Exploring the Origins of Nigeria’s Present-Day Multi-Ethnic, Religious, Socio-Political, and Governmental Dynamics

Exploring the Origins of Nigeria’s Present-Day Multi-Ethnic, Religious, Socio-Political, and Governmental Dynamics

Chukwudi Justus Femi

Department of History and International Studies,

University of Nigeria, Nsukka

DOI: https://dx.doi.org/10.47772/IJRISS.2024.803107

Received: 19 February 2024; Revised: 01 March 2024; Accepted: 06 March 2024; Published: 12 April 2024

ABSTRACT

This paper explores the deep-rooted factors that have shaped multi-ethnic religious, socio-political, and government politics in Nigeria. Nigeria, being a diverse country with hundreds of ethnic groups and a blend of various religions, has experienced complex dynamics that have influenced its contemporary political landscape. This analysis aims to shed light on the historical, socio-cultural, and economic factors that have contributed to the current state of multi-ethnic politics in the country. The process of colonization and subsequent independence marked a critical turning point in Nigeria’s political evolution. The amalgamation of diverse ethnic groups by the British colonial authorities created a complex tapestry of cultural, social, and political identities. These diverse ethnic groups, each with their own cultural heritage and religious beliefs, competed for resources, socio-political power, and representation within the government. Religion has played a significant role in shaping Nigeria’s politics. The historical introduction of Islam and Christianity by foreign missionaries further deepened these divisions, as each religion gained its own following and exerted influence in different regions of the country. The intersection of religious beliefs with political ideologies and aspirations has given rise to unique political dynamics and challenges in Nigeria. Socio-economic factors have also contributed to Nigeria’s multi-ethnic political landscape. Ethnicity-based distribution of resources, economic inequalities, and uneven development across regions have fueled grievances and tensions between different ethnic groups. These inequalities have influenced the allocation of political power, government policies, and resource distribution, thereby affecting inter-ethnic relationships and political dynamics. Furthermore, the structure and operations of the Nigerian government have played a crucial role in shaping contemporary politics. The transition from military rule to democracy, although a positive step, has not entirely eradicated the legacy of authoritarianism on Nigeria’s political system. This legacy has influenced power dynamics, political patronage, and the struggle for control and influence among ethnic and religious groups. In conclusion, the roots of contemporary multi-ethnic religious, socio-political, and government politics in Nigeria can be traced back to historical factors, socio-cultural dynamics, economic disparities, and the structure of governance. Understanding these roots is essential for addressing the challenges associated with diverse ethnic and religious identities, promoting inclusivity, and fostering sustainable political development in Nigeria. A combination of historical research and contemporary ethnographic data was adopted to examine the development of the concept of a multi-ethnic or plural society. Existing literatures from journals was analyze qualitatively. It began by examining the historical roots of the multi-ethnic society, how it was understood in different societies and cultures throughout history. It moved on to examined the concept in a contemporary context, focusing on its application in the modern world. In particular, it explored the challenges and opportunities that a multi-ethnic or plural society presents, as well as the different ways in which it has been implemented in different countries. By delving into the rich tapestry of Nigerian society through qualitative methods, researchers can provide a more comprehensive understanding of the origins of its present-day dynamics.

Keywords: Nigeria, Multi-Religious, Socio-Political, Government, Dynamics

INTRODUCTION

Brief overview of Nigeria’s diverse religious, socio-political, and governmental dynamics

The concept of multi-ethnic or plural society has been in existence throughout human history, from ancient times to the present day. It is not un-usual for a nation to consist of people of a number of races as one finds in Russia, the United States of Africa, Brazil, Argentina and the Union of South Africa, etc. Many nations consist of people of the same race but different ethnic groups and cultures; even, an ethnic group or culture may have regional variants while the people speak different dialects of a mutually intelligible language. Very few nations consist of one or state same ethnic groups. It follows therefore that irrespective of territorial or population size, most nations are multi-ethnic or plural entities/polities and the so-called Nigeria’s plurality is in no way unusual or unique. However, it is worth noting that many nations especially the so-called advanced and relatively stable polities have achieved a high degree of success at turning their plurality and diversity into attributes of national strength and pride.

Nigeria is a country known for its diverse religious, socio-political, and governmental dynamics. With a population of over 200 million people, Nigeria is home to a wide array of religious beliefs including Christianity, Islam, and traditional African religions. This diversity has often led to tensions and conflicts between different religious groups, but also fosters a sense of cultural richness and tolerance. On the socio-political front, Nigeria has a complex history marked by military coups, civil wars, and political instability. The country has struggled with issues such as corruption, poverty, and ethnic tensions which have hindered its development and progress. In terms of governance, Nigeria operates as a federal republic with a presidential system. The government is structured in such a way that power is divided between the federal government and state governments. However, challenges such as corruption and inefficiency have plagued the Nigerian government for years. Nigeria’s diverse religious landscape, socio-political challenges, and governmental dynamics make it a complex yet fascinating country to study and understand.

Socio-political dynamics in pre-colonial Nigeria

Nigeria is, however, in a unique position on account of its sheer number of ethnic groups generally put at over two hundreds. A number of them are big enough to constitute a nation in the contemporary world. Many of them had, before colonial rules established relatively extensive age-old political societies while the level of socio-political culture attained varied between effective political centralization of the Hausa (Fulani), Yoruba, Edo, Igala, Nupe, Jukun and non-centralized communities of the Igbo, Urhobo, Ibibio etc and the acephalous Yako of the Cross River basin 1. These socio-political systems were products of age-old traditions and customs. Partly by accident and/or partly by coincidence but by no means by design between the 1890s and 1900s, these ethnic groups came under three different informal British colonial administrations. The Royal Niger Company’s territories became, in December, 1899/January 1900, the nucleus of the protectorate of Northern Nigeria by 1904 conterminous with the present 19 states of northern Nigeria, including Abuja. The territories of the Niger Coast protectorate, with its headquarters in Calabar, became in January 1909, the nucleus of the protectorate of Southern Nigeria; its area of jurisdiction covered all of present-day South-East and South-South states right up to river Ogbese on the West. Lagos Colony (since 1861) and Yoruba hinterland constituted a separate protectorate administration with jurisdiction over states of the Southwest Zone, less Akoko Local Government Areas, then a part of the protectorate of Northern Nigeria, and Owo and Ose Local Government Areas which were a part of the Southern Nigeria protectorate. The two Southern protectorates were unified in 1906 as Lagos Colony and Protectorate of Southern Nigeria and finally in 1914, the protectorate of Northern and Southern Nigeria were amalgamated; all former duplications in economic development schemes such as railway, audit, post and telegraph and the judiciary were ended.

Thus was Nigeria creation of the British, as a matter of fact, Britain’s most important colonial enterprise in Africa, at least in respect to the size of territory, number of traditional potentates, Varity of ethnic cultures and enormous economic potentials. The British introduced the Indian provincial system and a feature of centuries-old imperial administration expediency otherwise known as direct rule by indirect means. This means that the British legally recognised the traditional institutional authorities, traditions and social customs but reformed them to make them conform to the norms of ‘good’ government as conceived by the British. This provincial system was initially in the 1900s introduced to the protectorate of Northern Nigeria and extended to Southern Nigeria after the amalgamation. The country was broken up into provinces, each under a resident, and each province consisted of a number of districts, each under a District Officer. The District Officers and Residents were Chief Law and treasury officers. The former was responsible to the latter and the latter to Lieutenant Governors each in a group of provinces and the last Governor in Lagos. The traditional rulers and chiefs, including those appointed by warrant in erstwhile non-centralized polities in Southern Nigeria Served as an agents and instruments of the colonial administration. Thus, in spite of the glaring disparities in the level of traditional, social and political development among the various Nigerian communities and despite problems encountered by the colonial authorities over the implementation of native authorities, especially poll tax between the 1910s and 1930s, the indirect rule system was the vogue throughout the country up to 1946.

The unified colonial administration though alien produced a modicum of national consciousness in the 1920s especially among a little but growing group of Western-educated and politically-conscious elite in Lagos, Calabar and a few other urban centres, but mainly in southern parts of the country. Reference can be made in this regard to the polemics of Governor Hugh Clifford against a couple of Nigerian who participated at the congress of British West Africa held in Accra, Gold Coast (Ghana) in 1920s. The steady progress of the opening up of the country by the construction of railway, feeder roads and widespread acceptance of the colonial economy etc encouraged mobility of persons and good services, growing urbanization and acquisition of western education etc. These contributed to the increase in number of the political elites in the 1930s and 1940s. It is highly debatable whether or not that nascent nationalism was sustainable for long considering the disparities in the level of socio-political development among the various Nigerian commodities. These disparities were so evident that many colonial administrators including Lugard, Hailey and Writers, such as Margery Perham believed in and noted the idea of Nigeria’s united in diversity. Nnamdi Azikiwe, then a building nationalist had published in 1943, a blueprint of his own vision of the Nigerian nations which he called a commonwealth of Nigeria, a federation of eight protectorates, each protectorate constituted of communities with relatively similar socio-political level of development. Seven of the eight protectorates were Northern: now Kano, Jigawa, Kastina, Kaduna, North Western; now Sokoto, Zamfara, Kebbi, Niger and Kwara State; Northern eastern; now Borno, Yobe, Gombe, Bauchi and Adamawa State; Central; now Plateau, Nassarawa, Taraba, Benue and Kogi State; Southern now Edo, Delta, Anambra, Enugu, Imo, Abia; South-western; now Lagos, Ogun, Oyo, Osun, Ondo and Ekiti States, Southern eastern, now Cross River, Akwa Ibom and Ebonyi State. The eight protectorates were Western Cameroons at the time a mandate territory of the British, merged with and administered (up to 1959) as a part of Nigeria. These disparities might have informed Richard’s constitution of 1946 which introduced three regions and thus officially recognized cultural diversity and Macpherson’s Constitution of 1951 which legally stamped these cultural diversities.

Indigenous Political Systems and Structures

It is arguable whether or not Richards and Macpherson foresaw the centrifugal forces that regionalism and the legal stamp would/could unleash on the Nigeria political terrain. An acute analysis of the political situation of this country since the 1950s will show the extent to which exclusive regionalism has constituted the bane of the nation’s unity and integration. Not only were regional political parties founded AG, and NPC in 1951, and the NCNC, hitherto a national political organization became progressively a party of a region, loyalty to one’s regional home base became the vogue. Up to the 1970s, regionalism constituted the basis of formation of political parties, entrenchment of political leadership, the hue and cry about sharing of the national cake, the agitation over census figures, and even lately the wolf-crises of marginalization. Rabid regionalism generated rancour among the highly heterogeneous and competitive political elite such that minor disagreements warranted outburst and during the First Republic (1952 to January, 1966) for instance, political heavy weights founded political parties that were dominant in the regions. Northern People Congress (NPC) in the North, Action Group (AG) in the West whiles the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC) was based in the East. Minority elements and other members of society who were disgruntled about local or other matters, either floated political parties such as United Middle Belt Congress (UMBC) a Kanuri Peoples’ Congress, Ilorin Talaka Parapo (ITP) etc in the Northern Region, the United Independent Party (UNIP) in the Eastern Region, and a radical and ‘populist’ political party with its main focus, the liberation of the masses, Elements Progressive Union (NEPU) also of the Northern Region. These minority groups were affiliated with dominant political parties based in other regions; the UMBC and ITP of the North affiliate with the NCNC. The senior parties especially the AG, NPC, and NCNC usually rode on the back of these opposition parties to endeavour to destabilize the ruling political parties and their administrations in other regions. Usually, these senior parties mounted pressures and vigorously campaigned for the creation of autonomous regions in other regions. The AG championed and clamoured for the separation (excision) of Yoruba-Speaking parts of Ilorin and Kabba/Lokoja provinces from the Northern Region and their merger with the Western Region. The AG also rode on the back of the UMBC and Kanuri group and clamour for the creation of new regions in the Middle Belt and Borno provinces from the North as well as rode on the back on the UNIP to call for the creation of a Calabar-Ogoja-Rivers State (for all non-Igbo people) from the Eastern. The NCNC championed (later joined by the NPC) the clamour for the creation of the Mid-West Region (non-Yoruba people) from the Western Region. In the circumstances, the ‘in group’/ ‘we group’ and ‘out’ group’/ they group’ dichotomies emerged in the regions. Leaders of the dominant political parties regarded their own regions as their citadel and went to great length to win elections, secure and retain political power therein. The party in power in each region, the ‘in group’ persecuted members/adherents of opposition parties, the ‘out group’ sending many of them to prison on flimsy and trumped-up charged, destroying their houses and farms, and business. As parties in power directed/controlled policy and ‘distributed’ patronages and amenities, members of opposition parties and communities/constituencies were denied government appointments and other patronage. The ruling political party in each state ensured that traditional rulers and members of the political elites supported the government and used their good officers to obtain electoral victories. The type of politicking thus described was the vogue from the early 1950s to January 1966 when the army overthrown the government.

Impact of British Colonization on Traditional Socio-Political Structures

In the circumstances of regional suspicious, little happening created sources tension. For example, the motion by Anthony Enahoro in April, 1953 for self-government for the country in 1956 created so much tension that eventually led to the demise of Macpherson’s Constitution. The request generated a debate on the floor of the House of Representatives; AG and NCNC members backed up Enahoro but members of the NPC while not actually opposed to self-government, pointed to disparities between the northern and the southern regions and wanted to 1956 substituted with ‘as soon as possible’. The position of the leader of the northern region emanated from their fears that self-government would lead to a stage of affairs whereby southerners with higher western education would flood public services in the region. A constitutional crisis arose; northern members walked out of the House, AG ministers resigned their appointments and in May, the northern House of Assembly and chiefs passed an 8-points programme, granting a large measure of executive and legislative autonomy to the region. A similar situation fear and distrust appeared to have risen in the northern region against Aguiyi-Ironsi’s regime in the aftermath of its decree No. 34 of May, 1966.

Another issue that created tension in the country was the census. As a matter of fact, the census generated a lot of rancour among members of the political elite. The actual and reliable population figure of the Nigeria was not available, even the actual enumeration of 1952 faced considerable problems. The 1962 census yielded a couple of unofficial results/figure; one a total of 30 million: 11 million for the north, 8.5 million for the west, 12.5 million for the east an 0.6 million for Lagos: another, a total of 2 million: 30 million for the north, 12 million for the east, 10 million for the west (including Lagos), while yet another gave a total of 45 million: 22.5 million for the north, for the north, 12.4 million for east, 7.8 million for the west and 0.7 million for Lagos.  The figures especially the first-mentioned unofficial figures and perhaps the last caused a furore among the members of parliament and the regional authorities; eventually the census was nullified and recount was undertaken in November, 1963. This produced a total population figure of 55.7 million made up of 29.8 million for Northern Region, 12.4 million for Eastern Region, 10.3 million for the Western region, 2.5 million for the newly-created Mid-Western Region and 0.7 million for Lagos. The acrimonious atmosphere about the census figures was on account of their being basic to a large number of issues especially the control of the federal government. The northern region desired to maintain its majority so as to continue its parity with the southern regions in the House of Representatives while the southern regions were unwilling to accept northern domination. Of course, there was the desire of each region and part thereof for an equitable share of the national cake and this would be tied to population.

Historical Background of Nigeria’s Religious Diversity

The issue of religion ranks next to ethnicity among the centrifugal forces that have created deep-rooted suspicious and distrust in Nigeria. Religion is generally invoked to reinforce old allegiances and to buttress in a nation that is seemingly divided along religiousness, a dichotomy between the Muslim north and the Christian south. There are three main religions: Traditional religion which was/is indigenous all over the country, although evidently in decline in many places, it is prevalent in all the thirty-six states especially when allowances are made for nominal, apostate and synergetic Christians and Muslims. Nevertheless, pockets of society still remain/exist in many states, for example in the northern where traditional religion still predominate, accounting for over 70% of the local population and Muslims account for 10% and Christian 3%. Islam made an inroad into Kanem (old Kanem-Borno) at the end of the 11^th century (1097) and in Hausa land in the 15^th century (1400-1500) and in subsequent centuries through long distant trade, ordinary means of social intercourse and missionary work penetrated south and eventually through western Yoruba-land to Lagos and Agbadarigi (Badagry) before or about early 19^th century (1800). The Jihad of Sokoto and its off-shoot the caliphate, encourage mass conversion in the various emirates. Christianity’s debut in Benin Kingdom in the sixteenth century (1500-1600) did not yield much fruits and fresh missionary effort between the 1840s and 1900 led to the establishment of Christianity in Lagos, Abeokuta, Ibadan etc. in the southwest; Calabar and environs, the Niger-Benue confluence and the Niger basin. New missions evangelized in the Middle Belt between 1903 and 1930s. As at the onset of British colonial rule in the 1900s, the stronghold of Islam consisted of the north-western, northern and northern eastern parts, Western Yoruba land and Lagos as well as Akoko, Owe (Kabba) and Akoko-Edo which were, for decades, up to January 1897 (when forces of the Royal Niger Company liberated them) under Nupe-Fulani rule. Initially, the British colonial authorities barred Christian evangelism from Islam strongholds, but since then especially between 1950s to 1990s through the efforts of orthodox, evangelical, Pentecostal and charismatic mission. Christianity penetrated many parts of the north and gained impressive adherent in the south. This expansion of Christianity is the main cause of alarm among Muslim leaders. Presently, both Christianity and Islam are probably at par while traditional religion is on the decline.

Overview of the Major Religions in Nigeria (Christianity, Islam, indigenous beliefs)

Thus, the general picture of the so-called division of Nigeria along religious line of Muslim and Christian south is more political than real considering the large number of Muslim in Yoruba-speaking Parts of southern Nigeria and northern district of Edo state and large number of Christians in the Middle Belt and Kaduna State in the northern heartland. Traditional religion has been effectively side line, the social and political elites are virtually Christian and Muslims. Nigeria is a secular nation. Since the colonial period, government has recognized the three religions; from the mid-1960s some regional governments have involved themselves in Muslim pilgrimage and since the 1980s the federal and state government have involved themselves in Muslim and Christian Pilgrimages. The country’s legal system is basically common law, native laws and customs and Sharia; the former operating throughout the country, the latter in virtually all parts of the country and the last in the former Muslim emirates.

The first major rumpus was created in 1978 when some delegates at the constitution drafting committee demanded for the inclusion of a Sharia court of appeal. It was seen by the opponent of the move as a ploy to politicize religion. The debate lasted and generated a furore all over the country and a modified form of the demand was provided for in section 242 of the 1979 constitution. While the sear of the 1978 furore still rankled, the military government in the latter part of the 1980s advanced the observer status of Nigeria to a full-blown member of the Organization of Islamic Countries (OIC), the action generated public outcry, with the Christian Association of Nigeria crying blue murder and accusing the government of bad faith. The government recanted but the issue sanitized the leader of both religions to remain vigilant. Although the peace of the country was disturbed now and again by religious conflagration in the 1980s in the north, for instance Yola and Kano, these were handiworks of Muslim fanatical sects and their targets were mostly their Muslim brothers, and none compared to the 1999 mayhem in Kaduna where several thousand southerners, most of them Christians lost their lives and their properties destroyed. The echoes of the mayhem, the slaughter of northerners in other parts of the country especially eastern Nigeria, showed in no small ways that no parts of the country had any monopoly of violence. Then in November 1999, Zamfara, a north-western state proclaimed its adoption of Sharia as its legal system and in spite of the outcry of the Christian community against it, a number of states in the north follow suit. This politically, motivated new Sharia has been described by many commentators, Christians mostly and politicians as part of a ploy to destabilize the central/federal government headed by a southern Christian, Obasanjo, for what the sponsors of Sharia perceived as the president’s marginalization of the core north (Islamic stronghold).

It is all a vicious circle, created by deep-rooted suspicious about ethnicity and religion, the roots lay far back in pre-colonial times and were watered by Richard’s Macpherson’s constitutions. Efforts by the government to douse the flame/fire have not produced the required panacea. The centrifugal forces and their attendant distrust and fear (of domination, side line) resurfaced as soon as democratic administration came on board, consider these two issues. The contemporary depiction of the 1999 constitution as a ‘dictate’, foist on Nigerians by the military and a demand for a ‘people’s-oriented’ approach (constitution) has the colour of the criticism especially of the NCNC of Richard who was alleged to have not consulted the nationalist, a point the successor, Governor Macpherson noted, therefore invited country-wide (district, provincial, and regional) consultations. The blueprint/white paper produced therefore, titled proceeding of the General conference on the Review of the Nigeria constitution contained views and fears of delegates on issues such as criteria for regional representation at the centre, regional autonomy, federal responsibility, residual power, and status of Lagos, revenue allocation and the question of franchise. On the issue of representation at the centre, southern delegates were apprehensive about the numerical strength of the northern region and were particularly un-reconciled to parity of representation suggested between the northern and southern regions by which the northern region had 68 members and the eastern and western regions had 34 members each. Thus, the current clamour in southern Nigeria for a sovereign/national conference, indeed a call for devolution and a return to true federation perhaps of the period up to January, 1966 is a constant reminder of the view expressed and canvassed by regional delegates at the 1950 constitutional conferences.

Challenges of Nigeria’s Present-Day Multi-ethnic, Religious, Socio-Political, and Government Dynamics

Nigeria, a country known for its diverse population and rich cultural heritage, faces numerous challenges to the roots of contemporary multi-ethnic, religious, socio-political, and government politics. One of the major challenges is the deep-rooted ethnic and religious divisions that have plagued the country for decades. These divisions have often led to violence, discrimination, and marginalization of certain groups within society

Lack of trust between different ethnic and religious groups has been a major source of conflict and violence in the past, and it continues to be a barrier to achieving a more peaceful and stable society. Another challenge is the lack of effective governance, which has allowed corruption and other forms of abuse of power to flourish. Additionally, there is a lack of economic opportunity, particularly in rural areas, which leads to frustration and unrest. And finally, there is the legacy of colonialism and the divisions it created, which still affect the way people view each other and the country’s political system.

The next challenge is the influence of powerful elites, who often benefit from the status quo and may resist any changes that could threaten their position. In addition, there is a lack of strong institutions, such as an independent judiciary or a robust civil society, which are necessary to hold the government accountable and ensure that laws are fairly enforced. And finally, there is the challenge of a growing population and a shrinking resource base, which puts pressure on the country’s ability to provide basic services like education, healthcare, and housing.

Another major challenge is the role of the media. While the media can play a positive role in promoting peace and reconciliation, it can also be used to stoke divisions and incite violence. One example is the use of hate speech by some media outlets, which can contribute to tensions and violence.

The next challenge we’ll discuss is the role of the international community. While the international community can provide important resources and support to help address the challenges facing Nigeria, it can also have a negative impact. For example, the influx of foreign aid can distort local economies and undermine local efforts to address problems. Additionally, the presence of international peacekeeping forces can sometimes aggravate tensions rather than reducing them. The international community’s role is the influence of foreign businesses and investment. On the one hand, foreign investment can bring much-needed resources and jobs to Nigeria. On the other hand, it can also lead to environmental damage and the exploitation of local resources. It can also have a negative impact on local communities, as foreign companies may bring in their own workers rather than hiring locals.

One final challenge is the issue of corruption. Corruption is widespread in Nigeria and has a negative impact on the economy and on the lives of ordinary citizens. It can also undermine the rule of law and make it difficult to implement reforms.

RECOMMENDATION

Nigeria, a country rich in diversity, faces numerous challenges when it comes to multi-ethnic, religious, socio-political, and government politics. The roots of these issues can be traced back to a history of colonization and exploitation, as well as deep-seated tribal and religious tensions.

First, it’s important to understand the history and context of Nigeria’s diverse society which includes over 250 ethnic groups and a variety of religious beliefs. Secondly, it is important to recognize the role of socio-political and government factors in shaping the country’s political landscape. Finally, it’s important to consider possible solutions for addressing the challenges and inequalities that exist in Nigeria.

One solution to these problems is promoting unity and understanding among different ethnic and religious groups. This can be achieved through education, cultural exchange programs, and dialogue between communities. One potential way to overcome these challenges is through grassroots efforts to promote peace and reconciliation. This could involve community-based initiatives that foster understanding and cooperation between different groups, and that address the root causes of conflict. It could also involve investing in education and training programs that promote skills for peaceful conflict resolution.

Additionally, the government must work towards creating policies that are inclusive and fair to all citizens, regardless of their background.

Another solution is improving governance and accountability within the political system. This includes tackling corruption, ensuring transparency in decision-making processes, and focus on increasing representation of diverse groups in government decision making processes and empowering marginalized groups to participate in politics. This could involve increasing the number of women and minorities in leadership positions, as well as ensuring that policies and laws are crafted with inputs from a diverse range of perspectives. Corruption is a major issue in Nigeria, and it disproportionately affects the most vulnerable members of society. By improving government accountability and transparency, it may be possible to reduce corruption and improve the delivery of public services. Again, strengthening the rule of law and ensuring that all citizens have access to justice could help to improve trust in the government and reduce tensions. One way to achieve these goals would be to strengthen institutions like the judiciary, the police and other law enforcement agencies. This could involve improving training and resources, as well as addressing issues of corruption within these institutions. In Addition, increasing public participation in government processes could help to hold officials accountable and ensure that policies and laws are implemented fairly and transparently. Improving access to information could also help to increase trust in government and reduce corruption. A related issue is the role of the media in shaping public discourse and perceptions. The media can play a powerful role in shaping public opinion, and it’s important that it is used responsibly and ethically. This could involve promoting balance and fact based reporting, as well as holding the media accountable for unethical or irresponsible reporting.

Additionally, it’s important to address issues of poverty and inequality that disproportionately affect certain groups in society. Addressing these issues could help to reduce tensions and increase social cohesion. One additional solution is to foster a more inclusive national identity. This could involve promoting a shared sense of belonging and common purpose among all citizens, regardless of their ethnicity, religion, or social class. This could be accomplished through initiatives like national service programs, intercultural exchanges, and other efforts to build understanding and appreciation for Nigeria’s diverse population. It’s also important to counter the rise of divisive or hateful rhetoric by promoting messages of tolerance and mutual respects.

Finally, investing in education and economic development could help to improve the prospects of all citizens, regardless of their background. In addition to these solutions, it’s also important to address the root causes of political conflict and tension. This includes issues like economic inequality, poor governance, and historical grievances. Let’s take economic inequality as an example. One way to address this issue would be to create more opportunities for economic growth and development, particularly in rural areas and among marginalized groups. This could involve access to education and healthcare, and promoting entrepreneurship. Addressing these issues could help to create a more stable and peace political environment.

Overall, addressing the roots of contemporary multi-ethnic, religious, socio-political, and government politics in Nigeria requires a holistic approach that prioritizes unity, inclusivity, and good governance. Only by working together can Nigerians build a more peaceful and prosperous future for all.

CONCLUSION

This article explores the historical origins of the multi-ethnic religious, socio-political, and governmental landscape in Nigeria. It delves into the diverse roots of these complex dynamics, which have shaped the country’s present-day scenario. The religious landscape in Nigeria is a result of various influences such as pre-colonial traditional beliefs, the introduction of Islam in the north, and the arrival of Christianity through colonialism. These factors have resulted in a multi-religious society with significant implications for socio-political interactions. Furthermore, Nigeria’s diverse ethnic groups have contributed to the complex socio-political structure of the country. The legacy of pre-colonial kingdoms and empires, as well as colonial era divisions, has influenced power dynamics and inter-group relationships. Moreover, the struggle for political power and resource allocation has often been influenced by ethnic identities, leading to deep-rooted divisions and occasional conflicts. In terms of governance, Nigeria has witnessed a blend of traditional, colonial, and post-colonial systems. Traditional rulers and institutions still hold influence, particularly in rural areas, alongside the modern governmental structures inherited from the British colonial from the British colonial era. These dynamics have created a complex governance system that tries to balance traditional authority and democratic principles. Understanding the roots of multi-ethnic religious, socio-political, and governmental politics in Nigeria is a crucial for comprehending the country’s contemporary challenges. By delving into its historical foundations, we gain insights into the complexities, conflicts and potential for unity in Nigeria’s diverse society, providing a foundation for analysis and dialogue on how to address these issues effectively.

The researches indicate that the concept of a multi-ethnic or plural society has been present in many cultures and societies throughout history. Examples from ancient civilizations, such as the Roman Empire, show that plural societies have existed from centuries. Additionally, examples from modern societies, such as the United States, shows that the idea of a multi-ethnic or plural society is still popular today. Overall, the research suggests that the concept of a plural society has remained relevant and popular throughout history.

The origins of Nigeria’s present-day multi-religious, socio-political, and governmental dynamics was explored through qualitative research methods. It allows for a deeper understanding of the complexities and nuances of these dynamics by examining the lived experiences, beliefs, and perspectives of individuals within Nigerian society. By conducting interviews, focus groups, and content analysis of historical documents and cultural artifacts, it uncovered the underlying factors that have shaped Nigeria’s diverse religious landscape, political structures, and governance systems. This approach enabled researchers to identify key themes, patterns, and trends that have influenced the development of Nigeria’s current social fabric. The study can gain valuable insights into how religion, politics, and government intersect in Nigeria and contribute to its unique socio-political landscape.

The findings of this study have several implications for our understanding of human society and culture. First, it appears that the idea of multi-ethnic or plural society is not modern invention, but rather has roots in ancient civilizations. Second, the persistence of this concept throughout history suggests that it may be a fundamental part of human culture. Third, the popularity of this concept in modern societies suggests that it still holds relevance and appeal in the present day. Overall, the findings of this study suggest that the concept of a plural society is a significant and enduring feature of human society.

REFERENCES

1. “A Black Byzantium: The Kingdom of Nupe in Nigeria.” London: OUP, 1961; Law, R.C. The Oyo Empire c. 1600-1836: West Africa imperialism in the Era of the Atlantic Slave Trade. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1977.
2. Ade Ajayi, J.F. Christian Mission in Nigeria, 1841-1891: The Making of an Elite. London: Longman, 1965; M.J. Banes. Catholic Pioneers in West Africa. Dublin: Canmore & Reynolds, 1956.
3. Ade Ajayi, J.F. Milestone in Nigerian History. New edition. London: Longman Group HD, 1980, 20-27
4. Afigbo, E.A. “Background to the Aba Women’s Riots of 1929.” Journal of Historical Studies of Nigeria, no. 3, December 1966.
5. Ajayi, J.F. Ade. Milestones in Nigeria History. Op. Cite., 32-36.
6. Atanda, J.A. “The Iseyin-Oke-Iho Riots of 1916: An Example of Socio-political Conflict in Nigeria.” Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria (JHSN) vol. IV, no.4, 1969.
7. Awa, E. Federal Government in Nigeria. Bakley& Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1964. 44.
8. Crowder, Michael. The Story of Nigeria. London: Faber and Faber, 1966. 225.
9. Ezera, Kalu Constitutional Development in Nigeria, 2^nd Cambridge: University Press, 24.
10. Ezera, Kalu. Constitutional Development in Nigeria, 2^nd Op. cit., 165-168; Sir A. Bello. My Life. Cambridge: At the University Press, 1962. 166-118, 134; B. Shawood Smith. But Always as a Friend: Northern Nigeria and Cameroons, 1921-1957. London.
11. Ezera, Kalu. Constitutional Development in Nigeria. Op. cit., 280-282.
12. G. G. Allen & Unwin Ltd, 1969. 262-265.
13. Hallett, R. The Niger Journals of Richard and John Lander. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1965. 44, 51, 56, 57, 96, 103.
14. HARRIS, P.J. Local Government in Southern Nigeria. Cambridge: University Press, 1957, 3;
15. Hodkin, Thomas. Nigeria Perspective: An Historical Anthology. London: OUP, 1960. 22.
16. Hogben, S.J. and A.H.M. Kirk-Greene. The Emirates of Northern Nigeria: A Preliminary Survey of Their Historical Traditions. London: OUP, 1966.
17. Ikime, O. “Anti-Fax Riots in Warri Province 1967-1982.”, Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria (JHSN) vol. III. no. 3, December. 1966.
18. Isichei, E. The Igbo People and the Europeans: The Genesis of a Relationship to 1960. London: Faber and Faber, 1973.
19. Jones, G.I. “From direct to indirect rule in Eastern Nigeria.” Odu, no 2. vol. 2, January 1966.
20. Joseph, R.A. Democracy and Prebendal Politics in Nigeria: The Rise and Fall of the Second Republic. Ibadan: Spectrum Press Ltd., 1991. 24.
21. Meek, C.K. A Sudanese Kingdom: An Ethnographical Study of the Jukun-Speaking People of Nigeria. London: Kegan Paul, 1931; Nadel, S.F.
22. Morel, E.D. Nigeria: Its People and Its Problem. London: John Murray, 1912, 190.
23. Olomola, Isola. Yoruba Civilization before 1900: A Study of Patterns in Inter-State Relations, 339-407.
24. Ryder, A.F. Benin and the Europeans 1485-1897. London: Longman Group 1977.
25. Smith, R. Kingdoms of the Yoruba. London: Methuen, 1969.
26. The Constitutional of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (Promulgation) Decree 1989. 88.
27. Tilman, R.O., and T. Cole, eds. The Nigeria Political Scene. London: Cambridge University Press, 1962, 3.
28. Vandeleur, S. Campaigning in the Upper Nile and Niger. London: Matheun & Co., 1898.