Indigenous Communication Practices: An Exploration of Traditional Modes Among the Vedda in Dambana, Sri Lanka

Indigenous Communication Practices: An Exploration of Traditional Modes among the Vedda in Dambana, Sri Lanka

Dr. R. A. D. Priyanka Weerasekara

Senior Lecturer, Department of Communication and Creative Arts, University of Colombo

DOI: https://dx.doi.org/10.47772/IJRISS.2025.9010100

Received: 30 December 2024; Accepted: 03 January 2025; Published: 04 February 2025

ABSTRACT

This paper examines the indigenous communication practices of the Vedda community in Dambana, Sri Lanka, with a particular focus on their traditional methods of communication. Communication, in general, refers to the process of transmitting messages from one person to another. Traditional communication methods hold significant importance in empowering indigenous populations across the globe. Scholars and researchers in communication studies have characterized these methods in various ways. Often termed traditional media, indigenous communication systems, folk communication, alternative media, group media, or low-cost media, these methods serve as powerful tools for empowering rural, marginalized, and indigenous communities, as well as grassroots organizations within society.There is a close connection between folk media and the creativity of the people. Creativity, interactivity, and liveliness are the unique characteristics of this medium. Indigenous communities, such as the Vedda, often depend on various forms of traditional folk communication in their daily lives, which reflect their socio-cultural, moral, and spiritual values and beliefs. The Vedda, as an aboriginal group in Sri Lanka, possess a rich cultural heritage. Until a few decades ago, they lived a simple life in close harmony with nature.  Modern communities can learn a great deal from this tribal group, including their language, rituals, indigenous knowledge, and traditions. This knowledge has been preserved and transmitted through traditional methods, primarily oral communication, and passed down from generation to generation. The research employs a qualitative methodology, utilizing the Participant Observation Method for data analysis. Unstructured, in-depth interviews are conducted to collect the data.

Keywords – Aboriginals, Falk Communication, Indigenous Communication, Rituals, Vedda.

INTRODUCTION

“Traditional folk media is any form of endogenous communication system, which by virtue of its origin from, and integration into a specific culture, serves as a channel for messages in a way and manner that requires the utilisation of the values, symbols, institutions, and ethos of the host culture through its unique qualities and attributes” (Allchin, 1959).

Radio, television, newspapers, and books are among the most prominent methods for transmitting appropriate technology information to large audiences. Significant time and resources have been invested in utilizing these modern communication channels to reach technology users. However, alongside these modern systems, there exists a traditional form of communication known as the indigenous information exchange system.

Oral media refers to the traditional or indigenous forms of communication. Unlike newspapers, radio,or extension organizations, this form of communication takes place within families, at village meetings, in marketplaces, or near communal wells. It is often informal, unorganized, interpersonal, and oral rather than written. Additionally, it is locally controlled and typically involves little to no technology. This multi-channel communication system has long been a cornerstone of rural life. Indigenous communication encompasses the transmission of entertainment, news, persuasion, announcements, and a variety of social exchanges (Allchin, 1959).

Traditional modes of communication are highly convenient and versatile form of interaction, existing in various forms across the world and often known by different names in different regions. These modes typically encompass people’s performances and cultural expressions. They are highly effective, as they not only connect individuals with their heritage but also help revive and preserve lost aspects of a society’s culture. Traditional communication serves as a vital language of expression for local communities, offering opportunities for people to voice their opinions on a wide range of issues. Overall, traditional modes of communication are powerful tools for fostering dialogue and promoting communication at the grassroots level in any society.Before the advent of writing, oral tradition was humanity’s primary and most essential form of communication. As Aryal (2009) observed, oral tradition is as old as humanity itself; before the invention of writing, information was transmitted from one generation to the next through spoken words. Even today, many communities around the world continue to use oral traditions to preserve and share their knowledge and wisdom. Verbal communication has enabled oral traditions to facilitate and support a wide range of social and physical activities in human societies. Despite the rise of modern literacy and the proliferation of communication technologies like the internet, oral tradition remains a resilient and vital mode of cultural transmission.

Oral tradition is often associated with societies that either lack a written script or have one but still rely heavily on oral transmission. It has been defined in various ways. Oral tradition can be understood as a means of preserving and transmitting messages from the past while serving as living documents of the present. According to Rosenburg oral tradition is the transmission of cultural items from one member to another, or others (Aryal, 2009). Those items are heard, stored in memory, and, when appropriate, recalled at the moment of subsequent transmission. Aryal (2009) further notes that oral tradition refers to the process of transmitting facts from one individual to another through oral messages based on previous information. Therefore, oral tradition can be seen as a method of passing down a wide range of knowledge, wisdom, morals, norms, customs, beliefs, and practices, as well as other cultural elements intrinsic to a society, from one generation to the next. Oral tradition can also be broadly categorized into three groups: societal, village, and clan or domestic groups.

The social customs of indigenous societies are predominantly passed down through oral communication. This process involves various forms of expression, such as songs, poetry, couplets, theater, storytelling, narration, hands-on training, apprenticeships, and socialization. Within oral traditions, the communicator serves as the central figure in transmitting knowledge. In many oral-based societies, the responsibility for preserving and conveying social customs and norms often rests with the elders of the community, clan, lineage, or family groups. These elders, regarded as the custodians and protectors of communal wisdom and knowledge, are held in high esteem. Through their guidance, the social structure is maintained, shaping the nature and dynamics of social interactions and relationships within the society (Stringer, Chris., Clives Gamble, 1993).

The Vedda language is one of the indigenous languages known for its rich cultural uniqueness and variations. The language, along with the rituals, indigenous knowledge, and traditions of the Vedda people, has been passed down orally from generation to generation. Like other indigenous communities, the Vedda rely exclusively on oral tradition to convey their ideas, knowledge, and experiences. Like most indigenous peoples around the world, the Vedda community communicates their knowledge, customs, and traditions through traditional modes of communication, primarily relying on verbal transmission from generation to generation.

MATERIALS AND METHODS

This research follows a qualitative methodology. Data were collected through participant observation and unstructured interviews. Selected books, articles, and records related to the topic were used as secondary data sources.

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

Human beings are inherently ingenious communicators. Skilled communicators know how to use various channels to transmit a multiplicity of messages to large audiences. However, effective communicators understand that the most important aspect of communication lies in listening. Therefore, effective communication is an iterative process between individuals who seek to share their knowledge and information with others, while also listening to what others have to say.

The Veddas are an indigenous community group in Sri Lanka and are among the oldest folk groups among the world’s aboriginal populations. Many scholars have pointed out that the ethnic groups have a historically distinct lifestyle. Specific traditional knowledge can be found among the Veddas, particularly in their beliefs and customs based on nature. Currently, the Dambana Vedda village has become a popular tourist destination. Therefore, modern electronic media and technology have had a significant impact on their traditional lifestyle. Contemporary Veddas in Sri Lanka have received considerable attention from scholars as well as the general public for several reasons. Intellectual interest has initially focused on physical and cultural anthropology, ethnology, archaeology, history, and folklore.

The first Western account of Vedda community was published by Robert Knox in 1681; ‘An Historical Relation of the Island of Ceylon’. A significant classical study of Vedda has been done by C.G. Seligmann and B.Z. Seligmann in 1911; ‘The Veddas’. The existences of an indigenous people of Sri Lanka called the Veddas have been recorded in the ancient palm leaf chronicle Mahavamsa. In Pali ‘Viyaadha’ means: hunter with bow and arrow’ and it is considered to be the word from which the Sinhala term Vedda is derived (Sorata,op,cit.: 833). Currently the people refer to themselves as Vanniyaletto which means forest or nature inhabitants.

According to archaeological evidence, the Veddas in Sri Lanka have been regarded as the indigenous inhabitants of Sri Lanka who preserved a direct line of descent from the island’s original Neolithic Community, ‘The Balangoda Man’ dating from at least 16,000 BC, probably far earlier. This evidence prove that the Veddas were living in most parts of the island before arrival of the Aryans. Vanniyaletto also believe that their clan existed even before the era of Lord Buddha, and they belong to a clan called ‘Yakkha’. Further they supposed that after the entering of prince Vijaya into this island, he decimated Vedda and one of their great grandfathers named God ‘Kalubandara’ escaped and hid in the forest and their generation descended from him (Geiger,1950).

Traditional modes of communication are deeply rooted beliefs, customs, and rituals practiced by indigenous people around the world. These practices have a long history. Traditional media represents a form of communication that incorporates vocal, verbal, and visual folk-art forms passed down through generations within societies or groups of people. The most popular forms of traditional communication include folk dances, which are characterized by elegance, vibrancy, grace, and sometimes a melancholic tone. Folk dance embodies the cultural essence of rural drama and the musical diversity of village communities. These performing arts serve as cultural symbols for the people. Traditional folk dances are a perfect blend of folk music and folk tales, allowing people to convey messages in an effective and impactful manner. Each region has its own unique folk music and dance forms. The lyrics of folk songs are often poignant, reflecting the struggles of the people and addressing issues with the government and officials. In many areas, folk dances are strategically used during election campaigns to influence and persuade the public. Folk media is closely linked to folklore, although they differ in nature. Folklore includes a wide range of formats, such as legends, folk tales, jokes, proverbs, riddles, chants, costumes, dances, dramas, songs, folk medicine, and wall writings (Aryal, 2009).

The some of the main characteristics of traditional modes of communication:

1. The entire cultural group participates in the activities.
2. Folk media operates with materials that are available locally and in quantity that is needed by them.
3. Skills required for operations of folk media does not require formal training.
4. Since there is participation of all in hence the criteria of quality and quantity participation becomes immaterial.
5. The people in the group are responsible for spreading of information.
6. The finance is not the criteria in operations of folk media and there is no system of copyrights in the operations.
7. Traditional mode of communication is mostly anonymous.
8. The work of the folk media is restricted to specific occasions and audience.

Folk media are indigenous means of communication, with folk performing art forms being utilized for moral, religious, and socio-political purposes since their inception. According to Gurung & Joshi (2005), traditional honey hunting is an essential practice for several groups, including the Rajas of Nepal and the Kurumba of South India. In the Hindu Kush Himalayan region, over 50% of the total honey yield is collected primarily by honey hunters from wild honeybees. In Nepal, honey hunting is not only economically important but also holds spiritual, cultural, and social significance. However, these spiritual, cultural, and social values are gradually declining. Across the globe, particularly in Asian and Pacific countries, various indigenous communities employ different types of traditional folk communication to address issues and meet daily needs based on their socio-cultural and spiritual practices, values, and beliefs. In the Sri Lankan context, people use traditional folk communication to meet their socio-economic, cultural, and spiritual needs in daily life.

Most tribal communities around the world, including the indigenous Veddas, depend mainly on the jungle for their survival. The Veddas were originally hunter-gatherers. They used bows and arrows to hunt game silently, as well as harpoons and toxic plants for fishing. They also gathered wild plants, yams, honey, fruit, and nuts. Many Veddas also practice farming, particularly chena cultivation, where they grow kurakkan, rice, and other grains. The majority of Veddas live in Uva Province, Central Province, North Central Province, and the Eastern Province of Sri Lanka. Traditionally, they engage in animal hunting, fishing, and bee hunting. They roamed the forests and bush country of Sri Lanka, foraging for edible wild plants and fruits and using axes and bows and arrows to hunt animals (Seligmann,1911).

Veddas have traditionally lived in settled villages or temporary settlements, or sometimes both. Most live in wattle-and-daub huts, which are not very different from those used by Sinhalese and Tamils. By the time they were studied, most Veddas had settled and were practicing slash-and-burn agriculture. They grow many of the same crops as Sinhalese and Tamil Sri Lankans, and keep water buffalo, goats, chickens, and dogs. The coastal Veddas fish using nets from outrigger canoes, with prawns being their primary catch. The Bintenne Veddas were the most accomplished hunters. They made their own hunting tools, including bows, arrows, spears, and axes. By 1900, they were using metal for axe heads, arrowheads, and spears, which they obtained through barter. Later, they adopted the use of guns. Brow (1978) also highlight that although the Veddas are the aboriginal people of Sri Lanka, some similarities can be identified between the Sinhalese majority and the Veddas in terms of rituals, rites, folk media, and other cultural practices (Brow,1978).

According to the Seligmann, (1911) Bintenne Veddas lived both in permanent villages of up to forty families and in temporary settlements, near their cultivation plots, which contained Between one and five families of varying size. The Anuradhapura Veddas occupy thirty -two villages and fourteen satellite hamlets that are scattered among the much more numerous Sinhalese villages in the region. In 1970 their largest village had a population of five hundred fifty-five. Their settlement pattern is like that of the local Sinhalese, the core of the village being a cluster of houses built close to the village reservoir. The Coast Veddas live in small villages near the sea consisting of a cluster of compounds with two or three houses to a compound. Some of the Bintenne Veddas are reported to have been cave dwellers formerly, but by the Seligmann’ time they were mostly living in huts made of wattle and daub or in more temporary shelters consisting of a wooden frame covered with animal skins, bark, and/or leaves. The Anuradhapura Veddas live in wattle-and-daub houses with floors of packed earth. Coast Vedda houses are simple huts made of plaited palm. Some Veddas have Recently received government-subsidized housing built of brick and plaster with concrete floors and tin roofs. Men do most of the agricultural work, especially in paddy cultivation, while women gather wild foods firewood, cook, care for children, tend domestic gardens, and assist in shifting cultivation and harvesting paddy. Among the Coast Veddas men do most of the fishing. Both male and female Veddas engage in wage labour. Occupational specialization and economic differentiation between households are not pronounced.

Everyday social life in Vedda villages is still largely governed by norms of kinship, although recourse is also made to state officials, and the policy are a more frequent presence than in the past. Sorcery accusations can also act as an informal means of social control. Competition between kin- based factions has long been a prominent feature of village life. The Coast Veddas usually participate in local politics as subordinate members of Tamil-led factions. Today factional struggles typically appear in the guise of conflict between the local branches of the national political parties and focus on the distribution of welfare and development resources.

Similarly to most indigenous people around the world, the main ritual of the Vedda community is the worship of ancestral gods (Ne Yakun) to prevent and cure diseases and injuries in their daily lives. The Veddas honor their ancestral gods through ritualistic performances accompanied by dance and music. The Hakma dance, Kirikora dance, and Hangala dance are the primary rituals of the Vedda community. These performances are conducted to ward off diseases, ensure successful hunting, secure a bountiful harvest of honey, and protect their chena cultivation from wild animals. In addition to these main rituals, mantras are chanxted to repel the evil influences of demons. Apart from the rituals related to the Veddas’ occupations, folk ceremonies and dances, such as Hakma or Hathme and Kiri Koraha, are performed to obtain prosperity and blessings from the gods and spirits. The main purposes of the Kiri Koraha are to protect cattle from diseases, to safeguard people from infections and illnesses, and to ensure the safety of people during hunting, fishing, and farming. Hakma is performed in honor of God Kalu Bandara, one of the Vedda ancestors who passed away many years ago. The Hakma dance is regarded as the oldest and most significant ritual in Vedda society. It is performed annually over the course of two days.The main purpose of this ritual is to protect the community and wild animals from diseases and to acquire a bountiful harvest in bee honey. The Hangala dance is also a ritualistic performance performed to invoke blessings and ward off diseases. Kiri Koraha is a ritualistic dance practiced by the Veddas to seek blessings from gods such as Kukulapola Kiri Amma and Unapotha Kiri Amma. It aims to increase hunting success and protect cows and newborn babies from diseases. In this ritual, the Veddas dance around a clay pot, or koraha, filled with coconut milk extracted from scraped coconut. This bowl is placed on a temporary wooden stand called a yahana. While dancing, the chief priest chants mantras, and a drummer plays the Daul (a drum) in sync with the dance. The community then invites all the nayakuns to the yahana. It is believed that the priest becomes possessed once they approach the yahana. This performance takes place in an open area.

However, due to the popularity of this ritual, the Veddas now perform it on stage along with other performances, which are largely commercially driven. For example, the Kiri Koraha ritual is currently performed across the country as a way of promoting Vedda culture. These ceremonies are mainly conducted to seek blessings from Nā yakku (deceased relatives), devils, kiri ammas, and nachchila (grandmothers).

Today, the majority of Veddas in Dambana are Buddhists, though they used to worship ancestors as Nā yakku. According to Seligmann (1911), the Bintenne Veddas, traditionally the most isolated group, worshiped the spirits of deceased relatives, demons, and spirits associated with trees, mountains, and thunderstorms. They used drum rituals to appease these spirits.

The Coastal Veddas live close to Tamils have adopted many Hindu beliefs. According to James Brow (1978) The Anuradhapura Veddas live close to Sinhalese and have adopted many Buddhist beliefs. Veddas also perform exorcisms and have festivals honouring village gods. Many of their myths and rites have been absorbed into late medieval popular Sinhala folklore. James Brow and Michael Woost wrote in the “Encyclopaedia of World Cultures: the religious beliefs of the Veddas” overlap considerably with those of Sinhalese villagers, who are predominantly Buddhists, and with those of Tamil villagers, who are mostly Hindus. All worship a hierarchical pantheon of deities, to whom offerings are made in the hope of gaining favours or relief from suffering. As described by the Seligmann, the Bintenne Veddas had no knowledge of Buddhism. Their religion was apparently based on worship of recently deceased ancestors, various local demons, and other minor gods. In contrast, the Anuradhapura Veddas describe themselves as Buddhists, although their participation in Buddhist rites is infrequent. The Coast Veddas are more influenced by their Hindu Tamil neighbours and engage in various forms of temple worship associated with Hindu deities, as well as propitiating local deities and demon spirits. The pantheon extends from locally resident spirits and demons whose disposition is generally malevolent to powerful and benevolent, but more remote, major gods. For those who profess Buddhism, these major gods themselves derive their authority from the Buddha. The most important high gods for the Anuradhapura Veddas are Kataragama and Pulleyar. For the Coast Veddas they are Shiva, Murugan, Pillaiyar, and Valli. The Bintenne Veddas cut off the hierarchy at a lower level and attend only to more localized gods, demons, and ancestor spirits, although a few also worship the high god Kataragama (Brow, J., Michael Woost, 1992). Among the Anuradhapura and Bintenne Veddas one of the most important religious practitioners is the kapurala, who intercedes with a god on behalf of his fellow villagers. Among the Anuradhapura Veddas there is also the anumatirala, who becomes possessed by a minor god or demon and performs exorcisms. Specialized religious practitioners are rare among the Coast Veddas. The Bintenne Veddas engage in many different ceremonial dances in which a specialized practitioner becomes possessed by a god or demon. These dances are always a part of an exorcism or an attempt to procure favours or information from the spirit being. The Anuradhapura Veddas hold an annual ceremony at which offerings are made collectively to the village’s tutelary deity and ther ceremonies, such as exorcisms, are organized by individual households. The Coast Veddas observe the Hindu festival calendar, but their most important rituals are locally organized possession ceremonies, which are conducted jointly by all concerned Vedda villagers. Personal rites of propitiation and protection are also common among all groups of Veddas. Ritual performances, especially possession Ceremonies that include dancing, chanting, instrumental music making, and the construction of temporary shrines, provide some of the principal occasions for artistic expression among all Vedda groups. The plastic arts are otherwise little emphasized beyond acts of individual decoration. The Seligmann (1911) noted that the Bintenne Veddas were once adept at making artifacts and utensils from animal skins and engaged in rock and cave drawings. Among the Anuradhapura and Coast Veddas, beliefs and practices regarding death are shaped by Buddhist and Hindu concepts of karma, reincarnation, and the transmigration of souls. The Bintenne and the Coast Veddas also practice rituals to propitiate and communicate with recently deceased ancestors who are believed to be able to influence events in the present life (Brow, 1978).

This shows that Veddas have rich cultural values, practices, identities unique to themselves such as rite and rituals, language and traditional knowledge. The religious beliefs and rituals of Vedda are mainly based on the yakhu (demon) and cult of the dead and spirits. Kande Yakka (demon of the mountain) is mainly worshiped by Veddas to get the blessings for hunting. NaeYakku (ancestor worshipping) is also quite popular among Veddas. The purpose of worshiping ancestors is to obtain prosperity, get rid of diseases, pandemics etc. When it comes to bee hunting, rite and rituals are also practiced by Veddas. The “Dolayak Ceremony”, “Rahuyak Ceremony” are conducted to obtain the blessings from the god to get more honey harvest. These ceremonies are done by offering pooja to Gods while doing traditional dancing and singing. Mantras are also used to protect the honey collectors from the insects (honey mantra). Same as in bee hunting, animal hunting and fishing, rituals are done to increase the harvest in the paddy and chena cultivation. Veddas make a worship to gods and devils to offer a portion of crops after getting the harvest in April. This ritual is called yale kariya.

Vedda day to day life for their food they use to have honey, meat, and fish. Bee honey is mainly used for many diseases including malnutrition, wounds and so on. Traditional kind of medications are used for bear bite, snake bite etc. during hunting. For an example, using an anti-venom stone and several leaves such as Neem leaves (kohomba), Devil leaves (Ruk Attatana). This shows that Veddas use available resources, beliefs, practices for the needs and issues faced in the day-to-day life. Not only the believes, the customs and culture of Veddas are also communicate their own identity. Among the Anuradhapura Veddas approximately 15% of marriages are between first cross cousins. The percentage is lower among the Coast Veddas, who also intermarry with outsiders more frequently than do the Anuradhapura Veddas. Almost all marriages within all three groups of Veddas are monogamous. The independent family household is the ideal. Most newly married couples, however, live for a while either in or close to the household of one of their Parents. The Vedda marriage ceremony is a very simple affair. The ritual consists of the bride tying a bark rope (Diya Lanuva) of her own twisting, around the waist of the bridegroom. This is the essence of the Vedda marriage and is symbolic of the bride s acceptance of the man as her mate and life partner. Although marriage between cross-cousins was the norm until recently, this has changed significantly, with Vedda women even contracting marriages with their Sinhalese neighbours. These cultural values, traditions and knowledge of Veddas’ have been verbally transmitted from generation to generation using by the trditional mode of communication.

CONCLUSION

Language is the most powerful tool in communication, and the social existence of human societies depends on it. Through verbal, written, or non-verbal communication, daily life is conducted with minimal confusion. Communication is as real as the social actors who make up society, and their interactions are based on it. It is an essential ingredient for maintaining societal function and enabling social actors to perform various tasks. The key issue lies in the use of spoken language as the primary mode of communication.

Without, language, meaningful communication between individuals becomes incomprehensible. Language is deeply connected to the human mind. Language plays a significant role in traditional modes of communication, as it is a unique identifier of any culture. The cultural differences, variances, and uniqueness of a particular society or group can be identified through the slang and jargon of their language. Similarly, language, along with its slang and jargon, can vary from community to community and region to region. The Vedda community also has a unique language, which serves as a key symbol of their identity (Silva, 1964).

The Vedda language is one of the indigenous languages rich in cultural uniqueness and variation. The language, rituals, indigenous knowledge, and traditions of the Veddas have been passed down orally from generation to generation. Like other indigenous communities, the Vedda community relies solely on oral tradition to communicate their ideas, knowledge, and experiences. Modern communities can learn a great deal from this tribal group, including their language, rituals, indigenous knowledge, and traditions. Oral tradition transmits the socio-cultural repository of societies from generation to generation, relying on a spoken language or dialect as its primary mode of communication. This verbal mode can take various forms, including recitation, couplets, poetry, theater, narration, and socialization. The socio-cultural repository is represented within the social framework, which serves as a guiding principle for social interactions, relationships, and activities within societies. Hence, The social framework is the fundamental principle that underpins the survival of tribal and indigenous invaluable culture, knowledge and their traditions.

ACKNOWLEDGMENT

I am deeply grateful to the current chief of the Vanniyaletto clan and all the members of the Vanniyaletto tribe for their valuable contributions to the success of this research. Through my field experience, I came to appreciate your enthusiastic hospitality and wisdom. Without any effort on my part, you all recognized the seriousness of my work and provided me with invaluable support for the success of this research. I am proud to have indigenous people like you in our country

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