise. The introduction of measures aimed at preventing electoral fraud, such as effective monitoring systems and safeguarding judicial independence, enhances citizens’ confidence in the electoral process and the rule of law. Furthermore, the promotion of civic education initiatives helps develop a more informed electorate, capable of engaging in constructive political discussions and resolving conflicts peacefully through democratic means.

Democratic Electoral Reforms and Security

Democratic electoral reforms are essential for the establishment of fair and transparent elections, which are fundamental to the principles of democratic governance (Osuji, 2017). These reforms include a variety of initiatives designed to bolster the integrity of electoral systems, such as enhancing voter registration processes, instituting strong protections against fraud and manipulation, fostering inclusivity and accessibility, and improving oversight mechanisms (Debrah & Owusu-Mensah, 2023).

Moreover, it is imperative that electoral reforms emphasize the safeguarding of fundamental rights and civil liberties, including the rights to freedom of expression, assembly, and association (O’Connell, 2020). These rights are crucial for nurturing a dynamic political environment and enabling citizens to engage meaningfully in the electoral process. Consequently, it is vital that electoral reforms protect these rights from unwarranted limitations or violations, especially in light of emerging challenges such as disinformation campaigns and digital manipulation.

Even in established democracies like the United States, there exists a pervasive sense of alienation and disillusionment among many citizens who perceive the democratic system as increasingly unresponsive to their needs, with a government that appears less inclined to advocate for their interests (Edel, 2019). In Hong Kong, protests erupted against a proposed bill that would have allowed the extradition of criminal suspects to mainland China. Although the bill was eventually withdrawn, demonstrations persisted, with protestors demanding investigations into police brutality and the release of imprisoned political activists. Similarly, in Thailand, youth-led protests in 2020 called for the dissolution of parliament, an end to ongoing government intimidation, and the drafting of a new constitution to enhance civil liberties. In the United States, the ‘Black Lives Matter’ movement gained renewed momentum in response to incidents of police brutality in 2020. The catalyst for widespread unrest was the brutal public choking of George Floyd, an African-American individual, by a white police officer. The elections held in November 2020, featuring the incumbent Donald Trump from the Republican Party and Joe Biden from the Democratic Party, were characterized by significant division and political tension, marking them as some of the most contentious in American history. Following his electoral defeat, Donald Trump encouraged his supporters to contest the election results, though these efforts ultimately proved unsuccessful.

Democracy appears to have been co-opted by the relentless drive of capitalism, which often disregards the welfare of the majority. The conceptualization of democracy has historically been associated with liberal economic advancement, which can be interpreted as liberal capitalism. In 1991, the esteemed political scientist Samuel Huntington noted that “successive waves of democratization have washed over the shore of dictatorship. Buoyed by a rising tide of economic progress, each wave advanced further—and receded less than its predecessor” (Huntington 2005). However, this notion of economic ‘progress’ frequently pertains to capital accumulation and foreign income generation, as well as production and market efficiency, rather than the enhancement of living conditions for the populace. Consequently, such economic frameworks tend to benefit a select few individuals or specific societal groups.

In his work, The Future of Capitalism, Collier (2018) asserts that “Modern capitalism has the potential to lift us all to unprecedented prosperity, but it is morally bankrupt and on track for tragedy.” Collier (2020) expresses concern over the rising levels of poverty globally and the expanding economic divide, all while the world maintains an illusion of progress. This article posits that democratic advancement is closely linked to economic development, with both elements playing a crucial role in fostering peace economics.

Tabassam, Hashmi, and Rehman (2016) established that terrorism, serving as an indicator of security, exerts a significantly negative influence on economic growth in Pakistan. They emphasized the necessity of considering the elements contributing to political instability when making economic decisions. Uddin et al. (2017) identified that security is crucial, while political risk adversely affects growth in developing nations. Although both factors negatively impact growth, political instability has a more pronounced detrimental effect compared to political risk in the context of OIC countries, as opposed to non-OIC countries. Their findings suggest that a decline in political stability hampers growth in developing nations by reducing capital investment, hindering human capital development, and disrupting the industrialization process. Heo and Tan (2018) noted that democratic electoral reform Granger-causes growth in ten developing countries, while economic growth Granger-causes democracy in eleven developing countries, leading to the conclusion that democracy and economic growth mutually influence each other.

Nguyen (2022) contended that democratic electoral reforms, particularly leader turnover, are linked to security, and the evidence suggests that leader turnover does not significantly affect economic outcomes in democratic regimes. The implications of leader turnover in response to economic downturns may differ from its general effects. Overall, the study remains neutral regarding whether lower generalized trust and increased leader turnover are inefficient. The findings presented are primarily associative and should not be interpreted as causal. Nonetheless, the identified patterns are significant and underscore the potential role of leader turnover in economic stability.

Challenges for ensuring electoral democratic reforms

A significant challenge facing the electoral landscape is the widespread occurrence of irregularities and disputes, which significantly erode the credibility and legitimacy of the electoral process (Oni et al., 2017). Instances of electoral misconduct, including voter intimidation, bribery, and fraud, have been documented in previous elections, underscoring the urgent need for comprehensive electoral reforms aimed at improving transparency and accountability (Norris, 2017). It is essential to bolster mechanisms for electoral oversight and dispute resolution, such as independent electoral commissions and judicial entities, to effectively tackle these issues.

Additionally, a notable aspect of democracy in the region is the vulnerability of democratic institutions and the prevalence of hybrid regimes that exhibit both democratic characteristics (such as conducting elections) and autocratic traits (including control over the judiciary and media, as well as executive dominance over the legislative branch). The 2019 State of Democracy Report by IDEA indicates that Africa is home to over three-quarters of the world’s fragile democracies—nations that transitioned to democratic governance post-1975 but subsequently experienced either a partial (hybrid) or complete democratic regression (non-democracy) before returning to democratic status. More than half of Africa’s democracies are classified as weak, demonstrating subpar performance in at least one democratic attribute (Mwita, 2022).

Local public perceptions correspond with international assessments, suggesting a democratic regression in certain areas of the region. The 2020 Ibrahim Index on African Governance, informed by Afrobarometer surveys, revealed that the average score for Public Perception of Overall Governance in Africa was at its lowest point from 2010 to 2019. Citizens throughout the continent have expressed a belief that elections are increasingly perceived as less free and fair, and they feel less at liberty to express their opinions compared to a decade prior. In instances of democratic decline, this deterioration often occurs under the guise of legality, marked by a gradual erosion of democratic principles. Key factors contributing to this decline include restrictions on freedom of expression, both in digital spaces and in traditional settings, as well as the undermining of democratic institutions.

A further significant theme is the challenge posed by economic inequality, frequently exacerbated by global economic dynamics, to the sustainability and integrity of democracy. The insidious and indirect effects of unequal economic resources can undermine the quality of democratic processes, influencing voting behavior, institutional frameworks, campaign financing, and media representation. Changes in the global economy may have intensified these issues. Moreover, we investigate the extent to which the stagnation of economic growth over the past four decades in established democracies has fostered a new wave of antidemocratic populism, reflected in public sentiment and the evolution of political parties (Hussein, 2018).

The emergence of populism and its implications for democratic systems: In recent years, there has been a significant increase in scholarly interest regarding the rise of populist parties and movements across various regions, including Latin America, North America, and both Western and Eastern Europe (Paffenholz, 2015). The complex interplay between populism and democratic principles presents a challenging yet crucial area of inquiry. Numerous populist leaders ascend to power by claiming to represent “the people,” often in manners that appear to undermine fundamental tenets of liberal democracy. Our approach involves engaging with and collaborating alongside established groups on campus, concentrating specifically on the effects that populist parties and movements have on democracy and the processes of de-democratization.

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

This study utilized a cross-sectional research design that incorporated both qualitative and quantitative methodologies. The combination of these methods serves as an effective framework for delivering a comprehensive analysis of the situation, particularly when multiple avenues exist for gathering essential information to facilitate objective evaluation (Mugenda and Mugenda, 2019). Data collection was conducted using key informant interviews, a technique that yields valuable insights efficiently and cost-effectively.

To gather quantitative data, a questionnaire-based survey was administered to a sample of 230 participants, employing a simple random sampling approach. This method ensures that the selected elements accurately represent the broader population under investigation (Cooper and Schindler, 2011). The study also employed stratified random sampling to select participants, which involves dividing the population into distinct subgroups before applying simple random sampling to gather quantitative data from operational staff. The selection of staff was executed randomly through a rotational process.

Table 3.1: Population and Sample size

Category Population Sample Sampling technique
Civil society 89 35 Stratified and Simple Random
Traditional Leaders and Political Parties leaders 197 84 Stratified and Simple Random
Ministry of Internal affairs + electoral commission 179 73 Stratified and Simple Random
Religious Leaders 67 28 Stratified and Simple Random
Political and administrative heads Ministries, electoral commission and civil society 10 10 Census
Total 542 230  

Source: Ministry of information and communication, 2022

Sampling Procedure

This is the method of selecting the elements that was represented in the population under study. The sample was a group from the population representing the population (Cooper and Schindler, 2011). The study relied on stratified random sampling in selecting the participants for the study. Stratified and simple random sampling involves constraining the sample by segregating elements into mutually exclusive subpopulations (Cooper and Schindler, 2011). After stratified sampling, simple random sampling technique was used to collect quantitative data from operations staff. The staff was selected randomly through rotary and after was selected. The reason for adopting this method is to ensure that all the members of the study population have equal opportunity to be sampled. Simple random sampling enabled the attainment of data from political and administrative heads. Census inquiry was used to attain the qualitative sample sufficient to enable the collection of data from the administrative staff of the study.

Data Collection Instruments

Questionnaires

The study used a self-administered questionnaire as the data collection tool. The questionnaire had both closed and open-ended questions. The researcher settled on this tool because it is simple to administer, and it can collect a lot of information from a big population within little time. According to Silverman (2005) questionnaires are very cost effective when compared to face-to-face interviews. Questionnaires are easy to analyze. Data entry and tabulation for nearly all surveys can be easily done with many computer software packages

Questionnaires was circulated through a web-based platform google documents and by hand to the staff given the rapport with the respondents. The questionnaires encompassed closed-end questions to encourage a high response rate. The research questionnaire included five sections, section one covering general information from the respondent, and the other sections covering the independent variables of the study.

The respondents indicated where suitable in the questionnaires which employed a 5 point likert scale and differential scale, 1 indicating “Strongly Disagree”, 2 indicating “Disagree” ,3 being “Neutral” 4 signifying “Agree” and 5 being “Strongly Agree”. The specific research objectives of the study were utilized in coming up with the questionnaire.

Interviews Guide

This was one-on-one interviews conducted with selected key informants (administrators). This method was preferred as it gives an opportunity to probe the respondents. Some of the questions that was asked in the questionnaire were asked in the interview guide in order to get thorough understanding of the study. This enabled the researcher attain qualitative data.

FINDINGS

Demographics

Table 4.1: Gender of Respondents

Response Frequency Percent
Male 143 66.2
Female 73 33.8
Total 216 100.0

Source: Field Data, 2023

The study results indicate that information was attained from both genders, it sought to identity the gender representation for the respondents in the study, it indicate that all respondents provided their views irrespective of gender. The study democratic reforms and its impact on peace and security is undertaken by both male and female, the results indicate that the study is provided on both the state of the gender identity being existence in the study.

Age of Respondents

Table 4.2: Age of Respondents

Age Frequency Percent
20-29 Years 40 18.5
30-39 Years 79 36.6
40-49 years 68 31.5
50 Years above 29 13.4
Total 216 100.0

Source: Field Data, 2023

In the study, the researcher indicate that the majority respondents were educated and information attained on democratic reforms and its effect on peace and security in Somaliland, it’s worth noting that the majority respondents were youthful and hence have a sharp memory and understand the state of the democratic reforms and its effect on peace and security in Somaliland.

Effect of democratic electoral reforms on Peace building efforts   

The first research objective was to examine the effect of democratic electoral reforms on Peace building efforts in Somaliland, In order to determine the effect between the democratic electoral reforms on peace building, the researcher first analyzed data descriptively based on mean and standard deviation to measure the levels of democratic electoral reforms on Peace building efforts in Somaliland, after presenting descriptive statistics on the two variables (democratic electoral reforms on Peace building efforts), the researcher conducted simple linear regression analysis to measure the degree of effect in statistical terms that electoral reforms have on peace building in Somaliland.

Democratic electoral reforms in Somaliland

Table 4.3: Democratic electoral reforms in Somaliland

Democratic electoral reforms Mean Std. Deviation Interpretation
There is prohibition of criminalization of politics 3.537 1.452 Moderately High
Parliament undertakes periodic electoral laws analysis 2.717 1.512 Moderately High
Cabinet reviews the electoral laws after every 4 years 3.481 1.572 High
The electoral reforms are usually parliament reviewed to stimulate equal representations 3.259 1.436 Moderately High
There are electoral reforms conducted that have curbed resource misuse in elections 3.175 1.355 Moderately High
Electoral reform systems is provided for in the national Somaliland constitution 3.282 1.627 Moderately High
People through a referendum induces the electoral reforms in Somaliland 2.847 1.555 Moderately High
Electoral reforms for gender, disability and regional representations have been done 3.217 1.323 Moderately High
Average Mean 3.189 1.479 Moderately High

Source: Field Data, 2023

The results in both qualitative and quantitative indicate that there exist democratic reforms in Somaliland but these reforms are far from the system of developed democracies needed in the realization of adequate political environments in any country.

Peace building efforts in Somaliland

Table 4.4: Peace building efforts in Somaliland

  Mean Std. Deviation Interpretation
Electoral reforms have generated consensus among conflicting parties 2.328 1.664 Low
Electoral reforms have acted as a tool for reconciliations 3.263 1.572 Moderately High
Electoral reforms have created political party freedom 3.569 1.320 High
Electoral reforms have provided an understanding among the parties 3.287 1.333 Moderately High
Electoral reforms have been enacted to reduce tension among the parties 3.175 1.389 Moderately High
Electoral reforms have been used as an icon of reduction of tension 3.166 1.528 Moderately High
Electoral reforms are apparatus for the creation of political negations 2.851 1.451 Moderately High
Average Mean 3.091 1.465 Moderately High

Source: Field Data, 2023

The findings are in agreement with the qualitative findings. The study results from both questionnaire and interview attest to the existence of the fairly peaceful situation in Somaliland compared to the entire of Somalia majorly due to the region being semi-autonomous.

Effect of democratic electoral reforms on Peace building efforts

Table 4.5: Regression analysis of democratic electoral reforms and its effect on Peace building efforts

Model Summary
Model R R Square Adjusted R Square Std. Error of the Estimate
1 .246a .061 .056 .64403
a. Predictors: (Constant), Democratic Reforms
ANOVAa
Model Sum of Squares Df Mean Square F Sig.
1 Regression 5.742 1 5.742 13.843 .000b
Residual 88.762 214 .415
Total 94.503 215
a. Dependent Variable: Peace building efforts
b. Predictors: (Constant), Democratic Reforms
Coefficientsa
Model Unstandardized Coefficients Standardized Coefficients t Sig.
B Std. Error Beta
1 (Constant) 2.981 .155 19.201 .000
Democratic Reforms .180 .048 .246 3.721 .000
a. Dependent Variable: Peace building efforts

Source: Field Data, 2023

Table 4.5 presents a regression analysis examining the relationship between democratic electoral reforms and their impact on peace-building initiatives in Somaliland. The findings reveal an R-value of .246, suggesting that democratic electoral reforms account for 24.6% of the variance in peace-building efforts within the region. Furthermore, the analysis indicates that these reforms are significant factors influencing peace-building activities in Somaliland, as evidenced by a standard error estimate of .6440, which reflects the proximity of the data points.

The ANOVA results further substantiate the claim that democratic reforms exert a statistically significant positive influence on peace-building in Somalia, with a P-value of 0.000. This finding underscores the notion that the implementation of electoral reforms is essential for fostering peace in Somaliland. The F-value of 13.843 further emphasizes the substantial impact of electoral reforms on peace-building efforts.

In summary, the study concludes that democratic electoral reforms significantly affect peace-building initiatives in Somaliland, with both democratic reform systems and peace efforts yielding P-values of 0.000. This indicates a robust relationship between the two variables, suggesting that enhancements in democratic electoral reforms are likely to facilitate improvements in peace-building efforts in the region.

Effect of democratic electoral reforms on security in Somaliland

The second research objective was to examine the effect of democratic electoral reforms on security in Somaliland, In order to determine the effect between the democratic electoral reforms on security, the researcher first analyzed data descriptively based on mean and standard deviation to measure the levels of democratic electoral reforms after presenting descriptive statistics on security, the researcher will conduct simple linear regression analysis to measure the degree of effect in statistical terms that electoral reforms have on Security.

Security in Somaliland

Table 4.6: Security in Somaliland

Mean Std. Deviation Interpretation
There is cohesion amongst the communities in security 2.648 1.486 Moderately high
Community security without robberies among the people reduced due to democratic systems 2.925 1.395 Moderately high
Democratic system is an umbrella for human security 3.277 1.458 Moderately high
Democratic legal system in Somaliland has created coherence amongst the communities 3.088 1.554 Moderately high
There are systems enhancing the state of food security in Somaliland 3.115 1.462 Moderately high
There is been total national security due to electoral reforms 3.111 1.477 Moderately high
National security situation without conflict is due to democratic reform system of Somaliland 3.736 1.384 Moderately high
Average Mean 3.128 1.459 Moderately high

Source: Field Data, 2023

The findings are in agreement with those of the interview responses providing that the security situation in Somaliland is generally secure. In the findings, it was provided in agreement that security situation in Somaliland has generally prevailed in the country which has not been utmost but prevailing in the environment of Somaliland.

Effect of democratic electoral reforms on security in Somaliland

Table 4.7: Effect of democratic electoral reforms on security in Somaliland

Model Summary
Model R R Square Adjusted R Square Std. Error of the Estimate
1 .668a .447 .444 .77533
a. Predictors: (Constant), Democratic Reforms
ANOVAa
Model Sum of Squares df Mean Square F Sig.
1 Regression 103.813 1 103.813 172.692 .000b
Residual 128.645 214 .601
Total 232.457 215
a. Dependent Variable: Security
b. Predictors: (Constant), Democratic Reforms
Coefficientsa
Model Unstandardized Coefficients Standardized Coefficients t Sig.
B Std. Error Beta
1 (Constant) .702 .187 3.756 .000
Democratic Reforms .764 .058 .668 13.141 .000
a. Dependent Variable: Security

Source: Field Data, 2023

Table 4.7 presents the results of a regression analysis examining the relationship between democratic electoral reforms and security in Somaliland. The findings reveal an R-value of .668, suggesting that democratic electoral reforms account for 66.8% of the variance in security levels within Somaliland. Furthermore, the analysis indicates that electoral reforms serve as significant determinants influencing security in the region, as evidenced by a standard error estimate of .77533, which reflects the proximity of the data points.

The ANOVA results further substantiate the claim that democratic reforms exert a statistically significant positive impact on security in Somaliland, with a P-value of 0.000. This finding implies that the implementation of electoral reforms is essential for ensuring security in the region. The F-value of 172.692 underscores the substantial effect that electoral reforms have on security outcomes in Somaliland.

In summary, the study concludes that there is a statistically significant relationship between democratic electoral reforms and security in Somaliland, with both variables exhibiting P-values of 0.000. This indicates a strong correlation, suggesting that enhancements in democratic electoral reforms are likely to contribute positively to the improvement of security in Somaliland.

Challenges to electoral reforms hindering peace and security in Somaliland

The third objective of the study was to assess the challenges to electoral reforms hindering peace and security in Somaliland. In this study, the researcher provided descriptive statistics based on mean and standard deviations to measure the level of challenge/ hindrance to the peace and security situation in Somaliland.

Table 4.8: Challenges to electoral reforms hindering peace and security in Somaliland

  Mean Std. Deviation Interpretation
Inter boarder conflicts have hindered total peace in Somaliland 3.296 1.348 Moderately High
Lack of international recognition of Somaliland as an independent state hinder its security and peace 2.745 1.405 Moderately High
Lack of political will to institute democratic institutions 2.736 1.555 Moderately High
Limited resources to deploy in their democratic processes 3.916 1.280 High
The clan system of leadership hinder full democracy from thriving 3.787 1.336 High
Limited international interaction with Somaliland hinder its agitation for democratic funding 3.652 1.341 High
Political misunderstandings among the politicians in Somaliland 3.824 1.314 High

Source: Field Data, 2023

in the analysis, the results indicate that the main challenge frustrating the peace and security in Somaliland through electoral reforms is lack of Somaliland recognition as an independent state, further more limited resources to deploy in their democratic processes, Political misunderstandings among the politicians in Somaliland and a lack of a fully arranged political system which seriously frustrate the state of peace and security stances  and limited resources to implement the electoral reforms in the areas.

SUMMARY OF FINDINGS

Effect of democratic electoral reforms on Peace building efforts in Somaliland  

The findings indicate that democratic electoral reforms play a significant role in peace-building initiatives in Somaliland. The researcher reports an r-value of .246, suggesting that these reforms account for a 24.6% influence on peace-building efforts in the region. Furthermore, the ANOVA results reveal a statistically significant positive correlation between democratic reforms and peace-building in Somalia, with a P-value of 0.000. This underscores that the implementation of electoral reforms contributes to peace-building in Somaliland. Additionally, the analysis of coefficients confirms the statistically significant impact of democratic electoral reforms on peace-building efforts, with both the reforms and peace initiatives exhibiting P-values of 0.000. This indicates a moderate effect of democratic electoral reforms on peace-building in the region.

Effect of democratic electoral reforms on security in Somaliland

The research conducted on the regression analysis of democratic electoral reforms and their impact on security in Somaliland reveals that the R-value is .668. This suggests that democratic electoral reforms account for a 66.8% influence on security within the region. The ANOVA results further demonstrate that these reforms have a statistically significant positive effect on security, with a P-value of 0.000. This finding implies that the implementation of electoral reforms is essential for ensuring security in Somaliland. Additionally, the study confirms that both democratic electoral reforms and their effects on security are statistically significant, with both variables exhibiting a P-value of 0.000. This indicates a notable relationship between democratic reform systems and security, highlighting the moderate impact of these reforms on the overall security landscape.

Challenges to electoral reforms hindering peace and security in Somaliland

The findings regarding the obstacles to electoral reforms that impede peace and security in Somaliland reveal several significant challenges. The foremost issue identified is the limited resources available for democratic processes, which received a mean score of 3.916, indicating a high level of concern. Additionally, political misunderstandings among Somaliland’s politicians were noted as a second major challenge, also with a mean of 3.916 and a standard deviation of 1.314, suggesting a high degree of variability in responses. Regarding the impact of the clan leadership system on the advancement of full democracy, the mean response was 3.787. Furthermore, the limited international engagement with Somaliland, which restricts its ability to secure democratic funding, garnered a mean score of 3.652 and a standard deviation of 1.341, indicating a high level of concern about the existing interactions among the populace. Another challenge identified is the presence of cross-border conflicts, which have adversely affected peace efforts in Somaliland, reflected in a mean score of 3.296 and a standard deviation of 1.348, interpreted as moderately high. Additionally, the lack of international recognition of Somaliland as an independent state poses a significant barrier to its security and peace, with a mean score of 2.745. Lastly, the absence of political will to establish democratic institutions was rated with a mean of 2.736, also interpreted as moderately high, suggesting that the overall democratic landscape is considerably obstructive to the electoral systems necessary for fostering peace and security..

CONCLUSION

The impact of democratic electoral reforms on peacebuilding initiatives in Somaliland is significant, as indicated by the researcher’s findings, which reveal an R-value of .246. This suggests that these reforms exert a moderate influence on peacebuilding efforts within the region. The data further demonstrate a statistical correlation between democratic electoral reforms and peacebuilding activities in Somaliland. Consequently, the study concludes that the advancement of electoral reforms in Somaliland possesses the potential to enhance peacebuilding initiatives. In this context, electoral systems serve as a foundational framework that supports the sustainability of peace efforts among Somaliland’s communities. Therefore, the implementation of adequate electoral reforms is crucial for the realization of peace objectives in the region.

In addition, the regression analysis examining the relationship between democratic electoral reforms and security in Somaliland reveals an R-value of .668, indicating a moderate effect of these reforms on security within the region. This analysis suggests that a well-structured electoral reform environment can provide a supportive framework for enhancing security. Effective management of electoral processes in Somaliland is essential for ensuring internal security, thereby creating a conducive environment for safety. It is imperative that a well-designed and developed security system is established, as this will significantly contribute to fostering a secure community.

The findings indicate that several challenges impede peace and security in Somaliland, particularly in the context of electoral reforms. A significant issue is the lack of international recognition of Somaliland as an independent state, which restricts its access to essential resources necessary for facilitating democratic processes. Additionally, political misunderstandings among local politicians, coupled with the absence of a fully structured political system, severely undermine the stability of peace and security in the region. These factors collectively hinder the establishment of effective political and electoral management systems in Somaliland. Nevertheless, Somaliland has the potential to foster a conducive environment for peace and security, thereby enhancing the overall atmosphere for its communities.

REFERENCES

  1. Admin, B (2020). How Does South Korea’s New Election System Work. Korea Economic Institute of America.
  2. Aisen, A., & Veiga, F. J. (2021). How does political instability affect economic growth?. European Journal of Political Economy, 29, 151-167.
  3. Ajulo, K. (2022). A Brief Allocution on the Salient Provi­sions of the Electoral Act 2022. https://www.thisdaylive.com/index. php/2022/02/28/a-brief-allocution-on-the- salient-provisions-of-the-electoral-act-2022/
  4. Alfieri, V. (2016). Political parties and citizen political involvement in post-conflict Burundi: between democratic claims and authoritarian tendencies’ Civil Wars, 18(2), 234-253,
  5. (2020, August 19). “Mali’s Keita Resigns as President.” Retrieved from Aljazeera. com:hhtps://www.aljazeera.com/news/2020/8/19/malis-keita-resigns-as-presidentafter-military-coup
  6. AL-Kubaisi, H. A. R., Shah, F. A., Siddiqui, A. H., & Ahmed, S. (2024). Electoral Politics in Pakistan: Trends, Issues, and the Role of Political Parties. Remittances Review, 9(1), 854-890.
  7. Baklouti, N., & Boujelbene, Y. (2018). Democracy, Political Stability and Economic Growth: Evidence from Mena Countries. Business and Management, 10(4).
  8. Balogun, O. S and Ikheloa, S. (2019). Vote Buying and Election Administration in Kogi State: A Review of the 2019 General Election in Lokoja Metropolis. Zamfara Journal of Politics and Development, 3(2), 102-111
  9. Bincof, M. O. (2018). The role of youth in political participation in Somalia. IOSR Journal of Humanities and Social Science, 23(10), 64-74.
  10. Collier, P. (2018). The future of Capitalism: Facing the New Anxieties. New York: Harper Collins.
  11. Donald M (2013) Instincts to Lead”: On Leadership, Peace, and Education. Connor Court, 2013
  12. Edel, C. (2019). Democracy is fighting for its life. Retrieved from FP Insider: https://foreignpolicy.com/2019/09/10/democracy-is-fighting-for-its-li
  13. Gowa, S. Joanne (1999). Ballots and Bullets: The Elusive Democratic Peace. Princeton:   Princeton University Press
  14. Gutierrez, D. D. (2018). Unsupervised Learning Evaluating Clusters. Open Data Science. https://opendatascience.com/unsupervised-learning-evaluating-clusters
  15. Hanania, R. (2020). Ineffective, Immoral, Politically Convenient: America’s Overreliance on Economic Sanctions and What to Do about It. Cato Institute Policy Analysis, (884).
  16. Heo, U., & Tan, A. C. (2018). Democracy and economic growth: A causal analy-sis. Comparative Politics, 463-473.
  17. Hussein, J.W. (2018). Examining the nature of defensively situated politics of difference, Identity and essentialism in Ethiopia: A critical engagement. International Area Studies Review, 19, 340 – 354
  18. ICG (2019a) ‘Crucial Reforms Languish as Colombia Seeks to Consolidate Peace’, Commentary, Latin America & Caribbean, https://www.crisisgroup.org/latin-america- caribbean/andes/colombia/crucial-reforms-languishcolombia-seeks-consolidate-peace   [Accessed 16/9/2023]
  19. Jeni W. (2013). How Peace Operations Work. Oxford University Press, 2013
  20. Jeong, H. W. (2017). Peace and conflict studies: An introduction. Routledge.
  21. Larry Diamond’s (2020). new book, Ill Winds: Saving Democracy from Russian Rage, Chinese Ambition, and American Complacency
  22. Lindqvist, R. (2018). Peace-, State-and Trust Building in Practice: The implementation of the New Deal TRUST principles and international peacebuilding engagements in the Somali Region.
  23. Merkel, W. (2018). Challenge or crisis of democracy. Democracy and crisis: Challenges in turbulent times, 1-28.
  24. MoU (2015) Memorandum of Understanding for Aceh http://www.acehpeaceprocess.net/pdf/moupdf
  25. Nguyen, K.-T. (2022). Trust and Innovation Within the Firm: Evidence From MatchedCEO- Firm Data,” Discussion paper, Working paper. London School of Economics.
  26. Nyadera, I.N, Maulani, N., & Agwanda, B. (2020). Evolution of Kenya’s political system and challenges to Democracy. Retrieved from Research Gate: https://www.researcggate.net/publication/338984054
  27. O’Driscoll, D. (2018). Transformation of marginalised through inclusion. Institute of Developmetal Studies.
  28. O’Connell, R. (2020). Law, Democracy and the European Court of Human Rights. Cambridge University Press.
  29. Ogbonna, C.C. & Ogbonna, C.R. (2021). Democracy and development in Nigeria: Understanding the key challenges. KIU Interdisciplinary Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences, 2(2), 232-243
  30. Oni, E. O., Erameh, N. I., & Oladejo, A. O. (2017). Nigeria’s Fourth Republic: Electoral administration and the challenge of democratic consolidation. African Journal of Governance and Development, 6(2), 39-73.
  31. Opongo, Elias O. (2022) “Democracy, Citizen Participation and Peace Economics in Kenya: Interrogating the Social Change Processes,” The Journal of Social Encounters: Vol. 6: 1, 62-83. Available at:             https://digitalcommons.csbsju.edu/social_encounters/vol6/iss1/6
  32. Osuji, U. M. (2017). A Comparative Analysis of Electoral Reforms and Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria and Ghana, 2010–2015(Doctoral dissertation).
  33. Oyekanmi, S. (2020, August 14). Nigeria’s Unemployment Rate Jumps to 27.1% as at 2020 Q2. Retrieved August 9, 2023, from https://nairametrics.com/2020/08/14/breaking-nigeria-unemployment-rate-jumps-to-27-1/Retrievedfrom:https://oxfordbusinessgroup.com/overview/moving-forwrd-new-constitution-has-ushered-era-political-change
  34. Rettberg, A. (2020) ‘Peace-Making Amidst an Unfinished Social Contract: The Case of Colombia’, Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding, 14(1), 84-100
  35. Robertson, l., Malla, l., and Ging, l. (2017). Somali Perceptions Survey Part 2: Somaliland.
  36. ROSENJE, M. O., Nkwede, J. O., PEJU-ROSENJE, T. O., & ADENIYI, O. P. (2022). Security, electoral violence and democratic consolidation: Consolidation: Evaluating the trajectories of Southwest Nigeria’s Fourth Republic. EBSU Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities, 12(1).
  37. Russett, Bruce (2009). Democracy, War and Expansion through Historical Lenses. European Journal of International Relations, 15(9), pp. 11-12
  38. Schultz, M., Hahn, T., Ituarte-Lima, C., & Hällström, N. (2018). Deliberative multi-actor dialogues as opportunities for transformative social learning and conflict resolution in international environmental negotiations. International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics, 18(5), 671-688.
  39. Shukri, S. (2021). Unrecognized Vote: Somaliland’s Democratic Journey. Heinrich Böll Stiftung.https://ke.boell.org/en/2021/05/05/unrecognized-vote-somalilands-democratic-journey Somaliland Constitution (2020).
  40. Siegle, J and Cook, C 2022). Africa’s Complex 2022 Elections: Restoring Democratic Processes’ (updated on June 16, 2022), Africa Center for Strategic Studies Available at https://africacenter.org/spotlight/elections-2022/
  41. Sindre, G. (2019) ‘Adapting to Peacetime Politics? Rebranding and Ideological Change in Former Rebel Parties’, Government and Opposition, 54(3), 485–51
  42. Solomon, S. (2018). “Young Ugandans Protest Entrenched Power.” Retrieved fromVOANEWS.com:https://www.voanews.com/africa/young-ugandans-protest- entenched-power
  43. Stensrud, E. E. (2019) New Dilemmas in Transitional Justice: Lessons from the Mixed Courts in Sierra Leone and Cambodia, in Journal of Peace Research 46 (1), pp. 5-15
  44. Tabassam, A. H., Hashmi, S. H., & Rehman, F. U. (2016). Nexus between political insta-bility and economic growth in Pakistan. Procedia-Social and Behavioral Sciences, 230, 325-
  45. Taylor C F, P. J. (2017). Perils of pluralism: Electoral Violence and incumbency in SubSaharan Africa. Journal of Peace Research, 397 – 411
  46. Taylor C F, P. J. (2017). Perils of pluralism: Electoral Violence and incumbency in SubSaharan Africa. Journal of Peace Research, 397 – 411.
  47. Uddin, M. A., Ali, M. H., & Masih, M. (2017). Political stability and growth: An applica-tion of dynamic GMM and quantile regression. Economic Modelling, 64, 610-625
  48. V-Dem Institute (2020). Democracy Facing Global Challenge’, Report. Available herehttps://www.v-dem.net/democracy_reports.html
  49. Walsh, D. (2016). How a Human Needs Theory Understanding of Conflict Enhances the Use of Consociationalism as a Conflict Resolution Mechanism: The Good Friday Agreement in Northern Ireland’, Ethnopolitics, 15(3), 285-302
  50. Werner, K. (2019). From inclusive governance to peace: exploring African governance systems(Doctoral dissertation).
  51. Wigell, M. (2019). Hybrid interference as a wedge strategy: a theory of external interference in liberal democracy. International affairs, 95(2), 255-275.

Article Statistics

Track views and downloads to measure the impact and reach of your article.

0

PDF Downloads

27 views

Metrics

PlumX

Altmetrics

Paper Submission Deadline

GET OUR MONTHLY NEWSLETTER