The Marginalization of Igbo and the Emergence of IPOB in Nigeria

The Marginalization of Igbo and the Emergence of IPOB in Nigeria

Charles Chukwurah Mezie-Okoye, PhD

Centre for Peace and Security Studies (CPSS), Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Port Harcourt

DOI: https://doi.org/10.51244/IJRSI.2025.12020083

Received: 09 October 2024; Accepted: 24 October 2024; Published: 20 March 2025

ABSTRACT

This study examines the historical and present marginalization of Nigeria’s Igbo ethnic minority, as well as the establishment of the Indigenous People of Biafra This study examines the historical and present marginalization of Nigeria’s Igbo ethnic minority, as well as the establishment of the Indigenous People of Biafra movement. The Igbo have continually been denied political power, economic opportunities, and cultural recognition, perpetuating socioeconomic disparities and sentiments of disenfranchisement. Critical race theory (CRT) was used to actually look into the Biafran issues in Nigeria. The birth of IPOB is in response to these criticisms, which want self-determination and justice for the Igbo. This study looks at the complex interplay of marginalization, identity, and resistance, shedding light on Nigeria’s ethnic dynamics and the war for Biafran independence. This study also discovered that the idea that the Igbo ethnic group being excluded from Nigeria’s national political leadership fuels feelings of victim hood and alienation. This emphasizes the issue of exclusion in disputes about ethnic communities’ aspirations to self-determination through creativity. According to the poll, Igbo people continue to feel disenfranchised as a result of the civil war, which undermines Nigeria’s national unity. In conclusion, the Igbo current marginalization serves as both a gain and a hardship.

Keywords: Igbo marginalization, IPOB, Biafra, Nigeria, ethnic politics, self-determination.

INTRODUCTION

Biafra is a complex and emotionally charged topic. The commemoration of Nigeria’s civil war experience is still a tough topic. After the military gained power in 1966, the former Eastern Region, primarily made up of Igbos and one of Nigeria’s three major ethnic groups, declared themselves the ‘Republic of Biafra.’ This sparked the Nigerian Civil War. Furthermore, this experience has left an indelible mark on Nigerian politics. In recent years, the country has witnessed neo-Biafran movements. Brown and Oghabgonbgon (2016) describe Nigerian coalitions that speak Igbo but identify as Biafrans, not Nigerians.

The Biafra movement was rekindled in 2015 by calls for independence from the South-East states, and Nigeria’s South-South area. The protests started during Nigeria’s civil war, which lasted from 1967 to 1970. Following the civil war, the territory was reannexed by Nigeria, although warfare continued.

Instead, it inspired the formation of numerous pro-Biafra movements around the region. In September 1999, the Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB was established becoming the first ‘formalized’ platform for articulating the struggle. Since the staged and coerced civil war, the Igbo people have faced enormous political and economic challenges. A cursory review of Nigeria’s economic and political progress may reveal that, in comparison to other ethnic groups, the Igbo people are regarded to have a typical political and economic situation. Indeed, a superficial look at poverty statistics by ethnic group may give the impression that the Igbo race is extremely wealthy.

In reality, the Igbo people faced several hurdles as a result of government policies that looked to be geared to limit their ability to reach their full political and economic potentials. Nigeria’s reorganization to create new states for the northern States created at the expense of southern Nigeria, notably the Southeast, posed a political and economic danger to the Igbo people.

Policies such as the failure to rehabilitate Biafran land after the war, the 20 pounds flat refund to any Biafran who wanted to convert the old currency, or deposits with banks prior to the war; the Nigerian Enterprises Promotion Decree of 1972, also known as the Indigenization Decree; the Federal Character Principle; manipulated population census; the creation of states and local government areas in favour of Northern Nigeria; and the deliberate under-use of Igbo seaport.These included a variety of overt and covert methods designed to undermine the Igbo people’s ability to compete on an equal footing with other major ethnic groupings. Unlike now, certain political actors who challenge the Igbo people to vote against their will may nonetheless prevail, regardless of whether the Igbos vote for them. It was not like this throughout the country’s struggle for independence from its British colonial masters, nor during the first republic.

Historically, the Eastern area has had a significant influence on which parties form governments. Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, the leader of the National Council of Nigeria and Cameroon, founded the administration in collaboration with Tafawa Balewa’s Northern People’s Congress, which later became the National Council of Nigerian Citizens. Tafawa Balewa became Prime Minister, while Nnamdi Azikiwe was chosen Head of State (Central Arkansas University, 2019).

Since the contrived and coerced civil war, the Igbo people have suffered enormous political and economic challenges. A quick look at Nigeria’s economic and political progress could be deemed normal in terms of the Igbo people’s Political and economic standing in relation to other ethnic groups.Indeed, a cursory glance at poverty statistics among ethnic groups may give the impression that the Igbo race is exceedingly rich.

In reality, the Igbo people faced several hurdles as a result of government policies that looked to be geared to limit their ability to reach their full political and economic possibilities. The rearrangement of Nigeria to create new states for the northern states at the expense of Southern Nigeria, particularly the Southeast,produced a political problem and jeopardised the Igbo economic future.

As a result, this study chose ten senior volunteers to answer the several questions presented. Primary informants were selected based on their experience. Secondary data sources included books, encyclopaedias, novels, newspapers, magazines, journals, government publications, and unpublished records.

Statement of the Problem

The NCNC-led administration also supported community self-help in the construction of laterite and earth-based highways connecting villages and towns, allowing for unrestricted transportation of people and goods. This is a typical occurrence in Igbo communities, as people band together to provide services that governments have neglected. In 1955, the Ministry of Community Development cleared about 13,000 kilometers (8000 miles) of road, with less than 10% tarred (Information Service 1956). Barges and watercraft were used in areas where marshes and tidal rivers allowed unrestricted mobility.

In the 1950s, Port Harcourt was Nigeria’s second-largest port, with Calabar serving as an important import and export hub. Following the establishment of the Port Harcourt port in 1913, the Enugu railway line was completed in 1916, with a berth excavated to allow colliers to load and export through Port Harcourt.Given that the majority of Eastern regional economic activity flows through the Calabar and Port Harcourt ports.

To ensure that the Eastern area functioned efficiently, the NCNC-led regional administration established two organizations: the Eastern Nigeria Marketing Board and the Eastern Nigeria Finance Corporation. It is not surprising that Nigeria’s Eastern Region has the fastest expanding economy in the country and Africa (Itodo, 2017). The Eastern region’s prosperity did not conceal the fact that the Western region’s economy was rapidly expanding, whereas the other regions advanced at their own speed.

The Igbo people’s political and economic predicament has spurred public debate over how to best address what is known as marginalization. The Igbo people offered two options: 1) restructuring and 2) full independence from Nigeria.Yes, the Igbo founders, including Nnamdi Azikiwe, a patriotic figure, advocated for Nigeria’s inviolability, arguing that the country’s economic and political prosperity is contingent on its unity (Azikiwe, 1953), but only via equal and merit-based cooperation.

Following the military’s intervention in politics during the subsequent Nigeria-Biafra civil war, the Nigerian government, with the support of the Northern military and its Southwest sympathizers, launched a systematic campaign to erode Igbo rights. The planned approach is to remove them from mainstream political activity and relocate them to locations more appropriate for their counterparts in other regions, particularly in the north. This study will investigate the factors that influence the Igbo people’s political and economic standing following the civil war.

Theoretical Framework

Critical race theory (CRT) is an interdisciplinary academic field that investigates the relationships between cultural attitudes on race and ethnicity, social and political traditions, and media.According to Wallace-Wells (2021), Meckler et al. (2021), and Josh (2021), CRT views racism as a systematic issue entrenched in laws and regulations rather than individual prejudices. According to Marisa and Kahn (2021), the term “critical” refers to critical theory rather than individual criticism.

CRT is used in sociology to better understand social, political, and legal systems, as well as power distribution, via the “lens” of racism and racist experiences (Christian, 2019 et al.; Yosso et al., 2005). The CRT conceptual framework studies racial bias in laws and legal institutions, including disparities in incarceration rates across racial groups in the United States (Borter, 2021). Intersectionality focuses on how race, class, gender, and disability interact to shape inequality and identity (Gillbon, 2015).CRT experts see race as a social construct with no biological basis (Curry, 2009; Gillborn, David; Ladson-Billings, Gloria, 2020)CRT contends that racism and racial inequality are the result of complex cultural and institutional factors, rather than individual prejudices (Gillborn, David; Ladson-Billings, Gloria, 2020; Marisa, 2021; and Bridges, 2019). CRT researchers contend that the social and legal construction of race benefits white people at the expense of people of color, and that the liberal concept of “neutral” U.S. law contributes to the maintenance of a racially unequal social order in which officially color-blind laws have discriminatory repercussions.

Critical Race Theory helps explain the Igbo marginalization and the rise of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) in Nigeria. CRT explains how race, ethnicity, and power interact to cause marginalization and social injustice. Igbo people experience discrimination and marginalization due to their ethnicity. The Nigerian government and dominant groups maintain power, hence perpetuating Igbo marginalization. CRT looks into the legacy of colonialism, the Biafran War, and postcolonial policies that led in Igbo marginalization.

IPOB’s expansion could be interpreted as a reaction to marginalization, reflecting the CRT’s focus on resistance and social justice. Using CRT, you can obtain a better understanding of how power, identity, and history interact to create marginalization and resistance in Igbo communities. Marginalization is the input, and insecurity is the output, resulting in a wide range of systemic impacts.

The Indigenous People of Biafra

In 2012, Nnamdi Kanu created the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) separatist movement, which aims to establish an independent Biafran state. The movement is founded on historical grievances and the perceived marginalization of Nigeria’s Igbo people.Given what is happening in Igboland, there is no reason to deter Igbo from pursuing Biafra. A few years ago, South-East governors prohibited open grazing and ordered offenders to be removed from the forest. Fulani herders were provided a place to dwell at Enugu-Agidi, close RCC and the Nigeria Police Force’s Zone 13 Headquarters in Ukpo, Dunukofia LG. There have been kidnappings in this area. Fulani herdsmen pose a security risk to Anambra State.

It’s about time they were ordered to leave that location. Chief Author Eze is doing this to safeguard his oil well. After going through such situations, you can start to recognize the reality in what IPOB and ESN are saying. The Fulani community in Enugu-Agidi owns an inordinate quantity of cows. Here is what one Igbo man can do to another Igbo. Every day, people are kidnapped and held ransom. Eze, on the other side, is related to a rumored covert Fulani herders camp in Anambra State, which has caused anxiety among IPOB members.

The announcement comes three years after IPOB named the business magnate as one of several prominent Igbo leaders accused of organizing the detention of Nnamdi Kanu, the leader of the IPOB. In July 2021, the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) named Archbishop Emmanuel Chukwuma of the Anglican Communion in Enugu. Senator Orji Uzor Kalu,and millionaire industrialist Chief Arthur Eze na Ukpo as individuals engaged in Mazi Nnamdi Kanu’s kidnapping and extradition  the Indigenous People of Biafra’s leader. The Igbo people, who live primarily in Nigeria’s southeastern area, have long complained of marginalization and exclusion from significant Political and economic positions throughout the country.

Some of the grievances are:

1. Political exclusion: Igbo are underrepresented in federal government posts, including the presidency and key ministerial positions.
2. Economic marginalization: The southeastern region has been disregarded in terms of infrastructure development, resulting in a scarcity of industries, inadequate road networks, and limited access to essential utilities.

Cultural suppression: The Igbo language and culture have been overlooked in favor of other ethnicities.

4. Historical injustices: The Igbo suffered significantly during the Nigerian Civil War (1967-1970), and many argue that the region has not gotten sufficient reparation or recognition for the agony and losses they endured.

The core tenet of IPOB is that the Nigerian state marginalizes and oppresses the inhabitants of the former eastern region. They argue that their minority status necessitates the right to self-determination. Historical factors, such as a sense of marginalization (Chioke, 2022), fueled the Nigerian Civil War (1967-1970) (Mbah, 2023), during which the old eastern region aspired to secede from Nigeria and form Biafra as an independent state. The conflict concluded with Biafra’s defeat and reintegration into Nigeria.

In reaction to perceived injustices, IPOB has taken legal action to contest government policies and acts that they allege violate the Igbo people’s right to self-determination. The movement’s origins and goals are diverse, and its actions have elicited a wide range of feelings and opinions, both within Nigeria and outside.

IPOB’s demands include:

1. Biafran independence.
   2. Igbo people’s right to self-determination.
   3. Addressing historical injustices.
   4. Southeast Economic Development and Infrastructure Investments.

The Nigerian government has responded to IPOB’s agitation with a mix of force and diplomacy, causing tensions and human rights concerns. The subject is complex and delicate, with continuous debates about federalism, resource control, and national unity. Of all the groups alleged to be threatening Nigeria at the moment, none appears to be causing as much concern to the current administration as the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), a radical breakaway faction of the Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB) – an openly secessionist movement whose aim is to “restore the independent state of Biafra” in the mainly Igbo-speaking south-east region.

Nigeria has two separatist movements: IPOB and the Oodua Republic in the west. Boko Haram, the militant Islamic group that has terrorized Nigeria’s ortheastern region for more than a decade,the objective of establishing an Islamic State on Nigerian soil, is regarded as a separatist movement. However, none irritates the Nigerian government or certain northern Nigerian tribes, such as IPOB and the Igbo tribe.

Many unemployed and downtrodden Igbo youth see Biafra as a better place than Nigeria, which has turned them away. Nigerian authorities and Igbo leaders have failed to understand Biafra’s new meaning as a goal, which is comparable to the emotional power of “Next Year in Jerusalem” for Jews worldwide.

Biafra is a notion or dream based on a common sense of loss, sorrow, and victimhood. IPOB, which is motivated by this worldview, is viewed by Nigerian authorities as a serious danger to the state.

“We had previously warned that the so-called unknown gunmen were fabricated by the government and its operatives to accuse IPOB and the Eastern Security Network (ESN). “We will not sit down again and watch them kill our people without response”, IPOB declared. As a result, IPOB deems Arthur Eze “a security threat” to the Ndigbo since he allegedly established a Fulani settlement in Anambra State.

The Ill-Treatment of Igbo in Nigeria

Lack of Rehabilitation Following the Civil War, General Gowon committed to rehabilitate and reintegrate the defunct Eastern sector, whose infrastructure had been wrecked during the fight, into the country on an equal footing, coining the term “No victor, no vanquished” (Gowon, 2014). In that spirit of unity, General Gowon’s military government implemented a reconciliation, reconstruction, and rehabilitation (3Rs) strategy for the beleaguered Eastern area.The policies were primarily cosmetic in the sense that they were never implemented, but measures like the “abandoned property policy” were heavily promoted (Obi-Ani, 2009). The result was not just economic, but also a purposeful attempt to sever ties between the Igbo people and other minority ethnic groups in the Eastern region.

Anti-Igbo sentiment (also known as Igbophobia) refers to negative attitudes and feelings toward the Igbo people. The Igbo people inhabit in southeast Nigeria, as well as the geopolitical zones of South-South and Middle Belt. Igbophobia (Wallace-Wells, 2021) is defined as political and religious discrimination, as well as violence against the Igbo people (Meckler et al., 201; Kahn, 2021). After the APC took over Nigeria in 2015, there were claims of Igbophobia among government personnel. Igbos endured institutional discrimination in employment and housing, which became more systemic during the APC rule.

The leadership of the APC political party has resulted in increased discrimination and hate speech among government workers, generating worries about bias and Igbophobia in Nigeria. Concerns regarding bias and discrimination in the administration have arisen as a result of charges of marginalization and inadequate representation of Igbo people in political and decision-making positions.

Igbo commercial and residential houses have been razed in Lagos, and no one is doing anything about it. Are the Igbo still a part of Nigeria as it exists today? If you ask me, the Igbo are no longer part of Nigeria.

Igbo and the 2023 General Elections

Peter Obi’s nomination for the Labour Party provoked Igbophobic sentiments. During his campaign, some said that his candidacy indicated that Igbos intended to seize power in Nigeria and partition the country to form Biafra. Despite numerous interviews and debates, which were unusual for popular presidential hopefuls in recent years, his candidacy was rejected as Igbos demanding an Igbo presidency (Osadebe, January 5, 2023).  Following Obi’s candidacy, singer Brymo made harsh remarks about the Igbo people, claiming that they are unprepared for the president and that Peter Obi should focus on organizing his own region (Osadebe, January 5, 2023). Following that, he made another Igbophobic slur in response to a now-deleted tweet titled “Fuck The Ndi Igbo!!” (GhanaWeb, January 11, 2023.

Retrieved December 29, 2023). An online petition was started on change.org to challenge his selection as Song Writer of the Year at the All Africa Music Awards (Online, Tribune 2023-01-14). He apologized but continued to make similar statements on his social media pages. Brymo’s views were welcomed by both ethnic nationalists and APC followers. Following the election, Brymo tweeted that he was withdrawing his apologies.

During the 2023 Nigerian elections, anti-Igbo attitudes were evident, with Igbo persons being disenfranchised during PVC collection and the State Resident Electoral Commissioner, Olusegun Agbaje, allegedly making a discriminating statement against Igbo people.

These attitudes culminated in violence against Igbo people, including blockades and threats to anyone seeking to visit their stores (Uti, 2023-02-27) and Rapheal 2023-03-12). Throughout the election cycle, Igbo stores in Lagos were often demolished and attacked (David, 2023-03-08; https://pmnewsnigeria.com/2019/02/27/hoodlums-attack-igbo-traders-on-lagos-island-for-failing-to-vote-for-buhari/). Gbadebo Rhodes-Vivour, a contender for governor in 2023, has been questioned regarding his and his wife’s Igbo background. These attacks targeted the Igbo ethnicity in Lagos, with ethnic nationalists questioning Igbo political ambitions in Yorubaland.

Three days before the election, APC supporter M.C. Oluomo threatened to keep Igbos at home if they did not vote for APC candidates (saharareporters.com, retrieved 2023-09-14). Labour Party members urged Nigeria’s government to arrest M.C. Oluomo for voter intimidation, but APC supporters and ethnic nationalists backed him (Omeje, 2023-03-17; Rapheal, 2023-04-12). Nigerian police replied to public outcry by dismissing the comment as “a joke” and downplaying the threats (Oluwasanjo, 2023-03-18). On election day, Igbo and non-Igbo citizens who were misidentified as Igbos were harassed and insulted to prevent them from voting (Opejobi, 2023-03-20; Nweke, 2023-03-20).

I was asked to return to Anambra State! How does Bolarinwa sound like an Igbo name? Was it because of my Igbo appearance that I was beaten and taken away? Because I did not intend to vote for the APC (Kanu, 2023). Sisi Yemmie, a popular Nigerian YouTuber, and her husband were ethnically profiled and denied voting privileges due to their “Igbo” appearance.

Yemmie and her husband are Yoruba (Nweke, March 20, 2023). During the presidential elections, Igbo voters were instructed not to vote. During the governorship elections, Igbos faced harassment for speaking Igbo (Opejobi, 2023-02-26).

On the day of the governorship election, they attacked Igbos here,threatening to kill us if we showed up to vote. One man was stabbed during the altercation that day. We learned three days ago that the man had died, and the hoodlums caused mayhem by beating everyone they encountered on the road, particularly non-Yoruba.

Are Igbo people truly marginalized in Nigeria?

Yes, the average Igbo man feels excluded. Nigeria has three basic ethnic groups. Igbo, Hausa, and Yoruba. However, with the exception of Nnamdi Azikiwe, a ceremonial head of state, and Alex Ekwueme, who was deposed as vice president in a military coup, none of these three Igbos have had the opportunity to hold a presidential position after the war, despite their evident brains, smarts, and hard work. Igbo country’s post-war reconstruction is far from complete, and there are still signs and landmarks of war-torn areas.Subconscious efforts are being made to discourage enterprises and industries from settling in Igboland, resulting in massive Igbo migration to other parts of the country in search of better pastures. In recent years, the Igbo man has felt especially ignored because he has not been nominated to any major cabinet positions. This appears to create a series of agitations among the Igbos. So, yes, Igbos are truly marginalized. The Igbo people, who inhabit primarily in southern Nigeria, have faced several challenges and have been neglected in the Nigerian environment. This attitude of marginalization dates back to pre-colonial times and has remained throughout the colonial and post-independence periods.

The Nigerian Civil War (1967-1970), often known as the Biafran War, had a significant impact on the Igbo population. Following the eastern region’s separation to form the Republic of Biafra, a horrific struggle broke out, causing tremendous agony and loss of life among the Igbo. Following the conflict, the Igbo people felt alienated and marginalized.

The Igbo people have long faced political marginalization in Nigeria. Despite being one of the country’s major ethnic groups, they have sometimes felt underrepresented in key government posts and decision-making processes. This has worsened Igbos’ perceptions of marginalization.

Economic disparities: The Igbo people are known for their entrepreneurial spirit, and they have long engaged in commerce and trade. However, there are concerns about economic disparities and uneven development in the southeastern region when compared to the rest of Nigeria. Limited infrastructural development and economic opportunities in the region have increased feelings of marginalization.
Infrastructural Development: Complaints have been made regarding insufficient infrastructure development in the southeastern region, including problems with roads, healthcare facilities, and educational institutions. The seeming disregard of infrastructural development in the region has fueled perceptions of marginalization among the Igbo.

It is critical to emphasize that perceptions of marginalization are subjective and can be influenced by a wide range of factors including historical events, political dynamics, economic situations, and social circumstances. While some of the Igbo people’s concerns have been addressed, marginalization remains a problem in Nigeria.
As of my last knowledge update in September 2021, the issue of Igbo marginalization in Nigeria was still being disputed. For the most recent and comprehensive information on this subject, I recommend consulting more recent sources or news channels to learn about the latest events and viewpoints.

The question is, why are Igbo hated and outcast in their native Nigeria? One word: envy. The Igbo are a hardworking, clever, and wealthy tribe renowned for their capacity to transform clay into gold wherever they travel. They economically dominate whatever city or country they visit, boast about their success, and worship only God. Many newspapers refer to them as “Black Jews.” If you can figure out why Jews in Israel have been and continue to be despised, you might be able to grasp why the Igbo are a hated tribe.

If you don’t believe the Igbo are marginalized in Nigeria, go to Aba and Nnewi. There, Nigerians of Igbo heritage produce (not assemble)a diverse assortment of products beginning with the letters A through Z. Every day in Aba, 1 million pairs of shoes are made. Nnewi has more manufacturing businesses than Nigeria’s largest geopolitical region, the Northwest. However, despite the fact that Anambra and Abia have the highest number of commercial travelers in Nigeria, certain states with little to no economic activity have a fully operational international airport. Try to explain it to yourself without using the term marginalization.

Nnamdi Kanu’s Trial and Detention

Nnamdi Kanu, the leader of IPOB, has not appeared in court since April 25, 2017, to address allegations brought by the federal government. He had been imprisoned without trial for nearly a year before being charged on November 8, 2016 with criminal conspiracy, membership in an illegal organization, and intimidation. Following public demonstrations, particularly those coordinated by the World Igbo Summit Group, he was released in April 2017 due to medical conditions that the judge deemed inappropriate for jail.

He was not allowed to conduct interviews, congregate in groups of more than ten individuals, or organize or attend demonstrations or social events (This Is Africa, 2017-06-23, retrieved 2019-05-13). Kanu vanished in September 2017 after the Air Force and Army conducted a planned bombardment of his hometown of Umuahia. In a Radio Biafra broadcast, he discloses that his kidnapping was the result of President Muhammdu Buhari’s military execution at home (Premium Times Nigeria, 2019-05-13). Despite irrefutable video footage of the horrific attack, the military denies the raid took place (Mahr et al., 30 April 2019). According to a Facebook live stream video of someone similar to Kanu worshiping at the Western Wall in Jerusalem (www.timesofisrael.com, Retrieved on 2019-05-13), Kanu may have gone to Israel for safety. The Israeli foreign ministry indicated that it cannot confirm the accusation because there is no evidence of Kanu in the nation (Africa Times, 2018-10-23). The court revoked Kanu’s bail, and trial judge Binta Nyako ordered his immediate arrest.His treasonous offense shall be prosecuted regardless of his whereabouts.

On June 29, 2021, the Nigerian government reported that Nnamdi Kanu had been re-arrested. He was later charged again in court and remanded into the custody of the Department of State Services (DSS).

The treatment of Igbo in this country is deplorable, to say the least. They are regarded as if they are not citizens of the country. Given your contempt for them, let them leave and transform into the Biafra that they are fighting for. Even some pastors go to the pulpit and tell their audience that as a Yoruba, they cannot vote for an Igbo pastor.

Have they considered what an Igbo man has done in our country to warrant such hate in Nigeria? The only offense an Igbo man has committed in Nigeria is that he is hardworking and willing to take risks that others would not. Consider Nnamdi Kanu’s protracted prison sentence with no action taken. What crime did he commit to merit his incarceration?

CONCLUSION

The Igbos’ current marginalization serves as both a gain and a hardship. It benefits the southeast by preparing and positioning the Igbo people to master the art of independence and explore alternatives that will allow the Igbo country to grow at its own pace; yet, it is a curse for Nigeria’s unity and long-term growth. To serve the people, public administration must be free of marginalization, corruption, nepotism, tribalism, and other impediments to its effectiveness.

The practical consequences of this paper are that if we continue to handle marginalization independently from the issue of insecurity, neglecting indications such as human rights violations, inequality, unemployment, and social exclusion based on tribal or religious categories insecurity will persist in Nigeria. Thus, there is a link between marginalization and insecurity. Nigeria must be reformed, beginning with a modification to the Constitution. Nnamdi Kanu must be released immediately, and the Southeast’s soldiers should be evacuated. Nnamdi Kanu has done nothing to deserve imprisonment.

Aside from mediators, those who choose to remain neutral during a crisis or conflict indirectly contribute to the problem, which will eventually consume everyone. They are liars with deceptive hearts. In times of crisis, remaining neutral is impossible. You may only join one of two groups. As a result, instead of simply sitting down and claiming neutrality, other stakeholders within and beyond the country must unanimously say NO to marginalization, which is a weapon of the North against the East. In this regard, Edmund Burke was correct when he stated that the only way for evil to persist is for decent people to keep silent and do nothing.

Given the Igbo’s marginalization in political appointments and positions, it is critical that the principle of inclusion be fully recognized. In this regard, the Igbo man should not only be allowed in his own home, but also to participate in matters that affect him as a member of the wider system. Another component of this recommendation is for a shift in political permutations that will achieve political equality, or equal representation for both sides in Nigerian politics, by termly zoning of political positions and the execution of such policy through National Assembly legislation.

REFERENCES

1. Adisa, A. (2011). Kano State-“Center of Commerce”. Come to Nigeria Magazine.
   https://www.cometonigeria.com/region/north-west/kano-state/
2. Aribisala, F. (2015). Root Causes of the Biafra Struggle. Vanguard.https://www.vanguardngr.com/2015/12/root-causes-of-the-biafra-struggle/
3. Azikiwe, N. (1953). Speech on Secession. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
4. Chioke, Stephen (2022-03-28). “Politics of Marginalisation of Igbo Nation in Nigerian Public Administration and Insecurity: A Blessing or a Curse?”. Extensive Reviews. 2(1): 56–68. doi:21467/exr.2.1.4740
5. David (2023-03-08). “Lagos: Political thugs set Igbo-majority market on fire”. The Sun Nigeria. Retrieved 2023-03-20.
6. Emelike, Obinna (2023-04-02). “How 2023 elections destroyed our relationship — Nigerians tell personal stories”. Businessday NG. Retrieved 2023-09-15.
7. Eya, W. (2017). We Must Restructure before 2019. Falae, 49.
8. Gowon, Y. (2014). Civil War: Why We Declared ‘No Victor, No Vanquished’. Blue print. https://www.blueprint.ng/civil-war-why-we-declared-no-victor-no-vanquished- gowon/ “Home”. The Cable. Retrieved 2023-10-11.
9. “Israel casts a shadow on Biafran leader Nnamdi Kanu sighting”. Africa Times. 2018-10-23. Retrieved 2019-05-13.
10. Itodo, Y. (2017). Igbo Marginalization, a Reality that Bothers on Exclusion-Ekweremadu. Daily Post. http://dailypost.ng/2017/04/28/igbo-marginalization-reality-bothers-exclusion-ekweremadu/
11. Kahn, Chris (July 15, 2021). “Many Americans embrace falsehoods about critical race theory”. Reuters. Retrieved January 22, 2022.
12. Kalu, V. (2017). Ndigbo Should Not Allow Soldiers Immunise Their Children Ezeife. Sun News Online.https://www.sunnewsonline.com/ndigbo-should-not-allow-soldiers-immunise-their-children-ezeife/
13. Kanu, Ikechukwu (2023). “AFRICAN PHILOSOPHY AND RELIGIOUS TRADITIONS IN A GLOBAL COMMUNITY”. philarchive.org. Retrieved 2023-09-19.
14. Lynch, Hollis R. (2012). “The Civil War”, K. O. Mbadiwe, New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, pp. 213–231, doi:1057/9781137002624_10, ISBN978-1-349-43387-2,          retrieved 2023-06-09.
15. Mahr, Oluwatosin Adeshokan, Krista (30 April 2019). “The dream of Biafra lives on in underground Nigerian radio broadcasts”. Los Angeles Times. Retrieved 2019-05-13.
16. Marisa, Iati (May 29, 2021). “What is critical race theory, and why do Republicans want to ban it in schools?”. The Washington Post. Rather than encouraging white people to feel guilty, Thomas said critical race theorists aim to shift focus away from individual        people’s bad actions and toward how systems uphold racial disparities.
17. Mbah, Fidelis (2023).”Nigerians mark 50 years of end of bloody civil war”. aljazeera.com. Retrieved 2023-10-11.
18. Meckler, Laura; Dawsey, Josh (June 21, 2021). “Republicans, spurred by an unlikely figure, see political promise in critical race theory”. The Washington Post. Vol. 144. ISSN 0190-8286. Retrieved June 19, 2021.
19. Metz, H.C. (1991). Nigeria: A Country Study: The Society and Its Environment: Census. Library of Congress. http://countrystudies.us/nigeria/
20. Mikairu, L. and Agbo, D. (2019). Enugu: Another Shame of Nigerian Airports. Vanguard. https://www.vanguardngr.com/2019/05/enugu-another-shame-of-nigerian- airport/
21. “Nigerian security clash with Biafra separatists turns deadly – DSS”. Reuters. 2020-08-23. Retrieved 2023-10-11.
22. “Nigeria: ‘Bullets were raining everywhere’: Deadly repression of pro-Biafra activists”. Amnesty International. Retrieved 2023-10-11.
23. “Nigerian security clash with Biafra separatists turns deadly – DSS”. Reuters. 2020-08-23. Retrieved 2023-10-13.
24. “Nigerian separatist leader admits he’s in Israel, says owes life to Jewish state”. timesofisrael.com. Retrieved 2019-05-13.
25. Nwabufo, F. (2019). Southeast Excluded from National Assembly Leadership a Repeat of Azikiwe, Awolowo’s Mistakes. Sahara Reporters.
    http://saharareporters.com/2019/03/16/southeast-excluded-national-assembly-leadership-repeat-azikiwe-awolowos-mistakes-fredrick.
26. Nweke, Ernest (2023-03-20). “The Glaring Igbophobia of the 2023 Elections”. The Republic. Retrieved 2023-09-14.
27. Obi-Ani, P. (2009) Post-Civil War Political and Economic Reconstruction of Igbo Land, 1970-1983. Great AP Publishers Ltd., Nsukka, Nigeria.
28. Okpata, F. O. & Ejem, E. N. (2020). Interrogating power sharing in Nigerian Federation: Restructuring or national unity option. Journal of Public Administration and Governance Ressearch. 3(1) pp53 – 65
29. Oluwasanjo, Ahmed (2023-03-18). “”It’s a joke”, police downplay MC Oluomo’s threat against Igbos”. Peoples Gazette. Retrieved 2023-09-14.
30. Onwe, S. O.; Salifu, D. O. & Ibeogu, A. S. (2020). Effects of local governance on Rural communities in Ebonyi State: A study of Abakaliki local government area 2007 – 2019. Journal of Public Administration and Governance Ressearch. 3(1) pp 42 – 52.
31. Onyeji, Ebuka (2019-02-03). “Why I ‘ran away’ from Nigeria – Nnamdi Kanu”. Premium Times Nigeria. Retrieved 2019-05-13.
32. Opejobi, Seun (2023-03-20). “Lagos guber: Yoruba attacked for looking like Igbo – GRV”. Daily Post Nigeria. Retrieved 2023-03-22.
33. Osadebe, Ada (January 5, 2023). “Brymo under fire over remark on Igbo presidency”. www.vanguardngr.com/amp/. Retrieved 2023-03-19.
34. Paul, John (2021-06-29). “Nnamdi Kanu rearrested, remanded in DSS custody”. HotNaija. Retrieved 2021-06-29.
35. Rapheal (2023-03-12). “Igbophobia as campaign strategy in Lagos”. The Sun Nigeria. Retrieved 2023-03-22.
36. “Release of Leader Re-Awakens Calls for Biafran Secession in Nigeria”. This Is Africa. 2017- 06-23. Retrieved 2019-05-13.
37. Sapru, R. K. (2013). Administrative theories and management thought (3rd ed). New Delhi: PHI learning private limited.
38. Saro-Wiwa, N. (2012). There Was a Country: A Personal History of Biafra by Chinua Achebe-Review. The Guardian. https://www.theguardian.com/books/2012/oct/05/chinua-achebe-there-was-a-country-review
39. Udeajah, G. (2017). Failure of Gowon’s Three Rs, Cause of Separatist Groups. The Guardian.
    https://guardian.ng/politics/failure-of-gowons-three-rs-cause-of-separatist-groups/
40. Uti, Emmanuel (2023-02-27). “APC Thugs Stop Igbo Traders From Selling in Popular Lagos Market — ‘Because They Voted for Labour Party'”. Foundation For Investigative Journalism. Retrieved 2023-03-22.
41. Wallace-Wells, Benjamin (June 18, 2021). “How a Conservative Activist Invented the Conflict Over Critical Race Theory”. The New Yorker. Retrieved June 19, 2021.