Exploring the Politics of Crime Control: An Emphasis on Liberian Society

Exploring the Politics of Crime Control: An Emphasis on Liberian Society

Ambrues Monboe Nebo Sr.
Adjunct Faculty- Department of Sociology, Anthropology, & Criminology, Prof. Amos C. College of Social Sciences and Humanities, University of Liberia.
Adjunct Faculty- Department of Criminal Justice and Forensic Program, African Methodist Episcopal University, Liberia

Received: 10 March 2023;  Accepted: 15 March 2023; Published: 14 April 2023

ABSTRACT

This study explored the politics of crime control as its conceptual framework. It uses the qualitative method with particular emphasis on content analysis. The data collection was sourced from a relevant literature review comprised of articles, books, journals, and webpages. Putting Liberia in context, the study explains why certain crimes that make major news headlines or stories remain hanging without a logical conclusion for prosecution despite the quantum of evidence that may exist or be available. It attributes the reason to the interest of the state or government. It argues that regardless of the quantum of evidence or pieces of evidence that may be available, the protection of the state interest is more important than the outcome of the prosecution. Thus, the study found that as it relates to certain crimes that make major news headlines or stories the decision for prosecution is politically motivated in which the interest of the state or government must be protected at the expense of society’s expectations that override the prosecution of crime.

The study concludes that the politics of crime control inherently promotes injustice. It violates the legal maxim “Let justice be done to all” or “No one is above the law”. This is because when pieces of evidence are ignored because of the interest of the state, or government, it denies people or victims of their rights to justice.

Keywords: Liberia, Logical conclusion, interest of the state/government, Politics of Crime Control, Prosecution.

INTRODUCTION

Based upon the legal maxim coined by Theodore Roosevelt, “No man is above the law and no man is below it: nor do we ask any man’s permission when we ask him to obey it”. One would expect the prosecution of all crimes regardless of the social status of the accused. On the contrary, observations have empirically proven that certain crimes whether committed by individuals or state security officers that make major news headlines or stories nationally and internationally remain hanging without a logical conclusion for prosecution and if possible are eventually unheard. This reality buttressed by some examples question the application of Theodore Roosevelt’s maxim that also supports the legal maxim that “No one is above the law”. Take a glance at the below examples.

The gruesome murder of Jamal Khashoggi, a US-based journalist, and critic of Saudi Arabia’s government, in the Saudi consulate in Istanbul, Turkey (BBC News, 2021).

The killing of Palestinian-American journalist Shireen Abu Aqlain which the Israeli military concluded that one of its soldiers probably killed her, but called her death unintentional (Gritten, 2022).

In Uganda, the case of one of the leading female opposition members, Zaina Fatuman, was arrested and stripped naked by police officers (Paulat, 2015).

Zimbabwe is another alarming example of crimes that remain hanging without a logical conclusion.  A notable example was the brutal and vicious assault against Godfrey Karembera, alleged gang attacks on opposition leader Nelson Chamisa and assault on another opposition candidate Thokozile Dube (Amnesty International, 2022).

Nigeria seems to be another reference point. In his well researched book entitled ‘Policing and Politics in Nigeria: A Comprehensive History, Akali Omeni documents an ongoing culture of Nigeria’s Police Force abuse and impunity from the colonial era until now, including extrajudicial executions, other unlawful killings, enforced disappearances, and corruption (Curtice, 2022)

The Liberian society is no exception to the above examples. It has and continues to have its own fair share pertaining to certain crimes that make major news headlines or stories, especially the seven day clamor that remained hanging without logical conclusion for prosecution and eventually unheard. For instance, the mysterious death of Harry Greaves, a serious critical champion for cheap electricity against the Ellen Johnson Sirleaf government (Butty, 2019), and prominent lawyer and whistle blower Michael Allison (Butty, 2015) went without a logical conclusion despite demands from the public for an independent investigation on grounds that the foreign pathologist hired by the government was allegedly compromised to protect the interest of the government. Of course, society will question the credibility of the report hired by the government.

The above examples suggest that the failure of the prosecution to reach a logical conclusion explains that some people are above the law. The reason probably unknown to some people in society speaks to the politics of crime control this paper seeks to explore.

Emphasizing the Liberian society as the contextual background, the paper interrogates the politics of crime control answering the core question of why certain crimes that make major news headlines or stories nationally and internationally remain hanging without a logical conclusion for prosecution?

To answer the question in a more academic explanation, this article is structured into three segments. The first segment layouts the conceptual framework of the paper. It briefly clarifies what defines the politics of crime control as a concept and the interest of the state or government. The second segment puts Liberian society in context as it relates to the conceptual framework. It catalogs instances of crimes that remain hanging without any logical conclusion and provides the reasons thereof. The last segment concludes the paper.

METHOD AND MATERIALS

As a way of exploring the topic, this article adopts the qualitative research method with an emphasis on content analysis. The content analysis examines data, images, printed text, sounds, social media, articles, books, journals, and the web mainly to understand what people mean, what people enable, and what the information conveyed by them to a business or society at large (Clootrack, n.d.). In other words, the main reason or objective for adopting content analysis is to help the researcher better understand relevant literature (text/materials), ponder critically, and draw conclusions. Therefore, the paper reviews existing articles, journals, and the web pertaining to the politics of crime control and catalogs some instances of certain criminal cases that remain hanging without logical conclusion for prosecution and are eventually unheard of. The materials were sourced from the internet through the Google Scholar Search Engine and Bielefeld Academic Search Engine.

CONCEPTUAL ANALYSIS OF GOVERNMENT/STATE INTEREST AND THE POLITICS OF CRIME CONTROL

On the premise that the politics of crime control borders on the interest of the state or government, it is imperative to begin the article with the clarification because throughout the writeup it will be used.

State/Government Interest

Premised on the fact that the politics of crime control borders on the interest of the state or government, it is imperative to clarify the interest of the state or government.

As a concept, the interest of the state or government as it relates to the prosecution of crimes is twofold. The first which is legal by law is to ensure the maintenance of internal security by enforcing the law that is so crucial to the stability of society. This interest of the state or government is by law represented by the public prosecutors housed by the Ministry of Justice, Justice Department, or any institutional structures sanctioned by legislation. So, to protect this interest that is germane to public safety, the role of the prosecutor is to work with the police, act impartially, and present the material facts, witnesses, and evidence before the court. If the court verdict favors the side of the prosecutor, it means that the interest of the state or government is protected. As such, the legitimacy of the government remains stronger or strengthened.

On the flip side of the same coin, the second is what society always questioned or criticized because it seems to violate the basic tenets of the rule of law or justice. This means a compelling stateor government interest has the proclivity to override criminal proceedings or prosecutions.

This interest ignores the material facts, witnesses, and evidence, or what a lawyer or legal practitioners would accept as the “quantum of evidence” because of the likelihood to indict or pointing directly at the government or state. It is just like the scenario or common saying “shooting yourself in the leg” In other words, the government through its prosecution team will unlikely proceed with any criminal prosecution if they are fully aware that the evidence will tarnish and eventually undermine its legitimacy. In this case, the interest of the state or government is politically motivated to save the face of the government even though it comes under sharp public criticism.

At the international level, the interest of the state or government which is both political and economic may as well override the urge or campaign to coerce another state to prosecute a crime it allegedly committed. By implication, it promotes impunity. In other words, a government or state that is conspicuously on record for imposing sanctions on some states or governments for gross violation of human rights becomes mute because of the repercussion the sanction will have on its economic interest. So, in the face of forensic pieces of evidence proving beyond a reasonable doubt, a state may close blind eyes to protect its economic interest. A contemporary example can be seen in the Trump administration refusal to respond to a request from Congress to provide a report determining who killed the Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi(BBC News, 2019). Former President Trump is on record to have publicly admitted to being unhappy with the Saudi investigation but also maintained that he could not jeopardize U.S. interest(arms sales to Saudi Arabia) (Reuter Staff, 2018), (Malloy, 2019).

Similarly, the Biden administration failure to act on calls from members of Congress for the FBI to investigate Abu Akleh’s death despite the unequivocal quantum of forensic evidence linking the Israeli military to the crime voluminously speaks to the protection of the US political interest with Israel (The Guardian, 2022).

The Politics of Crime Control

As mentioned in the introduction, this paper takes the politics of crime control as its conceptual framework. The politics of crime control explains the political context of crime. It is premised on the unequivocal assumption that law enforcement or the criminal justice system operates within a political environment. As such, the interest of the state comes into play regarding crime control through prosecution. In paraphrase, Campbell (2019) opines that the politics of crime control as a concept provides insights into how the interest of the state or government determines the prosecution of a certain crime. To articulate the concept in other words, it examines why a certain crime that makes major news headlines or stories remains hanging without a logical conclusion for prosecution. This examination speaks to the vested interest of the state or governmental ready addressed by this paper.

Unlike the criminal justice perspective in which certain crime that makes major news headlines or stories remains hanging without a logical conclusion for prosecution mainly due to lack of sufficient and strong evidence, the politics of crime is not about insufficient evidence. It is simply because the interest of the state or government overshadows the evidence. In other words, the pieces of evidence are there and may be strong enough to proceed with the prosecution but because it is likely to affect the interest of the state, it remains hanging without a logical conclusion for prosecution, and eventually unheard.

The politics of crime control permeates the national level and international levels. At both the national and international levels, the concept speaks to the interest of the state and influential actors of the international system. These influential actors are the shapers of international politics.

The interest that controls crime is political. At the national level, let’s provide a catalog of a few crimes that make major news headlines or stories remain hanging without a logical conclusion for prosecution from different parts of the globe starting with the two cases involving Jamal Khashoggi and Shireen Abu Aqla that make major news headlines at the local and international level.

At the National Level

Jamal Khashoggi Murder in Turkey

It is four years, almost three months since the brutal murder of Jamal Khashoggi, a dissident Saudi journalist and a columnist for the Washington Post in the Saudi consulate in Istanbul, Turkey. The precise date of his murder was on 2 October 2018. Despite the pieces of evidence based on interceptions (signals intelligence) sourced from the US intelligence linking the Saud al-Qahtani as the key mastermind who may have acted on the instruction of Saudi crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, the case remained hanging without a logical conclusion regarding the prosecution of the mastermind of the assassination (Milanovic, 2020). In other words, the Saudi government is yet to establish or bring the case to a logical conclusion as it relates to the prosecution despite the pieces of evidence pointing directly toward Saud al-Qahtani, a top aide for Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman who is also implicated. (Reuter Staff, 2018). As far as research is concerned, the only action came from the very implicated crown prince who sacked Saud al-Qahtani, and four other officials over the killing carried out by a 15-man hit team (Reuter Staff, 2018). With the help of research, it is learned that a year before the killing, the US intelligence agencies intercepted a conversation between the Saudi Crown Prince, Mohammed bin Salman, and a top aide, in which the Prince told the aide that he would ‘use a bullet’ on Khashoggi if he did not return to Saudi Arabia and end his criticism of the government (Milanovic, 2020). In a different intercepted conversation a few days before, with another senior courtier, Saud al-Qahtani–allegedly the supervisor of the 15-man team which later killed Khashoggi–the Prince stated that Khashoggi had grown too influential, that his criticism was tarnishing the Prince’s image, that Saudi Arabia should not care about international reaction to how it handles its own citizens and that he ‘did not like half-measures—he never liked them and did not believe in them(Milanovic, 2020).

Even though the interceptions that could have been processed as pieces of evidence came from US intelligence. However, it could have still questioned the involvement of the crown prince. Interestingly, in no way Saud al-Qahtani could have carried on the killing without instruction from some kind of authority. To prove this assumption, Qahtani once said he would never do anything without his boss’s approval. Moreover, he is on record to have incriminated himself. In verbatim, this is exactly how Saud al-Qahtani incriminated himself. “Do you think I make decisions without guidance? I am an employee and a faithful executor of the orders of my lord the king and my lord the faithful crown prince,” Qahtani tweeted last summer(Reuter Staff, 2018).

The Killing of Shireen Abu Aqlain the occupied West Bank

On 11 May 2022, Shireen Abu Aqla, a Palestinian-American journalist was shot dead while reporting on an Israeli military operation in Jenin, in the occupied West Bank (Berg, 2022). The Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) investigative report based on forensic pieces of evidence including inspection of photos, video, audio material, visitation at the scene, consultation with experts, looked at official communications, and interviews of people who were also on the scenes concluded that “the shots that killed Abu Aqla and injured her colleague Ali Sammoudi came from Israeli security forces and not from indiscriminate firing by armed Palestinians, as initially claimed by Israeli authorities”(UN News, 2022).Therefore, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights has urged the Israeli authorities to open a criminal investigation into the killing of Ms. Abu Akleh and into all other killings and serious injuries by Israeli forces in the West Bank(UN News, 2022). In reaction, the Israeli military concluded that one of its soldiers probably killed her butargued that the experienced television journalist death was unintentional (Gritten, 2022).Granted the shots that killed Ms. Abu Akleh/Aqla, and injured others was unintentional. However, as far as international law is concerned, the action of one of the Israeli Soldiers cannot be swept under the carpet. In other words, unintentional killing is still a criminal offense, precisely involuntary manslaughter that attracts prosecution. So, it begs an answer for a fundamental question of what is holding the Israeli government to bring the case to a logical conclusion for prosecution?

A conspicuous incident in Zimbabwe

On 27 February 2022, a gang allegedly comprising Zanu PF youths attacked Citizens Coalition for Change (CCC) supporters and broke up a hugely attended rally in Kwekwe. The gang allegedly used not only machetes but also beer bottles, iron bars, spears, and bricks to attack supporters while Nelson Chamisa, the leader of the CCC, was giving a speech. At least 1 person died and 17 were injured (Munhende, 2022). On the eve of the CCC rally, Zimbabwe’s Vice President, Constantino Chiwenga warned the CCC, that the ruling ZANU-PF party would “crush the party like lice” (Amnesty International, 2022). Despite calls from the international community to open an impartial, independent, and transparent investigation into this attack, it remains hanging without any logical conclusion for prosecution.

A Conspicuous Incident In Uganda

In 2015, Zaina Fatuma, a member of the Forum for Democratic Change’s (FDC) National Executive Committee, was stripped naked and manhandled while being arrested by police at Kanyaryeru in Kiruhura.

The police had blocked the party’s presidential flag-bearer Dr. Kizza Besigye along the Masaka-Mbarara highway from proceeding to Rukungiri where he was expected to hold a rally(Nyamishana, 2015).

Despite the spread of the video or picture of Ms. Fatuma video or picture on social media that sparked anger against the police from both the opposition and human rights defenders, the state till now has failed to bring the case to a logical conclusion about the misconduct of Police commander Kale Kayihura.

Analysis

A careful analysis of the above examples or incidents of criminal cases at the national level reveals a high level of interest that overshadowed the investigation. Starting with the case of Jamal Khashoggi in which the pieces of evidence clearly accused the Saud al-Qahtani as the mastermind behind the murder that also implicated the crown prince, the protection of the interest of the Saudi government, precisely the crown prince remained important.

Similarly, the case of Shireen Abu Aqla also speaks to the same interest. As mentioned not too long ago, the Israeli military probe established that her death was unintentional by one of its soldiers but at the same failed to hold the soldier accountable criminally for involuntary manslaughter. This is because in law, unintentional killing is a crime that attracts prosecution. On grounds that the soldier’s action was in defense or protection of Israel’s national security interests, any prosecution would have probably had implications for its national security interests. Therefore, at the expense of Ms. Abu Aqla’s death, the government deliberately downplayed the investigation so as to protect its national security interests.

In the case of Zimbabwe, the blatant failure of the police to hold the gang allegedly comprising Zanu PF youths accountable for their criminal conduct may not only validate claims that the gang are members of the Zanu PF ruling party but suggests protection of the government interest. Interestingly, the Vice President’s caution that came on the eve of the attack against the CCC ignored by the police investigation explains too much connection to the attack.

In Uganda, the blatant failure of the Executive under which the police operate to hold the commander accountable for the humiliation of Ms. Fatuma suggests an endorsement from the government. In other words, at the expense of Fatuma’s humiliation, the interest of the state was paramount. This is because prosecuting the officer could send the wrong signals to state security officers that despite their actions supporting the regime’s interest, they cannot be protected.

At the International level

The politics of crime and control also permeate the international level. The interest of the states has the proclivity to suppress investigation despite the unequivocal quantum of evidence. For example, the US which is so conspicuous for its stance on human rights abuses and violations deeply rooted in its foreign policy of liberal democracy that goes with sanctions remains muted despite calls for sanction against the Saudi government.  This is evidenced by the realist posture of former President Donald Trump who admitted hisun happiness with the Saudi investigation but also maintained that he could not jeopardize U.S. arms sales to Saudi Arabia (Reuter Staff, 2018), (Malloy, 2019). The sale of arms to Saudi Arabia speaks to the vested interest of the US. In 2017, U.S. President Donald Trump and Saudi Arabia’s Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud signed a series of letters of intent for the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia to purchase arms from the United States totaling US$110 billion immediately (ABC News, 2017), (Linge, 2017) and $350 billion over 10 years (David, 2017) The deal included tanks, combat ships, missile defense systems, as well as radar, communications, and cybersecurity technology. The Trump regime harbored the fear of Saudi Arabia turning to its competitor China to negotiate a new arms sale deal should it sanction the Saudi crown prince.

Therefore, in the face of the convincing evidence that linked the crown prince to the murder of Jamal, the Trump administration protected its interest. Another related incident of how the political interest of the state overshadows the investigation can be seen in the Biden administration failure to act on calls from members of Congress for the FBI to investigate Abu Akleh’s death despite the unequivocal quantum of forensic evidence linking Israeli military to the crime.

It can be recalled that nearly half of the Democratic members of the Senate signed a letter calling into question Israel’s claim that Abu Akleh was accidentally shot by a soldier. The letter suggests she may have been targeted because she was a journalist (The Guardian, 2022). Interestingly, Secretary of State Antony Blinken met with members of the Abu Akleh family in Washington, D.C., after their request to meet President Joe Biden during his July trip to the Middle East went unanswered. Blinken made no commitments to them other than greater transparency and more direct communication which he promised after the family members noted that they were learning of U.S. statements on the killing from the news, rather than directly from U.S. officials (Speri, 2022).Till now, the realist posture of the Biden administration suggests muteness about the death of one of its citizens.

The Case of Liberia

As the crux of the paper, this segment examines the politics of crime control in Liberia. It categorically asserts that the politics of crime control is no exception to the Liberian society. Like other jurisprudence, the prosecution of crime is political. This is because the criminal justice system especially the police that initiates criminal prosecution through the Ministry of Justice operates under the executive legally saddled with the responsibility of enforcing the laws made by the legislature. As a political body, the interest of the executive enforcing the laws cannot be overlooked. Occasionally, Liberian society has witnessed certain crimes that make major news headlines or stories within seven days and eventually remain hanging without prosecution. Below is a catalog of some noticeable cases or crimes.

The Discovery and confiscation of a Huge Cache of Arms, Ammunition at the Freeport of Monrovia

It is almost two months since the discovery and confiscation of a huge cache of arms and ammunition that not only scared Liberians to death but also shock their moral conscience. According to security sources, the cache of arms included 450 assorted rifles and ammunitions. Descriptively, the rifles are mounted with long-range lance glasses to include M203 launcher gadgets, American-made M16, and AK47,9mm pistols among others (Brooks, 2023). Despite the arrest of persons of interest, Liberians are deeply concerned about the conspicuous momentary silence of the government. Arguably, it now appears to be that this crime just like other crimes committed against the state may remain hanging without a logical conclusion for prosecution.

The July 26 Violence

On 26 July 2022 marking the celebration of Liberia’s 175 Independence Day, several students of the campus-based Vanguard Student Unification Party (SUP) from the University of Liberia through a peaceful protest assembled at the American Embassy in Monrovia to present a petition that called upon the government of President George Manneh Weah to “fix the country”. The students were attacked by a counter-protest staged by a pro-government group under the banner of the Congress for Democratic Change Council of Patriots (CDC- COP). During the attack live on Facebook, Christopher Walter Sisulu Sivili, a student protester was slapped several times, stoned, beaten, tortured, and partially stripped naked, all on camera by the CDC-COP members (Daily Observer, 2022).

A week following the violent attack against peaceful protesters, the LNP arrested and subsequently sent to the Monrovia City Court the seven persons charged with multiple offenses ranging from attempted murder, aggravated assault, criminal mischief, criminal conspiracy, theft, rioting, failure to disperse, and disorderly conduct for their complicity(Wea, 2022).The crimes violate chapter 10, section 10.1, chapter 14.15, subchapter A section 15.5, chapter 10.4, chapter 15, sub-chapter D Section 15.51, chapter 17, section 17.1, and chapter 17, section 17.3, of the revised penal law. The seven suspects were released on bail. Since then, it is now six months gone without a logical conclusion.

Deputy Police Commander Alexander B. Saye

On 27 November2020, Deputy Police Commander Alexander B. Saye for Region 2, was reported to have been allegedly murdered by the National Security Agency (NSA) county commander, Sampson Pennue in Grand Gedeh County. In accordance with Chapter 14 Sub-chapter A, Section 14.1 of the Revised Penal Code of the Republic of Liberia for having “criminally” and “intentionally” “shooting” and “causing bodily injury on the person of victim Alexander B. Saye with a 9mm pistol thus, resulting to his death, the suspect was charged with murder. Despite murder being non-bailable under the laws of Liberia, the suspect was released from prison on bail. Controversially, the Solicitor General Cllr. Symah Cyrenius Cephas was accused to have engineered the suspect release from prison (Browne, 2021). Since then, the case remains hanging without a logical conclusion for prosecution. Interestingly, the Liberia National Police (LNP) which should be pushing on behalf of the family to resurrect the case remain conspicuously wordless.

Two But Similar Cases

On 5^thJune 2019, a bus and a pick-up full of well-armed the Police Support Unit (PSU) and Emergency Response Unit (ERU), elite units of the Liberia National Police surrounded the home of Representative Yekeh Kolubah, an uncompromising critic of President George Weah and his government. According to the LNP, the lawmaker was invited to respond to an allegation of ordering his bodyguards to torture and flog a private citizen identified as Emmanuel Freeman. Interestingly, five persons including the lawmaker who was not originally charged by the LNP were indicted by the Grand Jurors for Montserrado County (Dodoo, 2019).

Similar to the case of Representative Yekeh Kolubah, the LNP failed to go after Representative Moses Acarous Gray, a staunch member of the ruling political party, who has been at the center of public discussions in recent times for allegedly ordering the beating of Mr. Joseph Boye Cooper, a businessman and threatening to close down his business. (Dodoo, 2019). According to the LNP, it was also established from eyewitnesses’ accounts including staff of the bar that at no time during the argument did Rep. Gray order the flogging of Mr. Cooper. Interestingly, the LNP investigation revealed that while Rep. Gray and Cooper were in a verbal exchange, suspect Jugbe, a resident of the Capitol By-pass community, confronted Mr. Cooper to tune down his voice because he was speaking to an “honorable man”. The LNP investigation further maintained that the suspect does not work for Rep. Gray. At the end of the day, the LNP came under heavy criticism for its partiality in handling the two but similar cases (Dodoo, 2019). Many wondered why the LNP vindicated Rep. Graywhen he and Rep. Kolubah were accused of ordering their bodyguards to beat two private citizens. And why the court indicted Rep. Kolubah who was not officially charged by the LNP.

Election Campaign Violence in Montserrado District#13

On 17^th November 2018, Monrovia City Cooperation Mayor Jefferson Koijee was of leading a group of gangs that reportedly sparked violence which left several people injured and others hospitalized (New Republic, 2018). According to the story, supporters of Unity Party’s (UP) District#13 representative candidate Cornelia Krua and John J. Weah, representative candidate of the governing Coalition for Democratic Change (CDC), clashed over the weekend on the climax of their campaign rallies leading to Tuesday’s vote (New Republic, 2018).

Based upon an official complaint from Cornelia Krua, Mayor Koijee, a staunch member of the ruling political party despite several attempts failed to appear before the LNP. Eventually, the case remains on the docket with a logical conclusion for prosecution.

LD19 Million Check-Recycling Scandal

History reflects the LD19 million dollar check-recycling scandal discovered at the Central Bank of Liberia between 2008-2009. Although some employees were reportedly suspended after the investigation and a probe into the scandal was promised (Foeday, 2009). Till now the case remains hanging without a logical conclusion for prosecution. Considering the time interval, this case must have probably reached the statute of limitations for criminal prosecution under Liberian law.

The LD22 million dollars Scandal at the Ministry of Finance

History also recalls the disappearance of the LD22 million dollars at the Ministry of Finance for Development Planning formerly the Ministry of Finance. Interestingly, the accused, Mr. Yonly, was reportedly dismissed by the Finance Ministry but rehired by the Ellen Government to work with the Ministry of Public Works (Foeday, 2009). Just like in other cases, logical conclusion for prosecution remains hanging. Again, looking at the time interval, this case must have probably reached the statute of limitation for criminal prosecution under Liberian law.

Analysis of The Cases Cataloged

With close reference to the above cases of crimes cataloged from the Liberia context, it is easy to discern the interests of the government. Arguably, it is not because of what may be perceived as insufficient evidence or lack of pieces of evidence that explain the reasons behind the hanging of these cases without logical conclusion for prosecution. Granted, the interests of the government in these cases are not explicitly mentioned in this article. However, what cannot be denied as the reasons behind the hanging of these crimes that top major news headlines without criminal prosecution speak to the protection of the interests of the government as far as the politics of crime control is concerned.

CONCLUSION

Arguably established in this article, the politics of crime control inherently promote injustice. It violates the legal maxim “Let justice be done to all” or “No one is above the law”. This is because when pieces of evidence are ignored because of the interest of the state, or government, it denies people or victims justice. In other words, what seems to matter most is the interest of the state or government. If it is okay with the interest of the state or government, there will be a logical conclusion for a given prosecution. Conversely, if the interest of the government risks being affected, it is unlikely to proceed with the prosecution. Moreover, no government will want to shoot itself in the legs. It will rather protect its interest at the expense of the public reaction.

Finally, the politics of crime control will continue to permeate society as long as the criminal justice system responsible for prosecution is operating in a polarized political environment.

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21. Munhende, L. (2022) One Dead, 17 Injured as Violent Zanu-PF Militia Attacks Chamisa Supporters. https://allafrica.com/stories/202202280155.html
22. Malloy, A. (2019) Trump says he is ‘extremely angry’ about Khashoggi murder, but defends MBS relationship https://edition.cnn.com/2019/06/29/politics/trump-khashoggi-bin-salman/index.html
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ABOUT THE AUTHORS

Ambrues Monboe Nebo Sr.

Ambrues Monboe Nebo Sr. is an adjunct faculty member in the Department of Political Science, University of Liberia. Department of Sociology, African Methodist Episcopal University, Criminal Justice Department, Adventist University of West Africa. He is also reviewer for the International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science (IJRISS). He has excelled in academics with a wealth of experience.

Doctorate of Sociology (D.Scs.) with major in Sociology from Atlantic International University (AIU), Hawaii, USA. MSc in the top 5 % of the graduating Class in Peace and Conflict Studies with emphasis in Humanitarian and Refugee Studies form the prestigious University of Ibadan, Federal Republic of Nigeria. Post Graduate Certificate with distinction in Public Administration from Ghana Institute of Management and Public Administration Ghana. Bachelor of Arts (Magna Cum Laude) in Sociology from African Methodist Episcopal Zion University College in Liberia, A graduate of Liberia National Police Academy and Training School formerly National Police Training Academy and obtained various Certificates in peacekeeping operations from the Kofi Anna International Peacekeeping Training Centre in Ghana. Professionally, he is a senior police officer of the Liberia National Police with 18 years of experience in Training and Administration.

He has authored four books namely:

1. The Politicization of the Criminal Justice System: A Liberian Perspective‟ available at https://www.amazon.com/Politicization-Criminal-JusticeSystem-Socio-Political/dp/6139445337 and More books shop.
2. The Wave of Protests Leading to Regimes Change in Africa: A Sociological Perspective available at https://www.amazon.co.uk/dp/9975153461
3. Introduction to Liberia Criminal Justice System: A Concise Edition available at https://www.morebooks.de/store/us/book/introduction-toliberia-criminal-justice-system/isbn/978-620-3-04123-1
4. Liberian Society in Focus: An Introduction to Sociology available at: https://www.amazon.fr/LIBERIAN-SOCIETY-FOCUS-INTRODUCTION-SOCIOLOGY/dp/1639024425https://libroterra.com/shop/social-science/liberian-society-in-focus-an-introduction-to-sociology/

He has authored a dozen of articles dealing with contemporary issues in Africa and Liberia that can be accessed online at https://neboambrues.academia.edu and ResearchGate.