China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and the Quest for Identity’s Foreign Policy on the Global Stage

China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and the Quest for Identity’s Foreign Policy on the Global Stage

Joshua Olatunde FAJIMBOLA, Ph.D., Adedeji Oladipupo AKINWALERE

Department of International Relations, Elizade University, Ilara-Mokin, Ondo State, Nigeria

DOI: https://dx.doi.org/10.47772/IJRISS.2025.9020354

Received: 14 February 2025; Accepted: 18 February 2025; Published: 24 March 2025

ABSTRACT

Considerable evidence is available to show that China has emerged on the global stage as an undisputed major power competing vigorously for a unique foreign policy identity. This study explores stakeholders’ perspectives on China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), focusing on foreign policy identity on the global stage. It analysed the stakeholders’ perspective in Nigeria (Nigeria, being the largest BRI partner country in Africa engaging in the various BRI infrastructure development projects and programmes. Based on the stakeholders’ experiences and perceptions, the insights are intended to enhance scholarship in quantitative research and, consequently inform policy. The paper anchored on Complex Interdependence Theory to explain how the integration of BRI globally influences foreign policy identity rather than dominance status. It also linked Realism to determine the limitations of the BRI as a tool for China’s expansion of power in the global system. It is a qualitative study that employed both primary and secondary data sources. Analysis of the stakeholders’ perspective showed that the BRI is perceived as a dynamic foreign policy, strategically designed by China’s leadership to create a distinct space for China and enhance effective competition with other powers in the system. The perspectives showed that China built its foreign policy identity through the BRI on the philosophy and cultural characteristics of the Chinese. The study therefore concludes that China’s foreign policy identity and BRI expansion are intricately linked to culture, sense of productivity, work ethic, and visionary leadership. It predicts, among others, that leadership will continue to play a significant role in China’s national interest, strategic plan, and foreign policy identity.

Keywords: BRI, China, driver, foreign policy, identity, global, stage

INTRODUCTION

Foreign policy identity politics is perceived as very significant to any country or nation generally in the contemporary international system dominated by the notion of anarchy and self-help. Evaluation of global issues based on nation-states and their peculiarities presupposes that identifying a self-made image is key for survival. China, as a nation with a rich history spanning several centuries, is emerging as a centre of gravity in the global system and international politics by pursuing a unique identity helping to shape its national power. A graphic comparison of the United States, Russia, China, and Other Major Powers has indicated China as an emergent global power (Cordesman, 2023). Some scholars and observers have attributed the asymmetric rise of China to some identity characteristics. With its immense size and diversity, China is reputed to maintain its own world order, demonstrating the capability to play a significant leading role in establishing in the international system, with tremendous influence across over land and sea, from Central Asia to the South Seas (Zhongqiu, 2014).

China is already competing with the economies of developed democratic states on a global level. Its “belt and road” efforts to establish economic ties to developing states and control critical minerals and resources. It may succeed in creating a rival economic bloc that can function and grow outside the “rules-based order” democracies created after World War II, and it is already competing in its relations with several developing states (Cordesman, 2023).

Supported by its rich history, China has also attempted to transform itself into a modern country over the past century, having drawn inspiration from different sources, including its linkage with Western experiences and the self-image of the tradition of modernity. As Asia for Educators, Columbia University noted while citing Yan (1921) “One way of accomplishing these goals was to learn more about Western physical and social sciences, philosophy, religion, and culture. To this end, many Chinese scholars devoted themselves to the study of Western things and to the translation of Western books”. Thus, the wisdom of perceived ancient history and the lessons of its modern development appeared to be contributing to China’s constructive role in global efforts, particularly, in addressing imbalances in the world order (Zhongqiu, 2014).

With a population of over 1.4 billion people, whose distribution across various provinces is marked by significant unevenness (Lahtinen, 2018), China’s rich historical foundation has been entrenched in its foreign policy tool often known as the “Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)” that is currently a form of successful foreign policy undertaking by any country in the world. As a strategic initiative, the BRI, launched by Chinese President Xi Jinping in 2013 is regarded as a powerful instrument ever in terms of economic cooperation, infrastructure development, and regional integration.

Many studies have revealed the BRI’s successes in fostering connectivity between Asia, Africa, and Europe; and, in promoting regional integration, augmenting trade volumes, and stimulating economic growth, primarily for the benefit of China (Parks & Tierney, 2015; Satar, 2022; Reilly, 2020), how, there is still a dearth of literature that focused on perspectives of the BRI as identity politics in international relations.  Identity politics in international relations defines a country’s desire to launch its self-image, ideal identity driven by nationality, religion, and value orientation on a large scale within the global space. Thus, this paper attempts to highlight perspectives on the BRI as a major driver of identity politics for China in the pursuit of its national interest.  The paper is divided into sections, including; an introduction, literature review, methodology, analysis, and discussion.

LITERATURE REVIEW

Dicken (2003) predicted the era of a global shift in the international system that would reshape the global economic map in the 21st century. This has made some scholars to suspect that China may be aiming at the fulfillment of this possibility for it to have launched a kind of complex foreign policy programme that consists of a Silk Road Economic Belt, a land route connecting China to South East Asia, South Asia, Central Asia, Russia, and Europe, and a 21st century Maritime Silk Road, a sea route connecting China’s coastal regions to South East and South Asia, the South Pacific, the Middle East, and Eastern Africa to Europe. The BRI is already anchored on five major objectives: policy coordination; infrastructure connectivity; unhindered trade; financial integration; and people-to-people connections (Nedopil, 2023). In the process of its, emergence, President Xi Jinping, probably, was inspired by the Han Dynasty 2,000 years’ ancient network of trade routes that connected China to the Mediterranean via Eurasia for centuries (Sahar, Abassi, & Kolachi, (2019).

The historical development of BRI can be traced to the event of September 7, 2013, when in Pakistan, Chinese President Xi Jinping advocated the establishment of the Silk Road Economic Belt at Nazabayer University (Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 2013). During President Xi Jinping’s visit to Indonesia on October 2, 2013, the decision to establish a 21st-century Maritime Silk Road was reinforced (China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 2013). The development projects culminating in the BRI, originally, were under the coordination of “One Belt, One Road”, and defined as the “Belt” representing the land route to connect China with Central Asia, Russia, the Middle East, and Eastern and Western Europe while the “Road” to represent the maritime route designed to connect the South China Sea with the Indian Ocean and East Africa (Frankopan, 2018; Dzekashu & Anyu, 2020; Freymann, 2021).

Since then, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has attracted divergent views and maintained different perspectives among scholars and foreign policy analysts without clear-cut concessions. Freyman (2020), and Ye (2022) maintained that the BRI was designed to herald the arrival of China’s power on the global stage. However, the position of Osman-Elnor (2022) differed to some extent as the scholar opined that the idea of BRI should be situated within the ambition of a national leader, thus, a demonstration of the authority of President Xi Jinping and his sole passion to reactivate the memories of China’s glorious past (Osman-Elnor, 2022). Irrespective of the divergent views, there is a general perception that is closely linked to BRI. It is the idea that BRI could have been initiated fundamentally to address the development challenges facing China, improve China’s security along its borders, and promote unity among China’s diverse ethnic groups.

On the other hand, Railly (2021) positioned that BRI is serving as a means of deploying China’s economic resources abroad to achieve strategic political gains within the international system. The position of Railly (2021) advances the knowledge of Dollar, (2019) on BRI that limited it to a strategy of investing in China’s overcapacity in industrialisation, and, as a means of resolving the crisis capitalism has generated. But, Krolikowski (2021), however, affirmed that BRI is not a novel idea, rather, it is more or less a resurgence of ideas in China that fortunately favoured by many elements, including, the imprimatur of President Xi Jinping, the Chinese Communist Party, and various stakeholders within and outside China. In some instances, Wang (2016) viewed some of the BRI projects, such as building railways, natural gas pipelines, and electric power grids across different nations as China’s strategic exhibition of a capitalist-driven ideology, crafting a sort of Sino-centric world order. Ogunsanwo (2022) on the other hand, predicted China’s global activism through BRI, embodying critical potentiality for creating a new global order where the economic and security cooperation of the major powers may be altered in favour of China, ultimately leading to the possible replacement of some major powers as dominant powers.

When viewed against the backdrop of its geographical scope, the volume of participating countries, the ever-changing goals of the initiative which are continuously mutating, as well as the financial scale and political spread, BRI should be considered the largest infrastructure programme in the global system (Senadjki, 2022). The BRI’s influence on partner countries, particularly in Africa, to be integrated into China’s economic development, thereby, enhancing China’s international image and facilitating international reputation is difficult to dispute (Land & Vu, 2019; Wiig &Silver, 2019; Shahriar, et al, 2018).

Currently, it is widely reported that Africa has overtaken Middle Eastern countries in 2023 to become the largest recipient of the BRI projects. BRI investments in 2023 in Africa were dominated by private sector enterprises and construction contracts driven by state-owned enterprises (SOEs) (Nedopil, 2023). In the wake of 2024, the BRI focused more on renewable energy, mining, and related technologies in Africa (Nedopil, 2023) while in some African countries, such as Nigeria, the BRI has basically inclined towards infrastructure development. Nigeria is one of the African countries that ratified the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on the BRI collaboration with Beijing. The BRI project in Nigeria has been observed to continue to grow since the country joined in 2018 at a summit in Beijing. In Nigeria, the BRI has been linked in the area of infrastructure development with Abuja-Kaduna standard gauge rail line, Abuja rail mass transit, the new terminal at the Nnamdi Azikiwe International Airport, Lagos-Ibadan standard gauge rail line, Port Harcourt International Airport, Port Harcourt, Malam Aminu Kano International Airport, Kano, and Lekki deep sea port project, among others. Inspite of this notable involvement of the BRI in Nigeria’s infrastructure development Ajah and Onuoha (2023) questioned whether China’s Belt and Road Initiative and infrastructure development in Nigeria was a paradigm shift or failed ventures repackaged.

From the perspective of Amusan and Nel (2023), China runs a policy that blends liberal and protectionist strategies to enhance the position of the state and its political elite and presents itself as a most dependable and desirable partner, trying to assist countries in long-term industrialisation, based on Chinese official bilateral policy agreements. China’s BRI tends to anchor a structure of “beneficial dependency.” (Amusan & Nel, 2023) which draws from the ‘five principles sighted by some scholars as a method of Beijing’s expansionist policy, aiming at establishing national supremacy and influence. Citing the examples of how the BRI principle functions, the trade between China and Nigeria between 2000 and 2020 appeared to have supported the undercurrent notion of neo-mercantilism in practice and solidified China’s advantages in terms of trade over Nigeria. Nigeria maintained a trade imbalance in goods with value-added, such as machinery and transportation supplies within the period. For instance, in 2020 alone, 89% of Nigeria’s exports to China were mineral fuel, contributing to China’s trade surplus (Amusan & Nel, 2023) notwithstanding the submission of Ubi and Hongwu (2018); and Omoruyi (2021) that portrayed China’s assistance to Nigeria as both economic and developmental. From another perspective, Pamela and Tom-Jack (2016) contended that BRI is a mere consequence and another component of the conflict between the major powers over Africa after decolonisation.

Theoretical Framework

Many propositions of international relations have been employed to explain the phenomena, expansion, and distributions of BRI. However, the most relevant theory for providing an insightful explanation for China’s foreign policy identity in the international system as adopted by this paper is Robert O. Keohane and Joseph Nye postulation – Complex Interdependence – in their book Power and Interdependence, published in 1977. The theory critically reacted to the dominant theory of Realism after the Cold War when the real power of states was no longer seen from the prism of large military arsenal and sophisticated weaponry by the developed industrialised nations but rather through economic efficiency and technological advancement. The Cold War era was a period when the theories of international relations emphasised war, military strategy, or law.

However, the 1970s witnessed a shift whereby greater emphasis was placed firmly on economics and interdependence. It was a theory that focused on the rise of international regimes, and transnational actors which gave prominence to the role of welfare and trade in matters of foreign policy with an emphasis on soft power as against the military capabilities of states which emphasis hard power. The complex interdependence was a paradigm shift from issues of security, and balance of power to issues of welfare and trade and the need for a global order where economic development can thrive (Keohane & Nye, 1977; Rana, 2015; Bhatty, 1990).

Keohane and Nye (1977) defined dependence as a state of being determined or significantly affected by external forces while interdependence means mutual dependence. Interdependence in world politics occurs in a situation characterised by reciprocal actions among countries or actors in different countries. Genest (1996) defined complex interdependence, on the other hand as a theory that stresses the complex ways through growing ties, the transnational actors become mutually dependent, vulnerable to each other’s actions, and sensitive to each other’s needs. Complex interdependence is an economic trans-nationalist concept that assumes that states are not the only important actors, that social welfare issues share centre stage with security issues on the global agenda, and that cooperation is as dominant a characteristic of international politics as conflicts (Genest, 1996).

Complex interdependence has been described as an approach to the study of international relations that challenged the realists’ assumptions, thereby opposing the position of state-centrism linking the state as the only important actor in world politics. It also challenged realism’s idea that national security dominates decision-making agendas and that military force is the only means of exercising influence in international politics. Rana (2015) noted that complex interdependence is a costly reciprocal effect of transaction among the actors as the policies and actions of one actor have a profound impact on the policies and actions of other actors.

From the complex interdependence perspective, in its foreign policy demonstrated through the BRI, China has not primarily made the state the only actor in the implementation of the BRI projects and programmes. China has recognised, through the BRI, the growing complexity of interactions between states, state agencies, firms, and international organisations. China relies on the BRI to enhance cooperation among states, and to address common challenges such as poverty, security, terrorism, climate change, infrastructure, green environment, safe energy, natural resources, and other global issues with the participation of different stakeholders.

In the contemporary international system, there is expanding economic interdependence between China and other countries participating in the BRI.  China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) serves as multiple channels connecting institutions and governments, nongovernmental organisation, the private sector, and citizens towards infrastructure development and other focal points of development. China, by rivalry with other major powers through the BRI, especially in the area of infrastructure development, is potentially recreating a global leadership identity, thus, upholding and shaping interdependence of the global system in a characteristic complex pattern.

However, the realist school of thought is critical of the complex interdependence school in the international system, arguing that undue emphasis is placed on economic interdependence, thereby downplaying the significance of military power and security concerns in shaping international interactions. Contemporary realists, including John Mearsheimer, insisted that states’ military and economic capabilities remain key elements and determinants of influence and leverage for any state in international relations, including China. More importantly, the role of power is emphasised in realism, notwithstanding interconnections of states and consequent interdependent outcomes. By implication, China is significantly following the path of realism more profoundly than the path of complex interdependence in many important respects. Realist flaws complex interdependence by highlighting the persistence of conflict and competition in international relations despite the increasing interdependence in the system (Rana, 2015).

METHODOLOGY

The paper employed a qualitative method approach. It collected data through in-depth interviews conducted with 20 participants across Nigeria and focus group discussions with 8 participants in two sessions in the South-west of Nigeria. It also relied on secondary sources of data. The thematic method was adopted for the data analysis.

RESULTS

The findings of the qualitative data are organised into themes and sub-themes that emerged from the data and provide insights into the dynamics of China’s BRI, its drivers, and motivation from a Nigerian perspective. The qualitative data as presented in this section are derived from the experiences, and perspectives of participants. The data specifically captured the participants’ subjective experiences, attitudes, and opinions on China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and Nigeria’s infrastructure development in line with the objectives of the study and research questions as formulated.

Table of Major theme 1: The Social construction of Chinese identity

Source: Nvivo Analysis, 2024

Major theme 1: The Social Construction of Chinese identity

This theme explores how Chinese identity is perceived both individually and collectively. Individually, the Chinese are admired for their discipline, work ethic, and moral values. Collectively, China is seen as embodying nationalism, Confucian principles, and cultural diplomacy.

Sub-theme1: Individual Chinese Identity

The individual identity of Chinese people, as constructed in the text, centers around personal attributes that contribute to the nation’s global success. Key traits include:

Sub-theme 2: Work Ethic and Perseverance

The Chinese are frequently described as industrious, with a tenacious drive to excel in their tasks. This work ethic is associated with personal dedication and a strong commitment to quality. An interviewee had this to say:

They give their best to make sure things work because they know where the end goal is. This suggests a personal drive that values hard work and persistence (In-depth interview respondent, 2024).

What is particularly interesting in the narrative is that the interviewee picks work as a defining attribute of the Chinese. The association of work with the individual Chinese presents the view that they are seen to put high value on work (hard work and persistence) which are the key ingredients to human industry.

Baker (2024) highlights this perspective:

Chinese work culture is a product of deep-rooted historical values, economic ambition, and rapidly evolving corporate practices. In China’s workplace culture, the traditional work schedule generally consists of a 40-hour workweek, typically running from 9 a.m. to 6 p.m., five days a week, aligning with practices in many other countries. This structure is standard across various industries, with employees entitled to weekends off and public holidays as outlined by Chinese labor laws. However, overtime is a common aspect of China’s workplace culture, especially in manufacturing and export-driven sectors, where extended hours are often required to meet production deadlines. However, the tech sector in China has gained attention for its notorious 996 work schedule, where employees work from 9 a.m. to 9 p.m., six days a week. This schedule was popularized by tech giants like Alibaba and JD.com as a way to keep up with the rapid pace of innovation and competition. While the 996 system is praised for its productivity, it has sparked widespread debate due to the strain it places on employees’ work-life balance and overall well-being. The intensity of the 996 culture has led to growing concerns about burnout and employee rights, making it a highly controversial aspect of modern Chinese work life. (Source: Chinese Work Culture in 2025: What Every Leader Needs to Know by Baker, 2024).

Sub-theme 3: Moral Discipline and Self-Restraint

Individual Chinese are portrayed as disciplined and morally driven, often adhering to set routines and valuing uniformity in lifestyle and work habits. The interviewees emphasize that even in personal behavior, the Chinese display a sense of order and ethical consistency. This was what an interviewee had to say:

Just look at how they sit in their National Assembly; they show uniformity in everything (In-depth interview respondent, 2024).

The interviewee picks on the mundane activity of sitting as an exemplar of discipline. The idea here is that in basic activities of life, the interviewer perceives the average Chinese national to display a high sense of uniformity which is an indicator of discipline. This captures a sense of personal discipline and alignment with collective ideals.

You and Rud (2024) highlight this perspective:

Chinese history that is freighted with frameworks and concepts concerning moral cultivation, contributing to a philosophical system about people’s daily moral development. They observed the metaphysical justification, the interpenetration of what is beyond form and what is within form, and ideas about the heart-mind and human nature further substantiate the claim from academic and cultural perspectives. This philosophy echoes Pierre Hadot’s idea of “philosophy as a way of life”, or an art of living, a pragmatic discipline that is both a meta-philosophy and a methodological approach in addressing pedagogical and psychological concerns (Hadot & Davidson, 1995). (Source: The Philosophy of Chinese Moral Cultivation: Justification and Educational Implications, You and Rud, 2024).

Sub-theme 4: Problem-Solving and Solution Orientation

Individual Chinese workers are depicted as solution-oriented, focusing on overcoming challenges rather than lamenting obstacles. This trait underscores adaptability and resilience on a personal level. An interviewee had this to say:

If something is not going well, they think of how to solve it. They are very tenacious and give their best into making sure things work (In-depth interview respondent, 2024).

This narration depicts the Chinese as solution-oriented individuals. That again is an indicator of a high level of work orientation. It is also similar to the earlier narrative on the association of work with the identity of the Chinese.

Nie and Cai (2007) highlight this perspective:

Problem-solving in Chinese mathematics education showed that problem-solving focused on content and experience rather than cognitive and empirical-based. We also describe several problem-solving activities in the Chinese classroom, including “one problem multiple solutions,” “multiple problems one solution,” and “one problem multiple changes. “Unfortunately, there are no empirical investigations that document the    actual effectiveness and reasons for the effectiveness of those problem-solving activities. (Source: Problem-solving in Chinese mathematics education: Research and practice, Nie and Cai, 2007).

Sub-theme 5: Collective Chinese Identity

The collective identity of China emphasizes shared national values, philosophical influences, and collective ambitions that guide the country’s policies and global stance. This identity reflects a cultural and state-directed unity.

Sub-theme 6: Nationalism in Economic Goals

Collectively, China is perceived as prioritizing national interests above all else, framing its economic system around a collective nationalism that unites its citizens under shared goals. An interviewee had this to say:

China calls its capitalism a nationalistic economy…in pursuit of national interest (In-depth interview respondent, 2024).

This reflects a shared collective ambition where individual efforts are aligned with national goals.

Sub-theme7: Philosophical and Cultural Foundations (Confucianism and Legalism)

Chinese society as a whole is perceived as guided by longstanding philosophical values like Confucian harmony, Taoist flexibility, and Legalist pragmatism. These philosophies are integrated into collective identity, shaping international relationships and foreign policies. An interviewee had this to say:

Confucianism emphasises harmony, cooperation, and mutual benefits in international relations… legitimizing China’s leadership (In-depth interview respondent, 2024).

The emphasis here is on collective cultural values that shape the nation’s approach to the world.

Sub-theme 8: Strategic Patience and Incremental Progress

The collective Chinese identity is portrayed as inherently strategic, with a collective commitment to gradual, steady progress rather than rapid, impulsive action. This incrementalism is framed as a uniquely Chinese approach that values patience and long-term planning. An interviewee had this to say:

China calls its own capitalism as nationalistic economy that is economy that suits their own purpose in pursuit of national interest. They move little by little and build on existing development, discard the one that does suit them and retain the one that suits them, build more upon the one that is working for them, the one that can give them progress and this approach. This is the derived from historical experience and historical development. They call it a nationalistic economy (In-depth interview respondent, 2024).

Within the context of competing global powers, the Chinese are viewed as very strategic and goal oriented. They are perceived to have an advantage of history and their strategic movements   is predicated on a rich historical development of the society. This describes a collective patience rooted in shared historical consciousness and collective learning.

Sub-theme 9: National Unity and Ideological Consistency

The collective Chinese identity is also constructed around unity and a cohesive ideological framework. The interviewees depict China as a society that embraces consistency in values and methods, creating an identity that is uniform and aligned with state directives. A respondent had this to say;

China is more disciplined….  They are more philosophically driven, and they do not pretend about it when they say they want to do an election, everybody knows that there is no election. Everybody has been handpicked. And just look at them, when they sit there in the National assembly, just look at how many wears, are they the same dressing, the same anything. So, the more regimented, a regimented society is (In-depth interview respondent, 2024).

The participant notes how Chinese society, and particularly its governing structures, display high levels of discipline. The example of uniform attire and behavior in the National Assembly symbolizes a collective identity centered on uniformity and control. This disciplined social structure reinforces an image of China as a cohesive and ordered society where individuals align closely with state and cultural expectations. The interviewee sees that China’s identity and approach to governance are deeply rooted in longstanding philosophies, particularly Confucian and Legalist traditions. These philosophies emphasise harmony, hierarchy, and loyalty to the state, contributing to a collective social identity where adherence to traditional values and ideological consistency are respected and encouraged. When the respondent says, “they do not pretend about it,” it conveys an understanding that China is straightforward about its governance approach, even when it might conflict with Western democratic ideals. The notion that leaders are “handpicked” rather than elected is framed as a known and accepted aspect of China’s identity, emphasising regimented, state-directed governance that is predictable and aligned with Chinese political philosophy.

The participant refers to China as a “regimented society,” reinforcing the perception of China as a society organized along strict lines where individual actions support collective goals. This term implies that Chinese citizens are seen as playing defined roles within a structured system, embodying a shared identity that values discipline and adherence to social norms over individualism. The respondent’s narration suggests that China’s social identity is shaped by a combination of ideological consistency, visible order, and disciplined governance. This structured identity differs markedly from more individualistic or democratic models, constructing a collective identity where uniformity and philosophical adherence are prominent. The statement thus portrays China as a society unified by shared cultural principles and governed through a predictable and stable system, which may appeal to some as a model of social order and national strength. This presents a unified, collective identity centered on transparency and ideological alignment.

Sub-theme 10: Cultural Diplomacy and Global Responsibility

Collectively, China portrays itself as a benefactor and partner to other nations, especially through initiatives like the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). This identity positions China as a responsible global actor willing to share technological and economic advancements. An interviewee had this to say:

China offers training programmes and cultural exchanges…to foster skills and promote goodwill (In-depth interview respondent, 2024).

Here, the collective identity emphasizes a sense of cultural outreach and mutual development.

According to FMPRC (2025):

Xi Jinping noted that in the face of the current international situation characterized by changes and turbulence, the Global South, represented by China and Africa, has grown significantly. Over the past year, the AU has united and led African countries in vigorously advancing integration, actively responding to regional and global challenges, and speaking in unison as the “voice of Africa”, thereby continuously enhancing Africa’s international status and influence. He sincerely wishes African countries and people continuous, new, and greater success on the path of independence, development, and revitalization. Xi Jinping stressed that the year 2024 saw vigorous development of China-Africa relations. With the successful Beijing Summit of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation, China and Africa have embarked on a new stage of jointly building an all-weather community with a shared future for the new era, and staying at the forefront of building a community with a shared future for mankind. He expressed readiness to work with African leaders to promote the implementation of the six propositions and ten partnership actions for China and Africa to jointly advance modernisation, to bring more tangible results to benefit over 2.8 billion Chinese and African people. (Source: www.fmprc.gov.cn/)

Sentiment Analysis of the Social Construction of Chinese Identity

The portrayal of individual Chinese as disciplined, hardworking, and solution-oriented carries a largely positive tone. China is seen as a society that embraces perseverance, moral discipline, and resilience, qualities the interviewees respect. The Chinese identity as disciplined, hardworking, and solution-oriented is positively viewed. When describing China’s philosophical values (Confucianism, Legalism), the tone remains descriptive and neutral, suggesting admiration but not overt favourability.

Overall Sentiment: Positive-neutral, reflecting admiration for Chinese personal and cultural attributes while acknowledging unique differences.

In overall, the analysis of theme 1 resonates with Lahtinen (2018) that in “ancient China, soft power was believed to be stronger than hard power, as the drips of water which can penetrate a stone”.

ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION

China’s development and the global expansion of the BRI are driven by a combination of national ambition, economic pragmatism, and ideological influences rooted in Confucianism, Legalism, and nationalistic capitalism that have registered into the consciousness of the international system. The BRI reflects China’s goal to establish itself as a dominant force in global politics by fostering economic interdependence with partner nations. This expansion is seen as an extension of China’s philosophy, emphasizing mutual benefit, cooperation, and an inclusive approach to globalization that contrasts with the Western model. The Chinese government’s commitment to global leadership, resource acquisition, and creating a network of aligned nations is seen as central to China’s BRI strategy, as it seeks to enhance its economic power and assert itself as an alternative to Western hegemony. From Major theme 3: Chinese Influence and Global Ambitions Through the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), it is evident that China’s global expansion through the BRI is driven by a blend of economic pragmatism and a strategic desire for influence. China leverages its unique approach to capitalism, informed by Confucianism, Legalism, and its own historical experience, to promote economic interdependence and establish itself as a leader in globalization.

The BRI, therefore, is both an economic and geopolitical tool that aligns with China’s goals of creating a network of partner nations and challenging Western dominance. According to Major Theme 6: Sino-African Relationships and Influence, China’s drive to expand the BRI also includes soft power elements. Initiatives like Confucius Institutes and cultural exchange programs are part of China’s strategy to build goodwill and deepen relationships, particularly in developing regions. This focus on relationship-building allows China to position itself as a partner for mutual development rather than as an ideologically prescriptive power.

The findings revealed a complex narrative. The emergent themes suggest that China’s foreign policy, infused with productivity, has garnered positive reception globally, as it strives to eradicate poverty and achieve unparalleled prosperity through its unique approach to state capitalism, blending culture, philosophy, and home-grown ideology. The findings indicate that unlike Western capitalism, China’s state-led capitalism coordinates production and resources to dominate international markets and drive development, with the government playing a pivotal role in guiding businesses to success. State-owned enterprises like Sinopec and China’s automobile industry exemplify this approach. Prioritising national interest over individual or private interests, China places values on national power, seeking to rival the West, particularly the United States, and prove its ability to influence other nations.

A recurring pattern emerged in the findings, highlight the significance innovation and research by China which created a framework that supports the development of cutting-edge technologies and their application in various industries. This data suggest that this approach has propelled China to the forefront of technological production, making it a global leader in this sector. China’s commitment to investing in research and development, as well as the practical application of research was a significant observation in the study. This investment in human capital and innovation has enabled China to drive technological advancements and cement its position as a global powerhouse. The mention of leadership in the context of China’s foreign policy and the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) underscores the crucial role of effective leadership in driving the country’s economic and technological progress. By combining visionary leadership with a research-based economy, China has achieved remarkable success in international relations and development.

A common thread throughout study is Chinese leaders prioritising of national interest based on a clear vision and the milage to cover in order to achieve the visions, unlike some countries where leadership lacks a clear vision or commitment to national goals. This focused leadership has enabled China to drive the BRI forward, leveraging creativity in its foreign policy to diversify the initiative and cater to the needs of numerous countries worldwide. The study highlights the importance of good leadership in international relations, defining it as leadership that prioritises the country’s interests and well-being. In China’s case, this leadership has enabled the BRI to achieve global impact, demonstrating the power of visionary leadership in shaping international relations and driving economic development. The analysis underscores the interplay between effective leadership, creativity, and national interest in China’s rise to global prominence, offering insights into the country’s strategic approach to international relations and development.

The perspectives converge on the idea that China’s emphasis on functional education and diverse professional pursuits, including entrepreneurship and vocational training, has fostered a culture of self-reliance and human capital development, in addition to their creativity. This approach has enabled Chinese to thrive without excessive dependence on the externals. The view also suggests that human capital development is a crucial aspect of China’s foreign policy, particularly in the context of the BRI. By investing in human capital, China aims to strengthen its global influence and facilitate international cooperation, recognizing the value of a skilled and adaptable workforce in driving economic growth and innovation. The analysis underscores the importance of creativity, education, and human capital development in China’s rise to global prominence, offering insights into the country’s strategic approach to international relations and development.

A key finding of this study is the identification of the development of Chinese talents. China’s focus on harnessing and developing talents has led to significant technological breakthroughs, driving the country’s rise in international relations. The government’s investment in its citizens’ potential demonstrates a forward-thinking strategy, recognizing that talent and creativity are key drivers of success in today’s global landscape. Generally, the study’s emphasis on the importance of talent and creativity in contemporary international relations underscores the value of human capital in shaping a nation’s influence and progress. By prioritizing the development of its citizens’ abilities, China has positioned itself for continued growth and success, serving as a model for other countries to follow.

The findings of this study contribute to our understanding of China’s productivity as being rooted in its cultural foundation, which has been preserved and passed down through generations. This cultural continuity has enabled China to maintain its value system and national identity, even in the face of colonialism and external influences. The study indicates that a country disconnected from its culture cannot achieve China’s level of success or extend its influence beyond borders. The leadership of China is credited with playing a vital role in the country’s productivity, providing strategic direction and a clear vision for the future. The findings contrast this with some other countries where the government’s workings and leadership direction may be unclear, China’s leadership has a well-defined plan for the next forty years, prioritizing the nation’s interests and fostering a sense of pride among its citizens.

The data provides insight into ways in which Chinese citizens are proud of their cultural heritage and the products of their country, with many returning homes after traveling abroad to contribute to China’s development. This sense of national pride and ownership is evident in the “Made in China” label, which has become a symbol of quality and excellence. In addition to this, China’s primary focus, in the submission, is not on its current possessions or past achievements, but rather on strategic planning and contribution to the global system as a leading nation. This proactive approach demonstrates China’s ambition to shape the global landscape and assume a pivotal role in international relations. The findings highlight the symbiotic relationship between China’s political and economic systems, with the former driving the latter to achieve rapid growth and rise to global prominence. This strategic integration has enabled China to harness its political will to fuel economic development, making the country a significant player on the world stage. The mention of transformation as a fundamental driving force in China’s international relations underscores the country’s adaptability and willingness to evolve in response to changing global dynamics. This capacity for transformation has enabled China to stay ahead of the curve and solidify its position as a leading nation.

Similarly, findings provide a profound analysis of China’s strategic mindset, political-economic dynamics, and global ambitions, offering a compelling narrative of China’s rise to global prominence. According to Nigerians in response to this question, education in China is designed to enhance national production, with goals that benefit the state taking priority. This approach reflects a utilitarian ethos, where individual enrichment is secondary to the collective good. Public service in China is viewed as a selfless endeavor, guided by the state apparatus and focused leadership. The observation that Chinese children are taught productive skills from a young age, such as cleaning and contributing to community service, underscores the cultural emphasis on productivity and cooperation. This early indoctrination instills a sense of responsibility and appreciation for government services, fostering a collaborative mindset that benefits the state. The mention of “dignity of labour” in China highlights the cultural value placed on hard work and contribution to the nation’s progress indicates that ethos is deeply ingrained, driving China’s rise in international relations.

The reference to media propaganda serves as a testament to the visibility and impact of these values in Chinese society. This notion is buttressed by China’s approach to education and development, highlighting the country’s strategic focus on building intellectual capital within the framework of the BRI. China’s adoption of foreign education systems is not mere mimicry; rather, it has adapted these systems to align with its development goals, demonstrating a pragmatic approach to learning from others. This calculated strategy prioritizes implementation and impact over mere policy formulations, reflecting a results-driven mindset.

The mention of China’s significant investments in infrastructure, including railways and other projects both domestically and internationally, underscores its commitment to driving economic growth and enhancing productivity. This strategic spending aims to bolster China’s position as a global powerhouse, with a clear focus on achieving tangible outcomes. The presence of Research and Development units serves as a key enabler of this strategic approach, bridging the gap between policy and implementation. These units facilitate the identification of areas for improvement and drive innovation, ensuring that China’s development plans remain effective and adaptive.

CONCLUSION

The study has drawn attention to the dynamics of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) as a tool to establish foreign policy identity for China on the global stage. The study has been able to expand the frontier of knowledge drawn from stakeholders’ perspectives across Nigeria on the BRI generally, its drivers, and motivations based on their experiences. The findings revealed the role of leadership in driving the BRI. Analysis of the stakeholders’ perspective showed that the BRI is perceived as a dynamic foreign policy, strategically designed by China’s leadership to create a distinct space for China and enhance effective competition with other powers in the system. The perspectives showed that China built its foreign policy identity through the BRI on the philosophy and cultural characteristics of the Chinese. The study therefore concludes that China’s foreign policy identity and BRI expansion are intricately linked to culture, sense of productivity, work ethic, and visionary leadership. It predicts, among others, that leadership will continue to play a significant role in China’s national interest, strategic plan, and foreign policy identity.

The study, therefore, concludes that the BRI expansion is firmly rooted in the Chinese commitment to the ancient philosophy, and recommends, among others, that leadership is key in promoting and enhancing productivity, commitment to national interests, and in pursuit of strategic foreign policy.

REFERENCES

1. Ajah, A. C. & Onuoha, I. J. (2023). China’s Belt and Road Initiative and Infrastructure Development in Nigeria: A Paradigm Shift or Failed Ventures Repackaged? China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies. 09(01-04), pp. 195-225
2. Amusan, T. (2022). What Nigeria Can Teach Us About China’s Belt and Road. The Diplomat. https://thediplomat.com/2022/11/what-nigeria-can-teach-us-about-chinas-belt-and-road/
3. ASEAN-China Center (2013). Speech by Chinese President Xi Jinping to the Indonesian parliament. https://www.asian china centre.org/english/2013-10/03/c_133062675.htm. World cat.
4. Baker, Z. (2024). Chinese Work Culture in 2025: What Every Leader Needs to Know. https://www.edstellar.com/blog/chinese
5. Benalddllah, L. (2018). China’s relations with Africa and the Arab world: Shared trends: Different priorities. South Africa Institute of International Affairs, https://www.ptor.org/stable/respep25989 Accessed 27-5-2022
6. org.cn (2018). African Leaders hail Xi’s commitment to cooperation, BRI. Guo Yiming
7. Cai, J. & Nie, C. B. (2007). Problem solving in Chinese mathematics education: Research and practice. ZDM—The International Journal of Mathematics Education, 39(5-6), 459-474
8. Copper, J. F. (2023). China’s Foreign Policy Goals and Its Foreign Aid and Investment Diplomacy. Palgrave Macmillan.
9. Dollar, D. (2019). Understanding China’s belt and road infrastructure projects in Africa.  Global China.  September
10. Dzekashu, W., & Anyu, T. (2020). China’s belt and road initiative:  Will it make or mar development in the Central and West Africa sub-regions.  https://doi.org/10.5296/pag.v.10i4.17876.
11. FMPRC. (February 15, 2025). Xi Jinping sends congratulatory message to the 38th African Union summit. https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/xw/zyxw/202502/t20250217_11556125.html
12. Frankopan, P. (2018): The New Silk roads: The present and the future of the world. Bloombury: UK.
13. Freymann, E. (2021). One belt one road:  Chinese power meets the world.  Harvard University Press.
14. Hall, T. & Krolikowski, I. (2022). Making sense of China’s belt and road initiative:  A review essay, International Studies Review, 24(3), September, doi:10.1093.isr/viac023
15. Hanauer, L., & Morris, L. (2021). Chinese engagement in Africa rand corporation.  https://www.jston.org/stabic/10.72491/j.ctt6wq7ss.10
16. Huseyin, I. (2004). To what extent Complex interdependence Theory Challenge to Structural Realistic School of International Relations? Alternative, Turkish Journal of International Relations, 3(2&3), Summer & Fall 2004 https://ciaotest.cc.columbia.edu
17. Jie, Y., & Wallace, J. (2022). China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Chattamhouse.org/2021/09/-what-chinas-road-initiative-bri accessed October 14
18. Keohane, R., & Nye, J. (2000). Power and interdependence. Harper Collins Publishers.
19. Lahtinen, A. (2018). China’s diplomacy and economic activities in Africa. Palgrave.
20. Lau, R. K. S. (2020). Africa-China relations in the context of Belt and Road Initiative, realising Africa-Chinese dreams for common development. In Berhe, J. (ed.), China’s globalization and the belt and road initiative chain.  Palmgrove Macmillan. doi:10.1007/978-3-030 22289-5-9
21. Laura – Anca Parepa (2020). The Belt and Road Initiative as continuity in Chinese foreign policy, Journal of contemporary East Asia studies, 9(2), 175-201, doi: 10.1080.124761028.2020.1848370
22. Manidon, P. & Woldemichael, M. (2020): Has China aid benefitted recipient countries?  Evidence from a meta-regression analysis.  IMF Working Paper. African Department.
23. Matambo, E. (2020). International relations theory after the Cold War.  China, the Global South and Non-state actors.
24. gov.cn: Ministry of Foreign Affairs, PRC (2013). President Xi Jinping Delivers important speech and proposes to Build Silk Road Economic Belt with Central Asian Countries.  https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/topics_665678/xjpfwzysiesgjtf hshzzfh_665686/t1076334.sht ml,world cat.
25. gov.cn: Ministry of Foreign Affairs, PRC (2013). President Xi Jinping delivers important speech and proposes to Build Silk Road Economic Belt with Central Asian Countries. https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/topics_665678/xjpfwzysiesgjtf hshzzfh_665686/t1076334.sht ml,world cat.
26. Nedopil, C. (2023). Countries of the Belt and Road Initiative. Shanghai green finance and Development Centre, Fanhai International School of Finance at Fudem University, Shanghai, China (FISF), Fuden University, greenfdc.org.
27. Nwachukwu, E. (2021). The Belt and Road Initiative ramp up Nigeria’s favourable perception of China.  Is China’s silk road leading to sufficiency or imperialism.  Global Voices,org
28. OECD (2018). The Belt and Road Initiative in the global trade, investment and finance landscape. In OECD Business and Finance Outlook 2018, OECD Publishing, Paris https://doi.org/10.1787/buz fin out 2018 6en.
29. Ogunsanwo, A. (2022). Fifty years of Nigeria-China diplomatic relations: Past, present and future. In Omoruyi, E. (ed.), Five Decade of Nigeria-China Relations.
30. Ogunsanwo, A. (2020): Politics, law and diplomacy.  Sibon Book Limited.
31. Omoruyi, E. (2021). A discourse on Nigeria-China engagement and possible benefits driving increasing engagement with China. In Omoruyi, E. (ed.), Five decades of unified Sino-Nigeria engagement. Zhejiang University Press.
32. Osman-Elnor, R. M. (2022). Prospects for China-Africa cooperation.  In Wang, H. J., Miao, L. (eds.), China and the world in a changing context.  China and Globalisation. Springer Publishers. doi:10.1007/978-981-16-8056-1-6.
33. Otmakhova, K. (2018). Belt and Road Initiative through the lens of urbanization.  A brief introduction of China’s Belt and Road Initiative for urban planners and designers.
34. Pamela, I., Tom-Jack, I. (2016). The evolving geo-political relations of Nigeria and China:  What is the impact of the Nigeria-China trade and direct investment on the Nigeria economy.  https://ruor.uottawa.ca.
35. Parks, R., Tierney, M. (2015). Chinese infrastructure investment reduce inequalities in developing countries.
36. Rana, W. (2015). Theory of Complex Interdependence: A Comparative Analysis of Realist and Neoliberal Thoughts. International Journal of Business and Social Science 6(2), February
37. Reuters (2015). President Buhari to China Xi for urgent infrastructure. https://reuters.com by Felix Onuah, Alexis Akwagyiram and Loiuse freland (Reuters Staff)
38. Sahar, S., Abassi, A., Kolachi, R. (2019). Belt and road initiative of China-Asia Pacific, 37(1), 35-48. Sujo.usindh.edu.pk/index
39. Sanjeev, K. (2022). China’s BRI sin 2013: Domestic drivers conceptual decourcy and policy pronouncement.
40. Satar, A. Hussain, M. (2022). An impact evaluation of Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) on environmental degradation. Journals sage pub com https://journals.sagepub.com accessed 17-10-2022
41. Sejko, D. (2017). Financing the belt and road initiative:  MDBs, SWFs, SOEs and the Long Wait for Private investors.  https://documents/college-of-business/industry/apec-currents-dini-sekjo-financing-belt-and-road-initiative.
42. Senadjki, A. et al: The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI):  A mechanism to achieve the ninth sustainable development goal (SDG}.  Journal of cleaner production.  372, 2022, 133590, https://doi<org./10.1016/jclepro.2022.133590
43. SIRA. (2022). Continuity and change in Nigeria’s foreign policy under president Muhammadu Buhari. Reflections on Nigeria’s Foreign Policy Series (6).
44. Sheriff, O. (2019). Nigeria-China education and scientific cooperation: A critical examination. In Alli, W. O. (eds.), Nigeria’s Diplomacy of Economic Development and China. Centre for Inter-African and Human Development Studies, Abuja.
45. Taylor, I. & Zajonlz, T. (2020). In a fix:  Africa’s place in the Belt and Road Initiative and the reproduction of dependency.  South African Journal of International Affairs, 27:3, 277-295.  doi:10.1080/10220461.2020.1830165
46. The Diplomat (2022). Why Did Chinese Loans to Africa Fall so much in 2022? com/2022/05 The Punch: Opportunities of Nigeria-China Cooperation-2022. Charles Onunaiju, 19-1-2022. Punchng.com
47. Ubi, E. N. & Hongwu, L. (2018). The involvement of China in the reconstruction of Nigeria’s transport infrastructures. Alli, W.O. (ed.), Nigeria’s diplomacy of economic development and China. Center for Inter-African Human Development Studies, Abuja.
48. Unbach, F. (2022). How China’s Belt and Road Initiative is fairing.  com/r.belt
49. Waheeda, R. (2017). Theory of complex interdependence: A competitive analysis of realist and neoliberal thoughts. https: semanticscholar.org>paper
50. Wang, Y. (2016). The Belt and Road Initiative: what China will offer the World and its Risk; Beijing: New World Press, 80-129
51. Xi Jinping (2017). Work together to build the Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st century maritime Silk Road. Speech, Beijing. May 4, 2017. https://news.xinhuanet.com/english/2017-05/14c 136282 982.
52. Xinhua (2019). Joint Communique of the Leaders’ Roundtable on the 2nd Belt and Road Forum  (for international cooperation: 27 April 2019, Beijing at http://www.xinhuanet.com accessed 5-June 2023.
53. Xinhua (2021) China and Africa in the New Era: A partnership of equals. xinhuanet.com
54. Yanbin, S. (2023). China’s Foreign Policy. Ambassador to the People’s Republic of China in Costa. Rica. University for Peace. https://www.upeace.org
55. Ye, M. (2020). The Belt Road and Beyond: State-mobilized Globalization in China:  1998-2018. Cambridge University Press.
56. You, Z. & Rud, G. (2024). The Philosophy of Chinese Moral Cultivation: Justification and Educational Implications. Beijing International Review of Education. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/383593294
57. Yu, G. (2019). Development and characteristics of China’s Foreign Aid: The Tanzania-Zambia Railway in book South-South Cooperation and Chinese Foreign Aid (pp 23-34). DOI:10.1007/978-981-13-2022-6 2. Researchgate.net.
58. Zhongqiu, (2014). Five Centuries of Global Transformation: A Chinese Perspective. https://thetricontinental.Wenhua Zongheng 1, No. 1org/wenhua-zongheng-1-five-centuries-of-transformation