Beyond the Columbian Exchange: Underexplored Dimensions of the Pre-Colonial and Early Colonial Period in America (1400–1607)

Beyond the Columbian Exchange: Underexplored Dimensions of the Pre-Colonial and Early Colonial Period in America (1400–1607)

Mbwoge Divine Ngome

Kangwon National University, CHUNCHEON, Gangwon-do, Korea

DOI: https://dx.doi.org/10.47772/IJRISS.2025.9020284

Received: 05 February 2025; Accepted: 10 February 2025; Published: 19 March 2025

ABSTRACT

The study of the pre-colonial and early colonial periods in America (1400–1607) often focuses on European exploration, the Columbian Exchange, and the establishment of early settlements. However, there remain underexplored dimensions critical to understanding this transformative era. This article therefore explores the indigenous socio-political systems of the Americas before European contact, the nuanced ecological consequences of the Columbian Exchange, and the underappreciated role of non-Iberian European explorers in shaping early colonial dynamics. Through an analysis of primary sources and secondary scholarship, this article sheds light on overlooked aspects of pre-colonial and early colonial history in America, emphasizing the neglected contributions of the American Indians in America.

Keywords: Pre-Colonial America, Colombian Exchange, European Exploration, Underexplored Dimensions, non-Iberian European explorers.

INTRODUCTION

The pre-colonial and early colonial period in America marks a pivotal juncture in global history, characterized by cultural collisions, ecological transformations, and the rise of European imperial ambitions. While scholarship has extensively explored the Columbian Exchange, European conquests, and the establishment of Jamestown (1607), critical gaps remain in the historiography. This article addresses these gaps by delving into lesser-studied topics like the complexity of indigenous socio-political systems in America before contact, overlooked ecological transformations stemming from the Columbian Exchange, and the early efforts of non-Iberian European explorers in shaping colonial trajectories.

Examining the complexity of Indigenous socio-political systems in the Americas before European contact is an often-underappreciated aspect of pre-Columbian history. Showing how the Indigenous societies exhibited a vast range of social structures, governance models, and economic systems shaped by their diverse environments and cultural traditions[1]. These systems ranged from decentralized tribal organizations to highly centralized empires, showcasing the adaptability and ingenuity of pre-Columbian civilizations[2]. It also shows the Columbian Exchange, a term popularized by historian Alfred W. Crosby, which describes the extensive transfer of plants, animals, culture, human populations, and diseases between the Old and New World following Christopher Columbus’s voyages in 1492[3]. Also important is that non-Iberian European explorers’ whose early efforts to shape colonial trajectories in the Americas were motivated by competition with Spain and Portugal, whose dominance had been cemented by the Treaty of Tordesillas in 1494[4].

While much scholarly attention has been paid to this transatlantic exchange’s economic and demographic impacts, the ecological transformations it triggered in the Americas have often been overlooked and are a call for concern for the new generation of scholars.  This study therefore examines the Underexplored Dimensions of the Pre-Colonial and Early Colonial Period in America (1400–1607) to reshape American history from the Eurocentric point by studying the historical and historiographical Circumstances surrounding Pre-colonial America.

Historical and Historiographical Circumstances Surrounding the of Pre-Colonial America

The historiography of pre-colonial America has evolved significantly over time, shaped by changing perspectives, methodologies, and the availability of new evidence. Early accounts often reflected Eurocentric biases, portraying indigenous societies as simplistic or stagnant. However, advancements in archaeology, anthropology, and indigenous studies have revealed the complexity, diversity, and dynamism of pre-contact American civilizations. This historiography traces the major trends and scholarly debates regarding pre-colonial American societies.

Anthony Pagen stated that from the 16^th to 19^th century, European explorers and settlers were among the first to document indigenous societies, often through a lens of superiority[5]. Figures like Bartolomé de Las Casas provided detailed descriptions of indigenous cultures, but narratives of conquest and colonization often overshadowed their works[6]. Also, Enlightenment thinkers such as Jean-Jacques Rousseau perpetuated the idea of the “noble savage,” romanticizing indigenous peoples as pure and uncorrupted by civilization[7]. According to Robert A. Williams Jr, colonists and missionaries often depicted indigenous societies as barbaric, primitive, and incapable of complex governance, justifying European colonization[8].

By the 19th century, scholars like Lewis Henry Morgan categorized indigenous societies as “primitive” within the framework of unilinear evolution[9]. Morgan’s works, such as Ancient Society (1877), positioned indigenous cultures as precursors to “civilized” societies, dismissing their achievements as temporary or inferior[10]. Meanwhile, in the late 19^th and early 20^th century, Archaeologists began uncovering evidence of advanced indigenous societies, such as the monumental earthworks at Cahokia or the sophisticated urban planning of the Maya[11]. These discoveries of artifacts and ruins challenged earlier Eurocentric notions of simplicity and the lack of self-governance.

Boas, the father of American anthropology, advocated for studying indigenous societies on their terms rather than through Eurocentric lenses. He and his students emphasized cultural relativism, recognizing indigenous cultures’ intrinsic value and complexity[12].

James S. Holstein and Richard L. Scharf argued in the Archaeology of Native North America: An Introduction (2002) that even though early archaeologists experienced progress in their research, they also faced challenges integrating indigenous oral traditions. Instead, they chose to focus primarily on material evidence[13]. Their studies frequently excluded indigenous perspectives, perpetuating an outsider’s (Eurocentric) narrative.

According to Lewis R. Binford’s narrative, in the mid-20th century, particularly the 1960s and 1970s there was the rise of processual archaeology, emphasizing scientific methods and systems theory to study ancient societies[14]. Binford sought to understand the environmental, economic, and social systems underpinning indigenous civilizations. This approach revealed the complexity of agricultural systems like the chinampas of the Aztecs and the irrigation networks of the Hohokam[15]. Also. in the mid-20th century, anthropologists began collaborating with indigenous communities to include oral histories and cultural knowledge in their research. This shift acknowledged the agency of Indigenous peoples as historical actors rather than passive subjects of study.

According to David J. Meltzer, the study of pre-colonial American History witnessed a new dimension in the late 20^th and 21^st centuries as Contemporary scholars employed a combination of archaeology, paleoecology, linguistics, and genetics to reconstruct America’s past[16]. Their research has highlighted the environmental impact of indigenous agriculture, such as the terraforming practices in the Amazon and the extensive trade networks linking the Americas.

These innovations have led to the decolonization of Eurocentric narratives and the reevaluation of indigenous societies. Scholars like Charles C. Mann, in his influential book 1491: New Revelations of the Americas Before Columbus (2005), stated that pre-contact America was a densely populated, ecologically managed, and culturally diverse landscape. Mann’s work brought the Indigenous agency to the forefront, challenging the “pristine wilderness” myth, particularly the Eurocentric views[17].

The works of Mann and others have given Recent studies the green light to emphasize the diversity of indigenous societies, from the hierarchical empires of the Aztecs and Incas to the egalitarian confederacies of the Iroquois. They highlight the adaptability and resilience of these societies in diverse environments.

Also, Indigenous scholars and activists have increasingly contributed to the historiography of pre-colonial America. Their work integrates traditional knowledge with academic research, emphasizing indigenous worldviews and challenging colonial frameworks.

One of the most contentious debates in the historiography of pre-colonial America concerns population estimates. Scholars like Henry Dobyns argue for high pre-contact population estimates[18], while others maintain more conservative figures. The extent of the demographic collapse following European contact, due to disease and conquest, remains a focal point of study.

New research continues to explore how indigenous peoples shaped their environments. From the controlled burns of the Great Plains to the terra preta (fertile soils) of the Amazon, these practices challenge stereotypes of indigenous peoples as passive inhabitants of untouched wilderness.

Recent scholarship focuses on the resilience and continuity of indigenous cultures. By recognizing the survival of traditions and governance systems, historians challenge narratives of disappearance and highlight the ongoing influence of pre-contact societies. This study analyzes how the historiography of pre-colonial America has evolved from Eurocentric dismissals to a nuanced appreciation of the diversity and complexity of indigenous cultures. This shift reflects broader trends in historical scholarship, including the integration of interdisciplinary methods, indigenous perspectives, and decolonized narratives. The study of pre-contact America continues to challenge assumptions, offering insights into the achievements and resilience of the Americas’ first civilizations.

The Unexplored Dimensions of the Pre-Colonial and Early Colonial America

The study of pre-contact America continues to challenge assumptions, offering insights into the achievements and resilience of the Americas’ first civilizations. Lewis R. Binford’s account highlights the emergence of processual archaeology during the mid-20th century, particularly in the 1960s and 1970s, which focused on applying scientific methods and systems theory to the study of ancient societies. This approach aimed to explore the environmental, economic, and social systems that supported indigenous civilizations, uncovering the intricacies of agricultural practices such as the Aztecs’ chinampas and the Hohokam’s irrigation networks.

This study dives deeper into Pre-colonial societies in the Americas to show how they exhibited diverse and sophisticated socio-political structures, even though most of these systems are often overshadowed by narratives of conquest and subjugation by European scholars. This research uses this opportunity to shape the popular narrative and create an awareness that America had well-organized traditional societies before its interaction with the Europeans.

Figure 1: The Map of Pre-Colonial America from 1400 to 1607

According to Smith E. Michael the Aztecs (2012), the Aztec Empire (Mexica) was a highly stratified society governed by a powerful emperor, the Tlatoani. Their political organization was built around city-states (altepetl), with Tenochtitlan as the capital. Tribute and military conquest were central to their governance[19]. Similarly, D’Altroy N. Terence the Incas (2015) explained how the Inca Empire in the Andes, ruled by the Sapa Inca, implemented a complex bureaucracy supported by an advanced system of taxation (mit’a) and record-keeping using quipu (knotted cords)[20]. These evidences counteract the superiority complex of the early European explorers.

William N. Fenton, The Great Law and the Longhouse: A Political History of the Iroquois Confederacy (1998) also analyzed how the Iroquois Confederacy (Haudenosaunee) united five (later six) nations under the Great Law of Peace, a constitution emphasizing consensus and power-sharing among clans and tribes[21]. Furthermore, Robbie Ethridge’s study on the Creek Country particularly the Muscogee (Creek) Confederacy showed how they operated as a decentralized union of towns, each enjoying autonomy while adhering to shared laws and customs[22].

Further study showed many groups, such as the Plains Tribes (e.g., Lakota and Cheyenne), organized their societies around kinship and clans. Leadership was often situational, with chiefs gaining authority based on merit, charisma, or wisdom. These findings confirm that there is more to learn in pre-colonial American history than the Eurocentric ideologies of colonization.

Mississippian cultures (e.g., Cahokia) developed large urban centers sustained by maize agriculture in the Mississippi Valley. Cahokia, with a population of tens of thousands, featured monumental architecture like mounds[23]. In the Southwest, Puebloan peoples, such as the Ancestral Puebloans, practiced irrigation farming to cultivate maize, beans, and squash in arid environments[24]. The Chinook of the Pacific Northwest relied on salmon fishing and developed extensive trade networks. They conducted potlatches (ceremonial gift exchanges) to assert status and redistribute wealth. In the Arctic, the Inuit developed subsistence strategies centered on hunting sea mammals, utilizing tools like harpoons and kayaks to thrive in harsh conditions.

Complex trade networks crisscrossed the Americas, exchanging goods such as obsidian, turquoise, copper, and foodstuffs. For instance, the Mississippian culture was part of a vast trade system linking the Great Lakes to the Gulf of Mexico[25].

The indigenous societies had a well-organized social structure that varied widely, with some societies exhibiting strict hierarchies and others promoting egalitarianism. The Aztecs for example had a rigid class system, comprising nobles (pipiltin), commoners (macehualtin), and enslaved people (tlacotin). Military service offered a path to upward mobility—the Inca stratified society in the Andes into rulers, nobles, and commoners. The labor system (ayllu) was the foundation of the Inca social organization, ensuring communal labor obligations[26]. In addition, many Plains tribes, like the Comanche, maintained flexible social structures, where leaders earned their positions through acts of bravery, skill in war, or wisdom. In the Great Basin, groups like the Paiute lived in small bands with cooperative decision-making. This shows self-dependency and bravery as opposed to the ideas of European civilization.

Religion was an important factor in these societies and it played a pivotal role in governance and societal organization. The Maya city-states for example combined political and religious authority, with kings (ajaw) serving as intermediaries with the gods. Their legitimacy was reinforced through rituals and monumental architecture like pyramids. In the Andes, the Inca emperor was considered divine and believed to be the son of the sun god (Inti), which reinforced centralized control[27]. Among the Plains Indians, spiritual leaders were influential in decision-making, especially during crises. Ceremonies like the Sun Dance served to unify tribes. The Puebloan peoples relied on religious councils to guide governance and maintain harmony with their environment[28].

Similar to religion, urbanization and public works in pre-colonial America demonstrated the organizational capabilities of many societies. Cahokia (near modern-day St. Louis) featured Monk Mound; a massive earthwork larger in base area than the Great Pyramid of Giza. With its intricate system of canals and causeways, Tenochtitlan supported a population of over 200,000 and housed the Templo Mayor, symbolizing Aztec cosmology[29]. The Maya built sophisticated cities like Tikal and Chichen Itza, characterized by step pyramids, observatories, and ball courts. More so, conflict and diplomacy were integral to indigenous political systems. The Aztecs expanded through military conquest, forming the Triple Alliance with Texcoco and Tlacopan. Tribute payments from conquered regions sustained their empire. The Iroquois Confederacy used the Great Law of Peace to resolve inter-tribal conflicts, fostering stability and collective security[30]. At this juncture, the study examines some of the ancient American cultures that have witnessed less scholarly work.

Firstly, the Mississippian Cultures of North America: At its peak, Cahokia (near present-day St. Louis) was a thriving urban center with complex trade networks, monumental architecture, and hierarchical governance. Scholars have yet to fully examine the interactions between these societies and early Spanish expeditions, such as Hernando de Soto’s journey in the 1540s[31]. Also, Mesoamerican and Andean Innovations: While the Aztec and Inca empires are widely studied, less attention has been paid to their systems of resource redistribution, such as the Aztec “Calpulli” and Inca “mit’a,” which facilitated efficient governance and social cohesion. These systems influenced early European administrative adaptations[32]. Another group is the Caribbean Island Societies: Indigenous Taino and Carib communities of the Caribbean are frequently reduced to footnotes in early colonial narratives, yet their political alliances and resistance strategies shaped Spanish settlement patterns and labor policies making them necessary when studying pre-colonial America and the activities of the early European explorers like the ecological dimensions of the Columbian exchange. One important aspect of studying the Socio-political structure of the native Americans before contact is that it gives us an understanding of their living conditions before and after the Columbian Exchange.

Beyond Food: Ecological Dimensions of the Columbian Exchange

The Columbian Exchange is predominantly viewed through the lens of food crops (e.g., maize, potatoes, and wheat). However, its ecological dimensions encompass broader phenomena: The Columbian Exchange, a term popularized by historian Alfred W. Crosby, describes the extensive transfer of plants, animals, culture, human populations, and diseases between Europe and the Americas following Christopher Columbus’s voyages in 1492[33]. While much research has been done on this transatlantic exchange’s economic and demographic impacts, the ecological transformations it triggered in the Americas have often been overlooked. In the Amazon basin, for example, indigenous communities established sophisticated urban centers and agricultural practices. By developing methods such as producing “terra preta” (rich, dark soil), they improved soil fertility through the controlled composting of organic materials. This innovative approach enabled long-term farming in otherwise nutrient-poor soil, sustaining large populations and enhancing the region’s biodiversity. These discoveries challenge earlier perceptions of the Amazon as an untouched wilderness, instead portraying it as a landscape deeply influenced by human activity. The introduction of foreign species, from livestock to crops, reshaped ecosystems, altered land use patterns, and disrupted Indigenous environmental practices in profound and lasting ways[34].

One of the most significant ecological changes was the introduction of European livestock, such as cattle, pigs, and horses, which transformed the American landscape. These animals quickly multiplied in the absence of natural predators, leading to overgrazing and the depletion of native vegetation[35]. Indigenous agricultural systems, which had long been adapted to local conditions, were supplanted by European land-use practices that prioritized monocultures and large-scale animal husbandry. This shift not only altered the physical environment but also contributed to soil erosion and long-term changes in the region’s hydrology[36].

Equally transformative was the influx of old-world plants such as wheat, sugarcane, and various fruit trees, which competed with and often displaced native flora. Culturing these crops required clearing vast tracts of land, leading to deforestation and habitat loss[37]. Furthermore, introducing European weeds and pests created ecological imbalances, as these invasive species often outcompeted native plants, disrupting food chains and biodiversity. Together, these ecological transformations reveal how the Columbian Exchange irrevocably altered the natural world of the Americas, laying the groundwork for the environmental challenges that persist today like Deforestation and habitat loss, soil degradation, loss of biodiversity, the spread of diseases, greenhouse gas emission, water scarcity, and climate change. At this point, the study will examine the pathogen ecology and Indigenous resilience, the unintended consequences of livestock introduction, and the weeds and Ecological imperialism

Pathogen ecology is the study of how diseases caused by microorganisms (e.g., bacteria, viruses, and fungi) interact with their environment, including hosts, vectors, and ecosystems. It focuses on understanding the relationships between pathogens, their hosts, and the surrounding ecological factors that influence disease transmission and persistence. While smallpox and measles devastated populations, evidence suggests that some indigenous groups developed adaptive strategies, such as isolating the sick and utilizing traditional medicines, which merit further exploration. Also, European livestock, including pigs and cattle, altered ecosystems dramatically, often competing with indigenous species and disrupting native agricultural practices. These changes, especially in regions like the American Southeast, remain understudied in comparison to their impact in Central and South America. Lastly, Non-native plants like dandelions and cheatgrass, introduced through European settlement, reshaped landscapes and displaced native flora. Understanding these changes provides a more nuanced picture of ecological imperialism. This led us to their confirmation that there is more in American history that needs to be reexamined from a Eurocentric perspective. Beginning from pre-colonial societies, European exploration, and migration to America and the contributions of non-Iberian Europeans.

Non-Iberian European Contributions: A Neglected Prelude

This term typically refers to the roles played by European powers outside of Spain and Portugal (the Iberian nations) in shaping global history during the Age of Exploration, colonization, and subsequent eras. These contributions were distinct but often intertwined with the impacts of Iberian colonial enterprises The colonial strategies of Iberian and non-Iberian European explorers diverged significantly in their objectives and methods. The Spanish and Portuguese pursued wealth through conquest, resource extraction, and the spread of Christianity, establishing centralized colonial administrations governed by viceroys. Spain relied on the encomienda system, forcing indigenous people into labor, while Portugal’s colonial economy centered on the transatlantic slave trade and sugar plantations. In contrast, the English, French, and Dutch prioritized economic expansion, often through private enterprises. While the English developed settler colonies, the French focused on fur trading, and the Dutch sought commercial dominance through trade networks. Their colonial administrations were less centralized, allowing private investors and settlers greater influence[38]. The specific contributions of non-Iberian Europeans include expansion of trade and commerce, agricultural transformation, scientific exploration, and knowledge exchange, religious missions and cultural influence, military and naval power, the introduction of non-Iberian governance models, the slave trade and human capital exploitation, and the technological and industrial innovations[39].

While Spain and Portugal dominated narratives of early exploration, primarily through their pioneering maritime expeditions, the establishment of colonial empires, and the production of widely circulated accounts that glorified their discoveries and conquests like the case of Portugal, under Prince Henry the Navigator, invested heavily in maritime technology, including the development of the caravel, a highly maneuverable ship suited for long voyages. Portuguese sailors like Bartolomeu Dias and Vasco da Gama charted routes around Africa to India, breaking the Venetian monopoly on Asian trade routes.

And the Spanish support on the expeditions such as Christopher Columbus’s 1492 voyage, which opened the Americas to European exploration, the non-Iberian European powers also played crucial roles in shaping pre-1607 dynamics. The early efforts of non-Iberian European explorers to shape colonial trajectories in the Americas were motivated by competition with Spain and Portugal, whose dominance had been cemented by the Treaty of Tordesillas in 1494[40]. England, France, and the Netherlands sought to bypass Iberian control of lucrative trade routes and exploit the untapped potential of the New World. John Cabot, an Italian explorer commissioned by England in 1497, ventured across the Atlantic in search of a northwest passage to Asia. Although Cabot did not find the fabled route, his voyages laid the groundwork for English claims to North America, particularly in the regions that would later become Canada and the northeastern United States[41]. Similarly, French explorers like Jacques Cartier sought a northern passage in the 1530s, navigating the St. Lawrence River and establishing France’s claims to vast tracts of territory that would evolve into New France[42].

Similarly, the Dutch, driven by economic aspirations and maritime prowess, also made significant inroads into colonial exploration. By the early 17th century, Henry Hudson, sailing under the Dutch East India Company, explored the river that now bears his name, leading to the establishment of New Amsterdam (modern-day New York City) as a critical trading post. Unlike the Iberians, who focused heavily on conquest and the extraction of mineral wealth, the Dutch prioritized commerce and partnerships with Indigenous peoples[43]. These non-Iberian explorers collectively reshaped colonial trajectories by introducing diverse economic models, contesting Iberian hegemony, and creating footholds for later imperial expansions. Their activities diversified the colonial landscape of the Americas, emphasizing trade networks, settlement patterns, and cultural exchanges distinct from those established by Spain and Portugal. Some of them include the Norse legacy in North America, the French exploration in Canada, and the English and Dutch ventures[44].

The Norse settlement at L’Anse aux Meadows (circa 1000 CE) and subsequent interactions with indigenous peoples provide an early example of cultural exchange that is rarely integrated into broader colonial histories. Also, Jacques Cartier’s voyages in the 1530s laid the groundwork for later French colonial enterprises, yet their economic and cultural impacts on indigenous groups like the Mi’kmaq are underexplored. Lastly, early English attempts, such as those led by John Cabot (1497), and Dutch expeditions, like those of Henry Hudson, highlight the diverse motivations and strategies of European powers beyond Spain and Portugal.[45]

CONCLUSION

Revisiting these underexplored dimensions challenges Eurocentric narratives and emphasizes indigenous agency, ecological complexity, and multi-national colonial efforts. Integrating these perspectives can reshape our understanding of the pre-colonial and early colonial period as a dynamic and interconnected epoch. The pre-colonial and early colonial period was far more complex and multifaceted than traditional narratives suggest. By examining Indigenous socio-political systems, the nuanced ecological effects of the Columbian Exchange, and the contributions of non-Iberian European explorers, this article contributes to a more holistic understanding of this critical era.

The historical insights from Iberian and non-Iberian colonial strategies provide crucial context for contemporary discussions on indigenous rights, land use, and environmental sustainability. Iberian colonization often integrated Indigenous populations through forced labor systems like encomienda and mita, while non-Iberian colonization, particularly English expansion, relied on land dispossession and displacement. Both approaches led to the marginalization of indigenous communities, the erosion of traditional governance, and cultural suppression. Today, indigenous groups continue to fight for land restitution, legal recognition, and political representation, supported by frameworks such as the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) and Truth and Reconciliation Commissions in countries like Canada and Australia. Land repatriation initiatives, such as returning sacred lands to Native American tribes, highlight efforts to address historical injustices.

European colonial economies were largely extractive, relying on mining, plantation agriculture, and logging, which resulted in deforestation, soil depletion, and biodiversity loss. In contrast, pre-colonial indigenous societies practiced sustainable land management, including controlled burns, agroforestry, and terracing. Today, indigenous land stewardship is increasingly recognized as vital for global conservation, as studies show that indigenous-managed areas have higher biodiversity and lower deforestation rates compared to state-controlled lands. Governments and NGOs now support land-back movements and Indigenous co-management of protected areas, such as Australia’s handover of Uluru to the Anangu people. Additionally, indigenous knowledge is being revived to address climate challenges, as seen in Peruvian terracing and Amazonian “terra preta” soil restoration.

Colonial conservation policies, particularly under non-Iberian powers, often excluded indigenous peoples from newly established national parks, as seen in the Yellowstone model in the United States. In Iberian-controlled lands, privatization further restricted indigenous access. Today, conservationists are adopting rights-based approaches, ensuring that environmental protection does not come at the expense of indigenous land rights. Indigenous Protected Areas (IPAs), such as those led by Canada’s First Nations, empower indigenous communities to manage ecosystems using traditional practices. Recognizing Indigenous land claims, integrating their ecological knowledge, and supporting community-driven sustainability initiatives are essential for rectifying historical injustices and fostering a more equitable and environmentally responsible future.

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FOOTNOTES

[1] Charles C. Mann. 1491 New Revelations of the Americas before Columbus (New York: Knopf, 2005), pp 94-100.

[2] Bruce E. Johansen, Native American Political System and the Evolution of Democracy: An Annotated Bibliography (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1996)

[3] Alfred W. Crosby, The Columbian Exchange: Biological and Cultural consequences of 1492(Westport, CT: Greenwood Publishing Group, 1972), p. 41.

[4] John H. Elliott, Empires of the Atlantic World: Britain and Spain in America,1492-1830 (New Heaven: Yale University Press, 2006), pp. 13-15.

[5] Anthony Pagden, European Encounter with the New World: From Renaissance to Romanticism (New Heaven: Yale University Press, 1993), pp. 15-23.

[6] Lewis Hanke, The Spanish Struggle for Justice in the Conquest of America (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1949), pp. 123-130

[7] Jean Jacques Rousseau, Discuses on the Origin and Basis of Inequality Among Men (1755), in Social Contract and Discuses, trans.  G.D.H Cole (London: J. M. Dent & Sons, 1913), pp. 113-120

[8] Robert A. Williams Jr, The American Indian in Western Legal Thought: The Discourses of Conquest (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990), pp. 86-92.

[9] Lewis Henry Morgan, Ancient Society: Or, Research in the Lines of Human Progress from Savagery through Barbarism to Civilization (New York: Henry Holt, 1877), pp.3-15.

[10] Ibid

[11] Mann. 1491 New Revelations of the Americas before Columbus, pp. 123-145

[12] George W. Stocking Jr., Franz Boas: The Emergence of the American Anthropologist (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1986), pp. 98-120

[13] James S. Holstein and Richard L. Scharf, The Archaeology of Native North America: An Introduction (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), pp. pp.45-62.

[14] Lewis R. Binford, The Archaeology of Power and Privilege (California: Academic Press, 1977), pp. 25-47

[15] Ibid

[16] David J. Meltzer, First People in a New World: Colonizing Ice America (California: University of California Press, 2009), pp.87-110.

[17] Mann. 1491 New Revelations of the Americas before Columbus, pp. 123-145.

[18] Henry Dobyns, Their Numbers Became Thinned: Native American Population Dynamics in Eastern North America (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1983), pp.25-50.

[19] Michael E. Smith, The Aztecs. 3^rd ed. (Malden, MA: Black Publishing, 2012), pp. 94-110

[20] D’Altroy N. Terence, The Incas 2^nd ed. (Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell, 2015), pp. 180-200.

[21] William N. Fenton, The Great Law and the Longhouse: A Political History of the Iroquois Confederacy (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1998), pp.15-17.

[22] Robbie Ethridge, Creek Country: The Creek Indians and their World (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003), pp. 24-27

[23] Timothy R. Pauketat, Cahokia: Ancient America’s Great City on the Mississippi (New York: Viking, 2009), pp. 4-8.

[24] John Doe, History of Native American Agriculture (New York: Academic Press, 2020), pp.45.

[25] John Doe, Pre-Columbian Societies of North America (New York: Academic Press, 2021), pp. 35-36.

[26] Jane Smith, Indigenous of the Americas (Boston: Historical Press, 2022), pp. 78-79

[27] Smith, The Aztecs, pp. 94-100.

[28] Vine Deloria Jr., God Is Red: A Native View of Religion (Golden: Fulcrum Publishing, 2003), pp.123-126

[29] Pauketat, Cahokia, pp.45-49.

[30] Michael D. Coe, The Maya (London: Thomas & Hudson, 2015), pp 112-115; Ross Hassig, Aztec Warfare: Imperial Expansion and Political Control (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press,1995), pp78-81; and Barbara A Mann, The Iroquois and Prehistory (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 2000), pp 65-67.

[31] Pauketat, Cahokia, pp.45-49.

[32] Smith, The Aztecs, pp. 94-100.

[33] Crosby, The Columbian Exchange, p. 3.

[34]  Ibid, pp. 171-173.

[35] Ibid, pp. 99-103.

[36] Alfred W. Crosby, Ecological Imperialism: The Biological Expansion of Europe, 900-1900(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), pp. 194-198.

[37] Smith John, The Columbian Exchange: Biological and Cultural Consequences of 1492(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), pp. 120-125.

[38] Patrick Karl O’Brien, “European Economic Development: The Contribution of the Periphery,” Economic History Review 35, no, 1 (1982), pp. 1-18.

[39] Crosby, The Columbian Exchange, pp. 41-50

[40] Williams Jr, The American Indian in Western Legal Thought, pp. 103-106.

[41] Evan T. Jones, “Jones Cabot and the Discovery of America,” Historical Research 81, no. 212 (2008), pp. 224-254.

[42]  William John Eccles, French in America (New York: Harper & Row, 1972), pp. 3-8.

[43] Russell Shorto, The Island at the Center of the World: The Epic Story of Dutch Manhattan and the Forgotten Colony that shaped America (New York: Vintage Books, 2004), pp. 15-30.

[44] Felipe Fernandez-Armesto, 1492: Year the World Began (New York: HarperCollins, 2009), pp. 157-162.

[45] Shorto, The Island at the Center of the World, pp. 15-30.