Music, Language and Public Sphere: Tracing the Power of Culture in Collective Identity

Music, Language and Public Sphere: Tracing the Power of Culture in Collective Identity

Dr. Vaishali Joshi

Associate Professor, St. Mira’s College for Girls, Pune

DOI: https://dx.doi.org/10.47772/IJRISS.2024.816SCO0014

Received: 08 December 2024; Accepted: 24 December 2024; Published: 24 January 2025

ABSTRACT

The ‘classicization’ of Indian music during the late 19th and early 20th centuries was closely associated with colonial modernity and nationalism. This process elevated music to a central symbol of Indian culture within the nationalist framework. This paper examines the intersection of language, music, and the public sphere, focusing on how music in Maharashtra, particularly Pune, aligned with Marathi identity as part of a larger cultural transformation. The establishment of institution like Gandharva Mahavidyalaya and figures like Pt. Vinayakbua Patwardhan played significant role in this alignment, portraying music as an emblem of regional and national heritage. The paper is based on a study which has used historical method to analyse the link between music, language and collective identity. By tracing the history of consolidation of regional Marathi identity, the paper draws attention to how the project of Maharashtra Sangeet worked in tune with the creation and consolidation of a Marathi public sphere.

Keywords: classicization, brahmanic hegemony, public sphere, respectability

INTRODUCTION

The classicization of music in 19^th and 20^th century India emerged as a response to colonial modernity and nationalism, positioning it as a key element of Indian cultural heritage. By the end of the 19^th century, colonialism in India had reached a point where attempts to understand and confront the forces of colonialism had begun to take a form of a nationalist discourse. On one hand, when modernization was accepted as a strategy to overcome the material supremacy of the Western imperial power, the spiritual domain was seen as something to be retained intact as the strength of the East. Formation of the national identity defining India in contrast to the West involved a reconstruction of the ‘classical’ tradition. Colonial and indigenous writings celebrated the ancient lineage of Indian art, which nationalism subsequently appropriated as a form of self-expression. Classicization of music was at a prominent center of this nationalist project. This shift also democratized music by moving it from royal courts and kothas to public spaces, rebranding it as a respectable art form. Studies (Bakhale: 2005, Barlow and Subramanian: 2007, Joshi: 2010, Hansen: 2011) have drawn attention to how the new emerging institutions of the public sphere created new standards of morality marking cultural forms as elite and popular, as moral and immoral, as standardized and low. Classicization aimed to distance music from its “illicit” associations, notably hereditary practitioners and courtesan culture, by creating modern institutions that provided intellectual rigour and respectability. This cultural refinement also laid the foundation for aligning music with regional and national identities. An attempt by eminent musician of the time, Pandit Vinayakbua Patwardhan, to create Maharashtra Sangeet for the respectable Marathi community can be seen as part of this larger project of using art and music to create a new collective identity. This paper looks at the attempts of Marathicization of Hindustani music in Maharashtra as part of broader socio-cultural trends in mid-20th-century Maharashtra, where music became a medium for asserting regional identity. This paper explores how music intertwined with Marathi linguistic pride within Pune’s evolving public sphere.

The paper is based on a study which has used historical method to analyse the link between music, language and collective identity. By tracing the history of consolidation of regional Marathi identity, the paper draws attention to how the project of Maharashtra Sangeet worked in tune with the creation and consolidation of a Marathi public sphere. It seeks to understand how the weaving of a regional lingual identity went hand in hand with the project of refinement of music.

Emerging public sphere of music and Pune’s brahmanic hegemony

During the late 19th and early 20th centuries, Maharashtra became a significant center for Hindustani classical music. In Bombay, the industrial elite supported music as an aesthetic form of entertainment, while Pune’s political and intellectual milieu provided a more nuanced environment. Through the nexus of temples, sangeet vidyalayas, natak mandalis, and connoisseurs, wealthy and middle class alike, Pune had a great exposure to classical music and musicians of all important gharanas. Pune’s educated middle class, predominantly Brahmins, cultivated sophisticated tastes, transforming music into a symbol of intellectual and cultural refinement. Gandharva Mahavidyalaya flourished in a musical milieu characteristically marked by agency of Brahmins in all musical enterprises consolidating classical music.

Gandharva Mahavidyalaya was started in Pune on 8^th May 1932 by Pt. Vinayakbua Patwardhan in the sacred memory of his Guru Pt. Vishnu Digambar Paluskar. In the inaugural function, Vinayakbua clearly stated the goal of his music school as the spread of music in educated class of men and women and to combat the low and inferior status of musicians (Kesari, 13^th May 1932).

Before looking into Vinayakbua’s efforts to Marathicize music, it is important to understand consolidation of Pune as a hegemonic center significantly setting norms and standards for both music and Marathi.

Pune’s role as a cultural and political hub in Maharashtra was cemented during the colonial period. Following the fall of the Peshwa rule, the city became a bastion of Brahmin dominance, strengthened by access to English education and administrative positions. By the latter half of the 19^th century, Pune became the political center of Maharashtra representing both the hegemonic Brahmanic power and the militant nationalism.

Brahmins dominated in Pune in economic, political and also numerical strength (Omvedt :1973).

English education opened for the upper caste intellectuals not only a window to outer world, but also an opportunity to bring liberal reforms in their own society. Liberal social reformists led by leaders like Justice Ranade and Lokahitavadi advocated only modest reforms such as women’s education, prohibition of child marriage and of tonsure of widows. These reforms never addressed the issue of basic social inequality and injustice. The educated middle class in Pune which did not support even these reforms whole-heartedly, turned its attention to political demands consolidated increasingly under the militant leadership of Lokmanya Tilak.

The brake to the liberal reforms was already very systematically formed through writings of Vishnushastri Chiplunkar. Through his consistent writing over eight years in the Nibandhamala[1], he not only strongly responded to the critique on Hindu social order by the reformers, missionaries and British administrators, but also laid the foundations of the static nationalist discourse in Pune (Vhora: 2000, 499). Chiplunkar had great influence on Tilak and Agarkar and they formed the Deccan Education Society in 1884 and Fergusson College in 1885. It is important to note here that students availing higher education in institutions like Deccan College and Fergusson college were largely Brahmins[2] and it is from this generation of intelligentsia was drawn the new political leadership in Pune. It is precisely this section that supported Tilak’s leadership and his brand of nationalism based on revival of Indian culture.

A ‘middling’ section of intellectuals formed through colonial education started exploring initiatives such as the native press to create a ‘public’ voice.  By 1870’s, the native intellectuals in Bombay-Pune region were successful in carving out a vernacular sphere separate from the English-educated elite. A Marathi public domain was being created through new definitions of ‘high’ literary and cultural tastes. This ‘public’ sphere was an expression of the hegemonic articulations of the upper-caste intelligentsia. This educated  Brahmin elite played a significant role in shaping Marathi public life through newspapers, literary journals, and cultural organizations, which articulated a hegemonic upper-caste perspective.

However, this dominance faced challenges from non-Brahmin movements, such as Jotiba Phule’s Satyashodhak Samaj and Dr. B.R. Ambedkar’s Dalit emancipation efforts. These movements highlighted the caste-based inequities underpinning Pune’s cultural and political leadership. Though the modern institutions of the imperial state gave a chance of expression to aspirations and ambitions of people and groups located differently in the society, as pointed out by Uma Chakravarti (1999), despite all the pressures Brahmins had consolidated their position in the services and warded off those who were challenging and wanting to curtail Brahmin hegemony. Brahmin intellectuals sought to consolidate their authority by appropriating cultural forms, including music and theater, as markers of moral and intellectual superiority.

Cultural Appropriation and Respectability in Music

The cultural refinement of Hindustani classical music in Pune involved reclaiming it from its perceived associations with the lower classes. This effort paralleled broader caste dynamics in Maharashtra, where elite Brahmin groups appropriated popular forms like powada and marginalized others, such as tamasha and lavani, as immoral. In the context of music, this meant redefining classical performance as a respectable and intellectual pursuit.

In Pune, which was the centre of the Marathi music drama, new public platforms and norms of music performance marked more and more the ‘classicalness’ of music. By 1880’s drama theaters and tamasha theaters had been established in Pune[3].  These theatres also hosted music concerts, popularly known as jalsa. The jalsa usually began with some dance and then some chamatkritipurna (wizardly) items to draw public attention. These jalsas and this mode of performance has to be seen as representative of a transitory period when the art and artists were in search of an alternative to the patronage of music by the royal courts and the rich elite (Ranade 1989, 6). By 1900, with the establishment of music circles, clubs and organizations, the location of music performance shifted from these theatres to these elite public spaces. Music performances shifted to more formal venues which aligned with the new standards of respectability. Such changes signified the growing divide between “refined” classical music and “low” entertainment forms, reshaping public perceptions of music and its practitioners.

Gandharva Mahavidyalaya epitomized the Brahmin middle class’s cultural aspirations, fostering a new public sphere for classical music. The school emphasized intellectual rigor, focusing on music as a symbol of national heritage rather than commercial success. This mission aligned with broader nationalist goals, which sought to elevate music as a marker of India’s glorious past.

Pt. Vinayakbua Patwardhan’s efforts to Marathicize music were a natural extension of this cultural project. He and his contemporaries believed that Marathi, as the regional language, was essential for conveying the emotional depth of ragas. Their advocacy represented a significant shift in the relationship between language and music, tying Marathi identity to the classical tradition. The redefinition of classical music as respectable also reshaped gender dynamics in performance. Female musicians like Hirabai Badodekar were presented as paragons of respectability, embodying the values of controlled gestures and modest attire. This image contrasted sharply with earlier perceptions of female performers, who were often associated with courtesan culture.

By marginalizing popular forms and controlling women’s participation, the Brahmin- dominated middle class established music as a domain of intellectual and moral superiority. This process, however, erased the contributions of earlier musicians from lower social strata, perpetuating caste-based exclusions in the cultural sphere.

MARATHICIZATION: LANGUAGE, MUSIC, AND PUBLIC SPHERE

On June 7, 1939, Pune’s Vasant Vyakhyanmala witnessed a spirited debate on the Marathicization of Hindustani music. While eminent musician Govindrao Tembe opposed this movement, literary and musical stalwarts like N.C. Kelkar and Pt. Vinayakbua Patwardhan advocated for the use of Marathi in music to express rasa (emotions) more authentically within the region (Kesari, 9^th June 1939). This debate reflects broader socio-cultural trends in mid-20th-century Maharashtra, where music became a medium for asserting regional identity.

The movement to incorporate Marathi language into Hindustani music and establish a distinct Maharashtra Sangeet identity emerged in the late 1920s. This initiative was marked by a growing awareness of cultural and linguistic identity among Maharashtrians. In 1928, the Gandharva Mahavidyalaya organized the first Maharashtra Sangeet Parishad in Pune, where the idea of replacing Hindi bandishes (musical compositions) with Marathi ones was formally introduced. This concept aimed to craft a music style that resonated with Maharashtrian regional identity. A speech by Pandit Vishnu Digambar Paluskar at this conference strongly advocated for the “Marathicization of music,” emphasizing the importance of fostering a unique Maharashtrian character in classical music.

Prominent figures in the spheres of music and literature lent their voices to this movement. N. C. Kelkar, a colleague of Bal Gangadhar Tilak, was particularly vocal about the need to reject “lingual slavery” and take pride in Marathi. He not only supported Paluskar’s efforts but also extended his backing to the Gandharva Mahavidyalaya. Similarly, musicians like Bhaskarbua Bakhale, Vinayakbua Patwardhan, and scholars like Tambe Shastri actively promoted the use of Marathi in classical music.

Vinayakbua Patwardhan emerged as a pivotal figure in this movement. His works and writings, including contributions to music journals such as Kesari and Ratnakar, articulated the need for Marathi compositions. In Bharatiya Sangeet, a journal published by the Bharat Gayan Samaj, the idea of Marathi bandishes was linked to creating a modern public sphere that catered to local linguistic and cultural sensibilities.

Critics of the existing Hindi, Braj, and Punjabi bandishes raised concerns about their suitability in the evolving music education landscape, especially as more women and young girls began learning music. Many compositions were deemed overly erotic and incompatible with the educational and moral framework of modern Maharashtra. For Vinayakbua and his contemporaries, music was not merely an art form but a moralizing force essential for shaping societal values.

This stance was further elaborated in Vinayakbua’s books, such as Natya Sangeet Prakash Pratham Kiran (1930) and Maharashtra Sangeet Prakash, Dvitiya Kiran (1934), which featured Marathi bandishes for various ragas. His writings argued that using Marathi would make music more relatable and audience-friendly while retaining its classical essence. His dedication to this cause was recognized when he was appointed President of the Music Wing at the Maharashtra Sahitya Sammelan in 1935.

The movement gained intellectual depth through the contributions of literary stalwarts like Prof. N. S. Phadke. He advocated for “Navamatvad” in music, which involved reforms such as incorporating harmony, challenging traditional restrictions on raga timings, and using Marathi bandishes to make music accessible to the masses. For Phadke, adapting music to suit contemporary audiences was crucial for its survival and growth.

This collaboration between music and literature was instrumental in consolidating Marathi identity. By the early 20th century, a distinct Marathi public sphere had emerged, shaped largely by upper-caste intelligentsia. This public sphere became a platform for advocating regional and linguistic pride, often intersecting with the larger demand for a separate Marathi- speaking state.

The colonial administration’s policies significantly influenced the development of regional linguistic identities. While English remained the primary administrative language, vernacular languages like Marathi were used for provincial governance. This dual-language system fostered a sense of regional identity among Maharashtrians, who sought to assert their cultural distinctiveness.

Scholars like Kaviraj (1992) Naregal (1999) and Pandian (2002) have highlighted how colonial bilingualism concentrated the power of cultural mediation in the hands of a select elite. Pandian shows how by means of accessing English education and by participating in the language of law the Indian elite captured colonial structures of authority (though indisputably as subordinates to the colonizers), and how such authority often excluded the subordinate social groups within the ‘national community’ (Pandian 2002: 1736).

This new class of   intelligentsia  played a crucial role in defining modern discourse and creating a “high” literary Marathi that  served as a marker of a new collective identity. The historical prominence of Marathi as an administrative language under the Maratha Empire further strengthened its position as a symbol of regional pride.

The movement for Maharashtra Sangeet coincided with the rising demand for a separate Marathi-speaking province. This demand, formally articulated during the 1933 Nagpur Marathi Sahitya Sammelan, was led by figures like Shankar Ramachandra Shende and Datto Waman Potdar. These leaders emphasized the importance of Marathi in shaping a cohesive cultural and political identity for Maharashtra. Music, with its universal appeal, became a potent medium for advancing this cause.

While neighboring regions like Karnataka incorporated Hindustani music into their cultural framework, Maharashtra’s approach was more focused on linguistic transformation. The idea of Maharashtra Sangeet sought to replace Hindi compositions with Marathi ones without altering the foundational structure of Hindustani music, which was seen as a symbol of national culture.

The drive for Marathicization faced resistance from traditionalists and gharana musicians, who viewed the initiative with skepticism. Gharana music, rooted in centuries-old  traditions, was often contrasted with the more intellectual and systematized approach of Maharashtrian musicians. Despite this, there were moments of mutual respect and acceptance, as  exemplified by Bhaskarbua Bakhale’s performances, which earned admiration from North Indian    gharana musicians.

Vinayakbua’s efforts to modernize and localize music were part of a broader movement to reclaim musical authority. For him, music was not just a form of entertainment but a tool for moral and cultural refinement. By making music more accessible through the use of Marathi, he sought to bridge the gap between classical traditions and contemporary societal needs.

CONCLUSION

The Marathicization of Hindustani music in Pune was a multifaceted cultural project, driven by the intersection of language, music, and regional identity. Institutions like Gandharva Mahavidyalaya and figures such as Pt. Vinayakbua Patwardhan played pivotal roles in aligning music with Marathi pride, positioning it as a cornerstone of Maharashtra’s cultural heritage.

This alignment was part of a broader process of cultural refinement, which redefined classical music as a respectable and intellectual art form. However, this transformation also reflected and reinforced existing social hierarchies, marginalizing lower-caste voices and popular entertainment forms.

In exploring these dynamics, this paper highlights the complex interplay between music, language, and the public sphere in 20th-century Maharashtra, offering insights into how cultural identity is constructed and contested within a regional and national context.

This reconstruction condenses the arguments and evidence while preserving the essence of the original paper, reflecting its depth and scholarly intent.

The Marathicization of music was a multifaceted initiative rooted in the quest for regional identity, cultural pride, and artistic innovation. While it aimed to replace Hindi compositions with Marathi ones, it also symbolized a broader shift in musical authority from North India to Maharashtra. Figures like Vinayakbua Patwardhan and Datto Waman Potdar played pivotal roles in this movement, aligning it with the larger political and cultural aspirations of the Marathi- speaking community.

Although the movement did not achieve widespread transformation within the musical community, its legacy endures in the continued celebration of Marathi as a medium for artistic expression. The efforts to integrate music, language, and public discourse emphasize the enduring power of culture in shaping collective identity.

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