Dynamic Collaboration: Assessing the Evolving Relationship between Mongolia and China in the Post-Epidemic Era

Dynamic Collaboration: Assessing the Evolving Relationship between Mongolia and China in the Post-Epidemic Era

Gerelmaa Batmunkh

Tianjin Normal University, China

DOI: https://dx.doi.org/10.47772/IJRISS.2023.7011158

Received: 11 November 2023; Revised: 24 November 2023; Accepted: 29 November 2023; Published: 25 December 2023

ABSTRACT

This paper explores the historical evolution and contemporary dynamics of Mongolia-China relations, with a focus on the impact of the international order, particularly in the post-epidemic era. Employing a comprehensive review of diplomatic events, official statements, and economic interactions, the study unveils the multifaceted nature of the bilateral ties. Emphasis is placed on the enduring friendship, economic collaboration, and geopolitical implications for the region. The Belt and Road Initiative and the China-Mongolia Russian Economic Corridor feature prominently as catalysts for enhanced cooperation.

Keywords: Mongolia-China Relations, Economic Cooperation, Belt and Road Initiative, Geopolitical Dynamics, International Order

INTRODUCTION

Against the backdrop of the evolving international order, this paper delves into the nuanced history and present status of Mongolia-China relations. The study employs a mixed-methods approach, combining historical analysis, diplomatic documents review, and economic data examination. The aim is to unravel the intricate layers of the bilateral relationship, shedding light on diplomatic milestones, economic collaborations, and the geopolitical context that shapes these ties.

The paper follows a structured exploration of the historical, diplomatic, economic, and post-epidemic dimensions of Mongolia-China relations. Beginning with an overview of the historical backdrop and the establishment of diplomatic ties, it delves into the evolving nature of their relationship. Subsequent sections scrutinize the economic impacts, emphasizing the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic and key projects like the “One Belt, One Road” initiative. The paper then assesses the repercussions of the Russo-Ukrainian conflict on Mongolia and concludes by outlining future prospects and offering insights into potential areas of collaboration. This structured analysis provides a comprehensive understanding of the multifaceted dynamics shaping Mongolia-China relations.

CHARACTERISTICS OF THE POST-EPIDEMIC ERA

The Post-Epidemic Era is characterized by various attributes. One significant characteristic is the presence of Novel Corona Virus Pneumonia, also known as Corona Virus Disease 2019 or COVID-19. This particular disease has been designated as “New Corona Pneumonia” and officially titled “Corona Virus Disease 2019” by the World Health Organization. On February 11, 2020, the Director-General of the World Health Organization, Dr. Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, delivered a speech in Geneva, Switzerland. The city of Geneva has just declared the presence of pneumonia cases caused by the coronavirus. The most recent data given by the World Health Organization (WHO) on December 28, 2021, revealed a cumulative total of 28,011,931 newly reported cases of coronavirus infection worldwide. According to the statement made by the Director-General of the World Trade Organization (WTO), Azevedo, on March 25, 2020, it was acknowledged that the outbreak would have a substantial impact on the world economy.

According to his statement, recent projections suggest the occurrence of a worldwide economic slowdown and widespread unemployment, surpassing the severity of the financial crisis seen twelve years ago. Numerous nations have encountered economic contractions as a consequence of the recent outbreak of the novel coronavirus disease (COVID-19).

The implementation of measures aimed at mitigating the transmission of the pandemic has significantly impacted the tangible sector, resulting in a substantial workforce encountering the risk of joblessness. The Director General of the World Trade Organization (WTO) has issued a statement urging nations to maintain free trade policies and collaborate in combating the outbreak. Based on the report by AFP, the most recent data as of January 1, 2021, local time reveals that the total count of confirmed cases of novel coronavirus disease (COVID-19) in Europe has surpassed 100 million. This figure represents over one-third of the global cumulative count of confirmed cases since the onset of the pandemic. As of 18:24 CET on October 21, 2022, the cumulative worldwide count of verified COVID-19 cases rose by 294,250 compared to the previous day, reaching a total of 623,893,894 cases. Additionally, the number of fatalities climbed by 760, resulting in a total of 6,553,936 deaths. The impact of the pandemic has facilitated the global medical community in expediting the progress of research and development pertaining to novel coronavirus vaccines and medications. Simultaneously, it has also contributed to the progressive enhancement of clinical therapy for new crown pneumonia.

The increasing adoption of vaccination, the clinical implementation of novel coronavirus medications, the progressive enhancement of treatment strategies, and the ongoing evolution of the virus resulting in declining morbidity and mortality rates have had favorable implications for global economic recovery and the stable progress of nations worldwide. Consequently, countries have gradually lifted the restrictions imposed during the initial outbreak of the pandemic and have begun to pursue a path of international openness.

The National Health Commission of China released a public declaration on December 26, 2022, whereby they declared the renaming of novel coronavirus pneumonia to novel coronavirus illness. On January 8, 2023, the State Council of the People’s Republic of China granted approval for the implementation of a prohibition on novel coronavirus infection, as stipulated in the Law of the People’s Republic of China on Prevention and Control of Infectious Diseases. The inclusion of the novel coronavirus infection has been removed from the “Law of the People’s Republic of China on the Prevention and Control of Infectious Diseases.” The legislation governing state border hygiene and quarantine in the People’s Republic of China is the Law on State Border Hygiene and Quarantine. The inclusion of the novel coronavirus infection in the management of quarantine infectious diseases under the Law of the People’s Republic of China on State Border Hygiene and Quarantine has been discontinued.

NEW CHANGES IN THE INTERNATIONAL ORDER IN THE POST-EPIDEMIC ERA

The term “international order” pertains to the established set of international regulations and accompanying mechanisms that ensure adherence to these laws, which are developed based on a specific global framework. The concept of international order pertains to the regulations governing worldwide conduct and the accompanying mechanisms of assurance that are established in accordance with a certain global framework. Typically, these encompass international rules, agreements, practices, and organizations. The previous global order was characterized by a power dynamic in which emerging nations found themselves in a state of impotence, while a select few dominant countries adhered to the norms and pursued the will and interests of the industrialized nations. There has been no significant alteration in its core nature since the years following the war. The previous international order is characterized by hegemony, power politics, exploitation, and pillage.

The aforementioned encompasses the previous international political framework and the former international economic system. The aforementioned encompasses the former global political framework and the previous global economic structure. The old international political order is characterized by instances of power imbalances, where larger nations exert dominance over smaller ones, stronger nations over weaker ones, and wealthier nations over poorer ones in the context of international relations. Additionally, powerful countries have been known to adopt a “gunboat policy,” relying on their superior economic and military capabilities to pursue their interests, often disregarding international law and fundamental norms of international relations. This behavior includes interfering in the internal affairs of other nations, disregarding their sovereignty, and seeking to control and dominate them. The primary objective is to uphold the dominant position of the superpowers.

The previous global economic framework, The particular expression of the global production system, The inequitable global distribution of work. The international trading system has an inherent imbalance in the exchange of goods and services. This paper examines the dynamics of the international financial system, focusing on its unequal standing within the global economic landscape. Additionally, it explores the intricate interaction between the entities that exercise control and those that are subject to control in the context of technology transfer. The primary objective of this phenomenon is to uphold the dominance of monopoly capital in the realm of international exploitation. The fundamental characteristic of the previous international order lies in the perception that the inequitable and irrational international political and economic system perpetuates the exploitation of developing nations by their developed counterparts. This exploitation significantly hampers the progress of developing countries, exacerbating socioeconomic disparities and generating tensions between the global North and South. The theme of the international order has shifted towards peace and development since the conclusion of the 20th century.

China promotes the construction of a fair and equitable new global political and economic framework. The construction of a novel global framework necessitates the acknowledgment of global diversity and the equitable treatment of independent nation-states. Hence, the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence serve as the fundamental framework for the establishment of a novel global arrangement. The fundamental components encompass the following aspects: from a political standpoint, nations ought to exhibit mutual respect and engage in collaborative decision-making rather than imposing their own agendas; from an economic perspective, they should foster mutual growth and avoid exacerbating disparities between affluent and impoverished regions; in terms of culture, they should embrace the exchange of experiences and collectively thrive, rather than marginalizing the cultural heritage of other societies; and with regards to security, they should cultivate trust and collaborate in order to establish a novel security paradigm grounded in principles of trust, mutual benefit, equality, and cooperation. Moreover, they should seek to resolve conflicts through dialogue and cooperative means, rather than resorting to the application of force. In the context of security, it is imperative to establish a foundation of mutual trust and shared responsibility. This entails embracing a novel security paradigm that emphasizes the principles of mutual trust, mutual benefit, equality, collaboration, and the peaceful resolution of conflicts via conversation and cooperation, rather than turning to coercive measures or the use of force.

The endeavor to construct a novel global framework is characterized by its enduring nature and intricate nature, necessitating the rejection of hegemony and power politics. Socialist and emerging nations have a fundamental role in countering hegemonism and power politics, while simultaneously working towards the establishment of a novel global order. China has the potential to make a significant contribution towards the establishment of the new international order. In conclusion, the emerging perspective on the new international order, as embraced by developing nations such as China, emphasizes the need for the formation of a new international order that is characterized by peace, stability, justice, and reasonableness. Following the conclusion of the war, developing nations emerged as the primary proponents of instituting a novel global framework and have persistently advocated for its realization over an extended duration. During the 1950s, the nations involved in the Bandung Conference presented a set of ten principles aimed at the establishment of harmonious and collaborative international relations.

The proposition to construct a new global economic order was initially put up by the Group of 77 in 1964. The concept of the international economic order refers to the system and structure that governs the global economy. It encompasses the rules, norms, and institutions that shape international economic relations The objective of developing a new global economic system was initially proposed by the Group of 77 in 1964. The Second Summit of the Non-Aligned Countries, held in October of the same year, expressed its commitment to actively contribute towards the construction of a novel and equitable economic framework. The proposition of a “New International Economic Order” was initially introduced during the Fourth Summit of the Non-Aligned Countries in 1973. The concept of the New International Economic Order (NIEO) refers to a proposed framework for global economic relations that aims to address the disparities and imbalances between developed and developing countries. The NIEO seeks During the mid-1980s, China put up a clear proposition for the creation of a “new international economic order” as well as a “new international political order.” Nevertheless, the current state of the international order remains disordered as a result of various contributing causes.

In recent times, the global outbreaks of illnesses, the ongoing escalation of NATO’s eastward expansion under U.S. leadership, and the commencement of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict in early 2022 have introduced numerous uncertainties into the already precarious international order. The term “Post-Pandemic era” denotes the period subsequent to the conclusion of the new coronavirus outbreak. The ongoing global pandemic of COVID-19 poses a significant threat to the well-being and health of individuals across different nations, while also exerting a profound influence on the global economy. This crisis has resulted in a slowdown of economic globalization, accompanied by a rise in unilateralism and protectionism. Moreover, it has brought to the forefront various contradictions, such as the balance between fairness and efficiency, the relationship between economic growth and distribution, and the interplay between technology and employment.

The existence of income inequality is pervasive, as seen by the projected increase in worldwide extreme poverty rates this year, marking the first such rise in two decades. Upon examining the present state of the global international order, it is evident that the dynamics of power struggle within the international political sphere have remained consistent. The prevailing game continues to be governed by major countries, who assert their dominance in accordance with their capabilities and vested interests. The contemporary global landscape is currently experiencing a significant and unparalleled period of transformation, primarily manifested in the shifting dynamics of the international order. The international order comprises three distinct dimensions: the power dynamics, which serve as the foundational and determining element shaping the international order; the interactions among major powers, which directly influence the evolution and progress of the international order; and the operational rules governing these powers, namely the system of international norms, which significantly contribute to the formation of the international order.

Currently, contemporary society is experiencing a fresh phase of scientific and technological advancement, spearheaded by information technology. This new wave of industrialization, driven by information technology, presents a significant historical opportunity for the nation’s ascent. Moreover, information technology is progressively emerging as a pivotal factor in determining the competitive edge of a nation. At the forefront of the global high-tech competition lies the industrial transformation that encompasses the integration of semiconductors, artificial intelligence, 5G, and other emerging technologies. The individual or entity that is able to effectively capitalize on the ongoing information revolution will assume a position of paramount influence on a worldwide scale. When considering the significant period of exploration, the Western world held a prominent position globally for around five centuries. Similarly, when examining the era of the Industrial Revolution, the West maintained its leading role worldwide for nearly two centuries. Nevertheless, it might be argued that the period of Western hegemony has reached its conclusion.

In 2019, French President Emmanuel Macron expressed his concern on the cessation of Western world hegemony, a phenomenon that accurately reflects the current state of affairs in international politics(The End of Western Hegemony Is Cause for Concern for the Rest Of The World — Valdai Club, n.d.). Individuals may experience a profound sense of the significant transformation resulting from the political and economic disruptions, as well as social unrest, observed in Western nations. The phenomenon of the West experiencing a relative fall can be interpreted as a “reversion to the mean” due to the fact that numerous countries and civilizations that have had late development are now undergoing a process of modernization, similar to that previously experienced by the West. Nevertheless, achieving catch-up growth proves to be an arduous and protracted endeavor, making it uncertain whether the modernization of all nations can be fully accomplished. The prevailing trajectory indicates an upward trend in the East and a downward trajectory in the West, with the South experiencing ascendance while the North undergoes decline, and this pattern appears to be permanent. It is imperative for Western nations to acquire the ability to engage in power-sharing or partial power relinquishment with rising countries.

The United States remains the dominant global force in the “West” and “North” regions. It holds the status of being the sole superpower in the world, with exceptional economic and technological might. Since the conclusion of the Cold War, the United States has consistently maintained a stable economic output, accounting for approximately 22% to 25% of the global total. It continues to demonstrate proficiency in numerous advanced technologies within the realm of the information technology revolution, including but not limited to Google and Facebook. Several prominent technology companies, such as Google, Facebook, and other industry leaders, significantly contribute to the overall prowess of the United States. The European Union endeavors to leverage its capacity for continental integration in order to harness the synergistic and multiplier effects, so upholding its position as a significant force amidst substantial transformations. The BRICS countries, situated in the eastern and southern regions of the globe, symbolize the emergence of nations that are poised for progress. Among these nations, China clearly exhibits the most rapid growth in terms of absolute strength, while also seeing the greatest reduction in the relative strength gap compared to the United States of America. This phenomenon is commonly referred to as the “East rise.” China is the pivotal factor in both the “East Rising” and “South Rising” phenomena.

International organizations typically anticipate that China’s overall economic production will exhibit a thorough convergence with that of the United States by the mid-to-late 2020s. Currently, China and the United States are anticipated to engage in a new phase of scientific and technology competition and national power rivalry. This is attributed to their significant geographical expanse, economic magnitude, population size, and governance capabilities.

The U.S. government has positioned China as its primary “strategic competitor” due to concerns surrounding China’s increasing power. In response, the U.S. government has implemented various proactive measures aimed at prevention, counteraction, and suppression. These measures include initiatives such as “scientific and technological decoupling,” the “Thucydides Trap,” and the pursuit of competitive advantage. Emerging ideas such as “scientific and technological decoupling,” “Thucydides Trap,” and “competitive coexistence” reflect the evolving dynamics of Sino-US relations. These notions encapsulate the changing reality and complexities inherent in the relationship between the two nations. Maintaining the United States’ predominance within the framework of the liberal order has proven to be a challenging endeavor, necessitating significant adaptations.

One notable observation is that the concept of hegemony is no longer applicable. The United States, despite its considerable strength, is facing challenges in providing public goods such as addressing internal problems, responding to climate change, and participating in international efforts against epidemics. These challenges can be attributed to over-expansion and a lack of focus on domestic matters, as well as diplomatic missteps. As a result, the ability of the United States to fulfill its role in providing these public goods has diminished. Furthermore, it might be argued that the liberal order has ceased to exist. The liberal ideology that formed the foundation of this particular system has experienced a significant decline, while neoliberalism is encountering substantial challenges in both economic advancement and political implementation. The deficiencies of the previous model of globalization have been brought to light, leading to a surge in populism in Europe and the United States. Consequently, Donald Trump’s election can be seen as a manifestation of this trend, characterized by a departure from established political norms.

Two highly notable instances were the election of Donald Trump as the President of the United States and the United Kingdom’s decision to withdraw from the European Union. What are the potential characteristics and implications of the new world order? The determination of the new power structure will depend on the extent to which its core aligns with the interests and expectations of emerging nations.

 It is imperative that this structure no longer be subject to unilateral dictates from the United States and the Western world, but rather be subject to collective deliberation. China, as a representative of the emerging powers, is poised to assume a substantial role in the establishment of the new global order. China’s categorization as a “revisionist” by certain Western politicians is unfounded, as it is evident that China is primarily focused on constructive efforts and endeavors that align with the shared objectives of the global community. In recent years, the Chinese government has introduced several significant concepts, including “One Belt, One Road,” a novel approach to international relations, and the notion of a community of human destiny. These concepts aim to foster collective development, shared openness, and mutual security, representing notable advancements in historical terms.

It is conceivable that China, having spearheaded the scientific and technological advancements of the contemporary era and acquired enhanced capabilities, will transition from the outskirts of the modern global system to a position of prominence on the international stage. With its rich historical and cultural heritage, as well as its aspiration for global harmony and shared prosperity, China, under the leadership of a Marxist political party, will actively engage in and contribute to the formation of a more expansive global order characterized by tranquility and economic well-being. The emerging global order in which it engages and influences is expected to exhibit greater fairness and equity.

The potential characteristics of the new world order include shifting away from unilateral decision-making by the United States and the Western world towards collective deliberation and inclusion of emerging nations. (Alghowinem et al., 2023) This new order would prioritize the interests and expectations of emerging nations, aligning with the shared objectives of the global community. As a representative of the emerging powers, China is positioned to play a significant role in shaping this new global order. (Júnior & Branco, 2022) China’s rise as a significant power and its creation of new multilateral institutions, such as the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank and the Belt and Road Initiative, demonstrate its commitment to actively shaping the new global order. China’s vision for the new global order is based on principles of justice, social harmony, mutual prosperity, equal treatment of all nations, and reason(Kozyrev, 2016). China’s vision for the new global order aligns with the shared objectives of the global community, focusing on justice, social harmony, mutual prosperity, equal treatment of all nations, and reason. China’s proactive approach to shaping global politics contributes to transforming traditional power structures and institutions(Maier-Knapp, 2015). Furthermore, China’s rise as a significant power and its proactive approach to shaping global politics raises questions about how the international order will be transformed. Moreover, as the world transitions from a unipolar global order to a multipolar one, China’s determination to reassert its power and create new multilateral institutions reflects a shifting power dynamic in the international system (Bashfield & Proukaki, 2022).

HISTORY AND CURRENT STATUS OF MONGOLIA-CHINA RELATIONS

On October 16, 1949, Mongolia and the People’s Republic of China established diplomatic relations; in 1960, they signed the Treaty of Friendship and Mutual Assistance between China and Mongolia; in 1962, they signed the Boundary Treaty; in 1990, they issued a joint communiqué, and in 1994, they revised the Treaty of Friendship and Mutual Assistance between China and Mongolia. Sino-Mongolian Treaty of Friendship and Mutual Assistance In 1990, China and Mongolia issued a joint communiqué and, in 1994, revised the Treaty of Friendship and Mutual Assistance between China and Mongolia and signed the Treaty on Friendship and Cooperation between China and Mongolia(Mongolia-China Relations – Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Mongolia, n.d.). In December 1998, President Bagabandi embarked on a state visit to China, during which the Sino-Mongolian Joint Declaration was issued. This declaration outlined the principles and guidelines that would shape the bilateral relations between the two nations in the 21st century(China – Mongolia Relations – HEConomist, n.d.). Subsequently, in July 1999, President Jiang Zemin reciprocated with a state visit to Mongolia. Furthermore, in June 2003, President Hu Jintao undertook a state visit to Mongolia, during which the establishment of the Partnership of Good Neighborliness and Mutual Trust was declared. Lastly, in July 2004, President Bagabandi paid another state visit to China, during which the Partnership of Good Neighborliness and Mutual Trust was officially announced.

During the month of July in the year 2004, President Bagabandi embarked on a formal tour to China, which was characterized as a state visit. As a result of this visit, both nations engaged in the issuance of a joint statement. In November 2005, President Enkhbayar embarked on an official visit to China. In the month of June in the year 2008, Vice President Xi Jinping had an official visit to the nation of Mongolia. In April 2009, Prime Minister Sanjay Bayar had an official visit to China for the purpose of conducting official duties. In April 2010, a diplomatic visit was undertaken by Prime Minister Khalil Batbold to the People’s Republic of China. During the period of April 28 to May 3, 2010, Mr. Elbegdorj undertook a tour to Mongolia. During the period from April 28 to May 3, 2010, President Elbegdorj embarked on an official visit to China. Premier Wen Jiabao conducted an official visit to Mongolia in June 2010. In June 2011, Prime Minister Batbold had an official visit to China, during which both parties mutually agreed to upgrade their bilateral relationship to the status of a strategic partnership. President Elbegdorj participated in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization meeting held in China during June 2012. In January 2013, Chairman Wu Bangguo conducted an official visit to Mongolia. Chairman Wu Bangguo conducted an official visit to Mongolia in January 2013. In January 2013, Chairman Wu Bangguo conducted an official visit to Mongolia. During October 2013, Prime Minister Altanhuyag embarked on an official visit to China, where the two nations entered into the agreement titled “Outline for Medium- and Long-Term Development of China-Mongolia Strategic Partnership.” During the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC) in November 2012, an official proclamation was made, stating that China aspires to become a prosperous, powerful, democratic, and culturally advanced socialist nation in all dimensions by the year 2049, coinciding with the centenary anniversary of the establishment of the People’s Republic of China. Based on the given statement, it may be inferred that China holds the distinction of being the most populous developing nation globally.

Mongolia has explicitly emphasized the prioritization of cultivating equitable relations with its two neighboring countries as the fundamental principle of its foreign policy. In accordance with this guiding principle, Mongolia established the “Traditional Partnership of Good-Neighborliness and Friendship” with the Russian Federation in 2003, followed by the establishment of a “Strategic Partnership” with Russia in 2009. Additionally, Mongolia forged a “Partnership with China” in 2003 and subsequently established a “Strategic Partnership” with the Russian Federation in 2009. In accordance with the aforementioned guideline, the “Traditional Partnership of Good Neighborliness and Friendship” was formally established with the Russian Federation in 2003. Similarly, the “Partnership of Good Neighborliness, Friendship, and Mutual Confidence” was established with the People’s Republic of China in the same year. Subsequently, in 2009 and 2011, the respective partnerships with Russia and China were upgraded to “Strategic Partnerships.” These partnerships, along with the aforementioned legal basis, serve as the foundation for the bilateral relations between the parties involved. According to the recently revised and adopted Concept of Mongolia’s Foreign Policy in February 2011, the primary objective of Mongolia’s foreign relations policy is to foster friendly relations with Russia and China. The policy emphasizes the importance of maintaining balanced interaction and good neighborliness in the broad cooperation with these neighboring countries. This reaffirms the principle of “good-neighborly relations” established in Mongolia’s foreign policy in 1994, as well as the existing “strategic partnership” with Russia. The aforementioned declaration reiterates the principles outlined in the foreign policy established in 1994. The Beijing Joint Declaration, issued by Prime Minister C. Batbold during his official visit to China in June 2011 at the invitation of the Premier of the State Council of the People’s Republic of China, established the resolution that the future trajectory of the bilateral relations between the two nations would be cultivated on the foundation of a strategic partnership. The document emphasizes the importance of preserving and enhancing the political basis of the strategic cooperation between Mongolia and China through the enhancement and broadening of political interactions and the cultivation of mutual confidence. The Chinese government affirms its unwavering strategic policy of fostering friendly relations with Mongolia, while Mongolia confirms that its overarching foreign policy objective is to cultivate broader friendly relations and cooperation with the People’s Republic of China across all domains. The long-term growth of the strategic partnership between Mongolia and China is propelled by the objectives of expanding and enhancing economic and trade cooperation, stabilizing and fostering mutually advantageous and mutually useful collaboration, and promoting common development and progress. The document titled “The Outline of the Medium and Long-term Development of China-Mongolia Strategic Partnership,” which was endorsed by the Prime Ministers of China and Mongolia on October 25, 2013, in Beijing, outlines an ambitious framework for collaboration in several domains. In August 2014, President Xi Jinping of the People’s Republic of China conducted a state visit to Mongolia, upon the invitation of Mongolian President Tsakhia Elbegdorj. During this visit, President Jinping engaged in an extended meeting with Mongolian President Sergei Elbegdorj. The purpose of this meeting was to assess the state of Mongolia-China relations, resulting in the conclusion that these relations have been elevated to the status of a comprehensive strategic partnership. To solidify this partnership, both leaders signed the “Outline of the Sino-Mongolian Strategic Partnership in the Long Term.” In the course of the meeting, the two leaders of the respective nations concisely conveyed that the bilateral relations between Mongolia and China have been elevated to the status of a comprehensive strategic partnership. During the visit, a significant event took place in the form of the signing of a declaration pertaining to the advancement of the relationship. The “Implementation Plan for Educational Exchanges and Cooperation between the Ministry of Education of the People’s Republic of China and the Ministry of Education, Culture, Science, Sports and Physical Education of Mongolia for 2018-2021” was signed by both parties in 2017. During a telephonic exchange, the Minister of External Relations, Monkh Orgil, engaged in a discussion. The Mongolian government has continuously expressed its strong support for the One China policy, affirming that Tibet is an integral part of China and emphasizing that the Tibet issue falls within the realm of China’s internal affairs. The year 2022. Mongolia’s President Khaltsema Battulga embarked on a formal visit to China on February 27th. President Xi Jinping and President Battulga of Mongolia engaged in discussions at the Great Hall of the People on the aforementioned day. Following the conclusion of the meeting, President Batulega presented Xi Jinping with a diploma acknowledging the generous donation of 30,000 sheep from Mongolia to China.

THE IMPACT OF THE INTERNATIONAL ORDER ON MONGOLIA-CHINA RELATIONS IN THE POST-EPIDEMIC ERA

In the early stages of 2020, the COVID-19 pandemic rapidly disseminated throughout all provinces of China and subsequently extended its reach to other nations throughout the globe. Consequently, the China-Mongolia ports were closed as a precautionary measure and have remained thus since that time. Despite the occasional disruptions in customs clearance at select ports, the mineral export business in Mongolia is nonetheless subject to a discernible level of adverse effects. The “One Belt, One Road” project and the “China-Mongolia-Russia Economic Corridor” policy implemented by China have seen various negative repercussions. Mongolia, being a friendly neighboring country of China, has witnessed a significant decline in exchanges and interactions with China since the outbreak of the disease.

Mongolia, being a nation rich in mineral resources, holds the distinction of being the second biggest landlocked country globally. Its economy is primarily driven by the mining industry and animal husbandry. Mongolia’s unique geographical positioning situates it between the two global heavyweights, China and Russia. The entity in question aggressively engages in China’s economic program known as “One Belt, One Road,” while concurrently playing an active role in the “China-Mongolia-Russia Economic Corridor” policy.

Mongolia plays a pivotal role in facilitating economic cooperation between China, Mongolia, and Russia, as it actively engages in China’s “One Belt, One Road” initiative. Russia, being the foremost global exporter of natural gas, is currently engaged in the construction of a pathway to China’s Xinjiang region, across the western region of Mongolia. However, the progress of this construction endeavor has currently come to a halt. The development and implementation of significant railway systems in Mongolia are now stagnant due to the crucial role of the mining sector in the country’s infrastructure. Historically, the ports of Mongolia and China have been characterized by a persistent state of tension. However, however, only the Ganqi Maodu ports are operational, with a frequency of 2-3 times per month. Presently, China is engaged in the construction and opening of 10 railway and highway ports, facilitating trade and connectivity with Mongolia. The export of beef from Mongolia is now experiencing a state of stagnation. Furthermore, there has been a significant increase in the prices of the most commonly imported fruits and vegetables from China.

In December 2021, the price of lettuce reached its highest point at 40,000 MNT per kilogram, which is approximately comparable to 100 yuan. The outbreak of the virus has resulted in a cessation of humanistic interactions between Mongolia and China. Mongolian students who had embarked on their educational pursuits in China before to the outbreak of the virus have been repatriated in successive groups to partake in remote lectures. Some of these students, regrettably, had to complete their studies entirely online, without the opportunity to physically attend courses in China.

Similarly, Chinese students studying in Mongolia faced a comparable situation. Certain doctoral students have been unable to pursue further education, and the waning enthusiasm for China is a direct consequence of the global pandemic. This situation underscores the challenges faced in the development of the Mongolia-China relationship, which can only be examined within the current context. In relation to the tourist sector, it is observed that approximately one-third of Mongolia’s population engages in annual travel to China, a trend that has reached a state of stagnation. The application of epidemic control policies has resulted in variable degrees of impact on air travel in different countries. In the initial days of August, the Foreign Minister of the People’s Republic of China, Wang Yi, undertook a visit to the nation of Mongolia. Discussions were conducted regarding the refurbishment of impoverished settlements, wastewater management, the establishment of harbors, and the regularization of income-generating initiatives, such as meat and food processing, among various other subjects.

The visit of Foreign Minister Wang Yi to Mongolia has garnered significant interest from both domestic major news media and periodicals and newspapers in Mongolia. Notably, the Mongolian Daily News № 145 (7018) and the Mongolian Daily News № 146 (7019), both published on August 8, 2022, extensively covered Foreign Minister Wang Yi’s visit. The reports focused on various aspects, including the strengthening of the friendly and strategic partnership between the two countries, the advancement of bilateral relations, the promotion of import-export activities, and the development of ports and harbors.

The establishment of bilateral relations, the advancement of import and export activities, and the enhancement of port infrastructure were emphasized, thereby establishing a solid basis for the long-term relationship between the two nations. The year 2022. On February 21, a conflict between Russia and Ukraine commenced coinciding with the conclusion of the global COVID-19 pandemic. The Russo-Ukrainian war had a significant adverse effect on Mongolia. In a context of heightened international tension, the Russo-Ukrainian War garnered significant global attention, exacerbating an already delicate situation. Following the onset of the Russo-Ukrainian conflict, member states of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) initiated efforts to provide assistance to Ukraine.

Ukraine has procured weaponry supplies worth 500 million dollars from the United States, a sum that is 100 times the existing annual budget of Mongolia. Russia, as one of the two neighboring countries of Mongolia, holds a prominent position as a global military force, hence commanding significant national might that cannot be disregarded. Ukraine, being Mongolia’s diplomatic counterpart, maintains a close partnership with Mongolia.

The light industry in Mongolia has historically experienced limited development. The production of important confectionery items, various pastries, paper towels, and other everyday requirements, as well as the consumption of wheat, mostly relies on imports from Ukraine. However, the importation of these food items has remained stagnant. The Russo-Ukrainian conflict has had a significant influence on Mongolia, necessitating the need for self-sufficiency and technological advancements in wheat growing to meet its wheat need. In light of the prevailing conditions, Mongolia has adopted a policy of isolation, leading to a state of self-sufficiency.

PROSPECTS FOR THE FUTURE DEVELOPMENT OF MONGOLIA-CHINA RELATIONS

Given the aforementioned unfavorable circumstances, the author, as a citizen of Mongolia, asserts that it is imperative for Mongolia to steadfastly pursue the cultivation of amicable ties with China, while prioritizing the advancement of friendly relations with both China and Russia as the foremost objective of Mongolia’s foreign policy. In 1951, Mongolia and China forged diplomatic and economic ties, hence establishing trading contacts between the two nations. In the year 1989, the governments of both nations established a committee dedicated to fostering economic, trade, scientific, and technological collaboration. To date, this committee has convened on sixteen occasions. In 1991, the two governments entered into a new trade agreement, which replaced the previous practice of inter-governmental book-keeping trade with a system based on cash-exchange trade. In the aforementioned year, the two governing bodies entered into a mutual agreement aimed at safeguarding investments. In recent times, there has been a notable expansion in the realm of mutually advantageous collaboration between the two nations. China, having maintained its position as Mongolia’s primary commercial partner and investor for an extended period, has played a significant role in this regard. The year 2021. Between the months of January and July, the volume of bilateral trade between Mongolia and China reached a total of 5.28 billion U.S. dollars, reflecting a notable year-on-year growth rate of 63.5 percent. Within this group, the total value of China’s exports reached 1.37 billion U.S. dollars, demonstrating a substantial year-on-year growth of 63.3%. Similarly, the total value of imports amounted to 3.91 billion U.S. dollars, reflecting a significant year-on-year increase of 63.6%.

Based on the preceding concise account of the evolution of trade relations between Mongolia and China, as well as the examination of their historical interactions in the preceding section, it becomes evident that the bilateral relations between these two nations have undergone numerous fluctuations throughout history. Nevertheless, the prevailing trend has consistently been one of progress, particularly during the past twenty years, wherein comprehensive and profound advancements in various domains of cooperation have been witnessed between the two countries. The bilateral relationship between Mongolia and China is characterized by a strong and mutually beneficial multidisciplinary cooperation. The leaders of both nations have consistently emphasized the significance of fostering and enhancing this partnership. Given Mongolia’s reliance on a singular type of production, it becomes imperative to draw lessons from China across numerous domains. Consequently, fostering an enduring partnership and bolstering interdisciplinary collaboration between Mongolia and China emerges as the optimal path towards achieving comprehensive development in various sectors for Mongolia in the foreseeable future.

The growing reciprocal openness between Mongolia and China has led to the imminent realization of complete liberalization in both nations. The resumption of multidisciplinary collaboration between Mongolia and China is expected to yield substantial benefits for the welfare of their respective populations and contribute to the enduring peace and stability of both nations. (Christofi, 2022) Furthermore, this collaboration is anticipated to promote regional peace and have far-reaching implications for global peace while supporting the consolidation and advancement of the new international order that prioritizes “peace and development.” These initiatives are expected to significantly contribute to the overall welfare and economic progress of the populations in Mongolia and China. (Wu et al., 2022) The collaboration between Mongolia and China is projected to lead to the achievement of the set goal of achieving USD 10 billion in trade between the two countries by 2020 (Ganbaatar et al., 2021).

CONCLUSION

In conclusion, the enduring friendship between Mongolia and China serves as a testament to shared interests and the potential for mutual cooperation. The Belt and Road Initiative, coupled with the China-Mongolia Russian Economic Corridor, has not only strengthened economic ties but also contributed to regional stability. As both nations navigate the complexities of the international order, it is imperative to persist in collaborative efforts for mutual benefit, regional tranquility, and global stability. The findings of this study underscore the resilience of Mongolia-China relations and highlight the positive impact of economic collaboration on regional dynamics.

The findings reveal a consistent trend of progress in Mongolia-China relations, marked by diplomatic milestones and economic collaborations. The Belt and Road Initiative and the China-Mongolia Russian Economic Corridor emerge as pivotal in fostering economic cooperation and regional stability. The study underscores the strategic importance of Mongolia’s rich natural resources to China’s growth and the reciprocal benefits derived from the bilateral collaboration.

Based on the findings, it is recommended that Mongolia and China continue to prioritize diplomatic dialogue, economic collaboration, and people-to-people exchanges. Given the geopolitical complexities, sustained efforts in fostering mutual understanding and resolving occasional disruptions in customs and trade would further strengthen the bilateral relationship. Additionally, proactive measures to adapt to post-epidemic challenges and capitalize on emerging opportunities for trade and investment are crucial for the long-term prosperity of both nations.

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